Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

This contribution to the Korean Development Institute's Knowledge Brief series contextualises and analyses the German Federal Ministry for Economic Co-Operation and Development's reform plan, as published in January 2026.

This contribution to the Korean Development Institute's Knowledge Brief series contextualises and analyses the German Federal Ministry for Economic Co-Operation and Development's reform plan, as published in January 2026.

SOEP-Befragung zu sozialen Medien: Rund 90 Prozent sehen Risiken für Kinder und Jugendliche – Nutzungsverbot wird aber nur bis zwölf Jahre befürwortet, nicht bis 16 Jahre – Große Unterstützung für mehr Medienkompetenz, elterliche Begleitung und Plattformregulierung Eine große Mehrheit der ...

Access to critical raw materials (CRMs) is increasingly shaped by geopolitical dynamics, sparking a global competition for supply security. Using the gravity model of trade, we examine how OECD countries leverage Aid for Trade (AfT), Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), and Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) to influence CRM imports from developing countries. Panel data from 1995–2023 show that while intensive-margin effects of North-South PTAs appear economically negligible in the global trade equilibrium, these agreements play a strategic role in facilitating market entry and shaping supply-chain geography. Our results underscore that a coordinated mix of trade diplomacy, investment frameworks, and targeted aid is key to resilient and diversified CRM access for OECD countries.

Access to critical raw materials (CRMs) is increasingly shaped by geopolitical dynamics, sparking a global competition for supply security. Using the gravity model of trade, we examine how OECD countries leverage Aid for Trade (AfT), Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), and Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) to influence CRM imports from developing countries. Panel data from 1995–2023 show that while intensive-margin effects of North-South PTAs appear economically negligible in the global trade equilibrium, these agreements play a strategic role in facilitating market entry and shaping supply-chain geography. Our results underscore that a coordinated mix of trade diplomacy, investment frameworks, and targeted aid is key to resilient and diversified CRM access for OECD countries.

Access to critical raw materials (CRMs) is increasingly shaped by geopolitical dynamics, sparking a global competition for supply security. Using the gravity model of trade, we examine how OECD countries leverage Aid for Trade (AfT), Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), and Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) to influence CRM imports from developing countries. Panel data from 1995–2023 show that while intensive-margin effects of North-South PTAs appear economically negligible in the global trade equilibrium, these agreements play a strategic role in facilitating market entry and shaping supply-chain geography. Our results underscore that a coordinated mix of trade diplomacy, investment frameworks, and targeted aid is key to resilient and diversified CRM access for OECD countries.

Eine Beziehung mit einem Narzissten beginnt wie ein Traum und endet oft mit Tränen. Professor Žarko Trebješanin erklärt, warum Narzissten vor Liebe fliehen und wie ihre toxischen Muster entstehen.

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IPI, together with the Permanent Mission of Japan to the United Nations, co-hosted a public discussion on “Peace Operations and Peacebuilding: Supporting Effective UN Transitions for Sustaining Peace” on March 3rd.

Mission transitions represent an important opportunity for the UN to reconfigure its presence and strategy to support peacebuilding objectives, as articulated in Resolution 2594, adopted unanimously in 2021. Well-planned and integrated transition processes that place peacebuilding at the center require strong coordination and coherence between host governments, missions, resident coordinators, country teams, and civil society. In addition, both the UN Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) and the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) can play valuable roles in supporting national and inclusive ownership in transition processes. To that end, the twin resolutions adopted in November 2025 on the review of the UN Peacebuilding Architecture encourage the secretary-general to consider how the PBF can further enhance its support to countries undergoing transitions from peace operations and to strengthen cooperation between the Security Council and the PBC on transition processes.

Over the past two decades, the Secretariat has developed policies and guidance aimed at promoting more effective transitions that support peacebuilding objectives. However, many transitions take place amid political and security challenges that make it difficult to implement the good practices outlined in the guidance. Against this backdrop, IPI and the Permanent Mission of Japan to the UN hosted a panel discussion on how peacebuilding gains can be sustained during and after mission transitions.

Overall, the discussion identified ways to strengthen coordination and coherence between partners on transition processes, both within and outside the UN, to bridge gaps between humanitarian, development, and peace activities. Panelists also explored opportunities to enhance the roles of the PBC and the PBF in supporting effective UN transitions.

Several speakers discussed the critical importance of ensuring that peacebuilding processes are inclusive, consultative, and nationally owned. Noting the ambiguity of the term “national ownership,” one speaker shared their view of the essential elements that constitute nationally owned peacebuilding, highlighting the centrality of a social contract that narrows the gap between legitimacy and legality, strong national capacity, a locally determined definition of a successful peace process, and financial resources, including national resource mobilization. Others echoed this point, underscoring the importance of integrating lived experiences in decision-making and recognizing that institutional reforms alone cannot sustain peace.

During the discussion, speakers also addressed the UN’s capacity to support transitions. In a context of limited resources, speakers emphasized the need to enhance planning and coordination to more effectively sustain peacebuilding gains during and after UN mission transitions. Many highlighted the role of UN agencies, funds, and programs, which often leverage greater in-country capacity to support peacebuilding efforts before, during, and after transitions. There was also broad consensus on the importance of leveraging the UN peacebuilding architecture, namely the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), Peacebuilding Fund, and Peacebuilding and Peace Support Office. Encouraging the PBC to hold more regular dialogue on transition contexts, speakers and participants stressed the need to integrate the peacebuilding architecture into UN mission mandates from their inception. While pointing to these different UN instruments, some highlighted the need to develop a common operational framework to advance work on the ground in a coherent manner.

Welcoming Remarks:
Jenna Russo, Director of Research and Head of the Brian Urquhart Center for Peace Operations and Peacebuilding, International Peace Institute

Opening Remarks:
H.E. Yamazaki Kazuyuki, Permanent Representative of Japan to the UN

Panelists:
Adedeji Ebo, Director and Deputy to the High Representative, UN Office for Disarmament Affairs
Turhan Saleh, Deputy Director, Crisis Bureau, UN Development Programme
Robert Pulver, Chief, Justice and Corrections Service Branch, UN Peacebuilding and Peace Support Office
Ai Kihara-Hunt, Professor at the Graduate Program on Human Security and Deputy Director of the Research Center for Sustainable Peace, University of Tokyo (VTC)
Cedric de Coning, Research Professor, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (VTC)

Moderator:
Lauren McGowan, Policy Analyst, International Peace Institute

The post Peace Operations and Peacebuilding: Supporting Effective UN Transitions for Sustaining Peace appeared first on International Peace Institute.

This chapter traces the evolution of bus rapid transit (BRT) and examines its implications for urban mobility policymaking, particularly in cities in the Global South. It reviews BRT’s historical origins and global diffusion, its socio-economic and environmental impacts, as well as the distinct political dynamics that characterize the system’s implementation and operations. The chapter posits that BRT has undergone three key transformations since the 1960s-70s. The system originally emerged as a cost-effective alternative to urban rail projects, in the 2000s it then reinvented itself as a tool for sustainable urban development, and most recently it has started to reinvent itself yet again as a planning instrument for transportation formalization. Despite these changes in the policy objectives underpinning BRT initiatives, the system’s core innovation has remained unchanged: its modular flexibility. This flexibility has enabled the system’s widespread adoption and adaptation. The chapter argues that BRT offers policymakers an instructive case of how context-sensitive transit planning can help cities build more efficient, inclusive, and sustainable urban mobility systems.

This chapter traces the evolution of bus rapid transit (BRT) and examines its implications for urban mobility policymaking, particularly in cities in the Global South. It reviews BRT’s historical origins and global diffusion, its socio-economic and environmental impacts, as well as the distinct political dynamics that characterize the system’s implementation and operations. The chapter posits that BRT has undergone three key transformations since the 1960s-70s. The system originally emerged as a cost-effective alternative to urban rail projects, in the 2000s it then reinvented itself as a tool for sustainable urban development, and most recently it has started to reinvent itself yet again as a planning instrument for transportation formalization. Despite these changes in the policy objectives underpinning BRT initiatives, the system’s core innovation has remained unchanged: its modular flexibility. This flexibility has enabled the system’s widespread adoption and adaptation. The chapter argues that BRT offers policymakers an instructive case of how context-sensitive transit planning can help cities build more efficient, inclusive, and sustainable urban mobility systems.

This chapter traces the evolution of bus rapid transit (BRT) and examines its implications for urban mobility policymaking, particularly in cities in the Global South. It reviews BRT’s historical origins and global diffusion, its socio-economic and environmental impacts, as well as the distinct political dynamics that characterize the system’s implementation and operations. The chapter posits that BRT has undergone three key transformations since the 1960s-70s. The system originally emerged as a cost-effective alternative to urban rail projects, in the 2000s it then reinvented itself as a tool for sustainable urban development, and most recently it has started to reinvent itself yet again as a planning instrument for transportation formalization. Despite these changes in the policy objectives underpinning BRT initiatives, the system’s core innovation has remained unchanged: its modular flexibility. This flexibility has enabled the system’s widespread adoption and adaptation. The chapter argues that BRT offers policymakers an instructive case of how context-sensitive transit planning can help cities build more efficient, inclusive, and sustainable urban mobility systems.

• In the contemporary environment, economic diplomacy encompasses four key dimensions: (a) trade/investment diplomacy, (b) the diplomacy of international rules and agreements, (c) development cooperation, and (d) economic security diplomacy.
• In Greece, the system of economic diplomacy is organised around the General Secretariat of International Economic Relations and Openness of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. At the same time, other ministries and government services also play an important role, creating a complex institutional ecosystem in which coordination is necessary in order to enhance the effectiveness and efficiency of the relevant actions.
• Although the importance of economic diplomacy is recognised and relevant initiatives have been undertaken in the right direction, both at the level of organisation and at the level of actions, the main challenges that Greek economic diplomacy continues to face are: (a) the absence of a holistic approach and strategy, (b) the tackling of bureaucracy and business barriers, (c) limited resources, and (d) insufficient recognition of its value.
• International practices, such as the Team Finland network, the French model of special representatives for economic diplomacy, as well as the national strategies of the Netherlands and the United Kingdom for the creation of a national economic identity, constitute some good practices followed in Europe and may, under certain conditions and with appropriate adjustments, inform relevant Greek initiatives.
  • The policy recommendations are structured on the basis of three categories:
  • Structure and organisation:
    • Strengthening Enterprise Greece,
    • Reorganisation of the recruitment and training system for officials of the Offices of Economic and Commercial Affairs (OEY).
  • Operations and adaptability:
    • Enhancing relations with local and sectoral chambers of commerce,
    • Establishing a formal consultation mechanism for direct interaction with the “users” of economic diplomacy,
    • Modernising procedures, following a detailed mapping of the needs and obstacles faced by the stakeholders involved,
    • Providing tailored services by Offices of Economic and Commercial Affairs based on the size, and therefore the needs, of businesses,
    • Better utilising the Greek diaspora and Greek communities abroad.
  • Formulation of a strategy for economic diplomacy:
    • National dimension:
      • Creation of a National Strategy for Economic Diplomacy with a horizon beyond 2030, with a central role given to the geoeconomic dimensions of economic diplomacy,
      • Raising the visibility of a unified Greek “brand name”.

• European Dimension:
  • Promoting the idea of establishing a European Export Credit Agency, while recognising the relevant reservations expressed by our partners in the EU – the Greek Presidency of the Council of Ministers in 2027 could provide an opportunity to further explore this idea,
  • Achieving a positive “pillar assessment”, in order for Greek institutions to become eligible for the financing of actions in third countries,
  • Promoting and implementing, particularly during the Greek Presidency of the Council of the EU in 2027, measures aimed at completing the Single Market, on the basis of the Draghi and Letta reports,
  • Increasing the number of Greeks serving in key positions in European institutions, as well as hosting new European agencies in cities across Greece.

Read here in pdf the Policy paper by Spyros Blavoukos, Professor, Athens University of Economics & Business; Senior Research Fellow and Head of the ‘Ariane Condellis’ European Programme, ELIAMEP; Panos Politis Lamprou, Research Fellow, European Institutions & Policies, ELIAMEP; Panagiota Pagoni, Research Assistant Trainee (January–September 2025).

Seit ihrer Gründung verweist die BRICS-Gruppe immer wieder auf die Vereinten Nationen als zentralen Rahmen der internationalen Ordnung. Trotz des Gewichts einzelner BRICS-Mitglieder gelingt es BRICS als Gruppe aufgrund interner Diskrepanzen aber bisher nicht, etablierte Ordnungselemente zu unterminieren oder alternative Ordnungsvorschläge zu lancieren.

Seit ihrer Gründung verweist die BRICS-Gruppe immer wieder auf die Vereinten Nationen als zentralen Rahmen der internationalen Ordnung. Trotz des Gewichts einzelner BRICS-Mitglieder gelingt es BRICS als Gruppe aufgrund interner Diskrepanzen aber bisher nicht, etablierte Ordnungselemente zu unterminieren oder alternative Ordnungsvorschläge zu lancieren.

Seit ihrer Gründung verweist die BRICS-Gruppe immer wieder auf die Vereinten Nationen als zentralen Rahmen der internationalen Ordnung. Trotz des Gewichts einzelner BRICS-Mitglieder gelingt es BRICS als Gruppe aufgrund interner Diskrepanzen aber bisher nicht, etablierte Ordnungselemente zu unterminieren oder alternative Ordnungsvorschläge zu lancieren.

As the world approaches global warming tipping points, local climate engagement aims at climate actions that are equitable, effective and aligned with local needs. Strengthening and scaling up these initiatives can amplify impact, though efforts are often fragmented and require strengthened coordination. This policy brief identifies barriers and enablers of local climate action, how it is best scaled up, and how international actors – donors, policymakers, city and research networks, businesses and others – can support this process. 
Building on these insights, the following points outline key conditions for strengthening, scaling up and sustaining locally led climate action:
•    community-centred co-creation – investing in participatory, culturally grounded processes that map local needs, integrate diverse knowledge, and establish a common language;
•    predictable, flexible funding – providing long-term resources for locally led climate action, and planning additional finance to scale up solutions, including those involving knowledge sharing platforms and coordi-nation capacity;
•    private-sector engagement – creating incentives aligned with climate and community priorities, such as collaboration in the development of green products, in facilitating their market access and assisting with certification and value-chain regulations.
•    multilevel coordination and data sharing – establishing clear institutional pathways, monitoring mechanisms and interoperable data platforms to connect local action with national and international policies, leveraging synergies, and increasing accountability; and
•    just international partnerships – supporting local and Southern priorities through green development opportunities, ensuring fairness and co-benefits for the partners involved.

 

As the world approaches global warming tipping points, local climate engagement aims at climate actions that are equitable, effective and aligned with local needs. Strengthening and scaling up these initiatives can amplify impact, though efforts are often fragmented and require strengthened coordination. This policy brief identifies barriers and enablers of local climate action, how it is best scaled up, and how international actors – donors, policymakers, city and research networks, businesses and others – can support this process. 
Building on these insights, the following points outline key conditions for strengthening, scaling up and sustaining locally led climate action:
•    community-centred co-creation – investing in participatory, culturally grounded processes that map local needs, integrate diverse knowledge, and establish a common language;
•    predictable, flexible funding – providing long-term resources for locally led climate action, and planning additional finance to scale up solutions, including those involving knowledge sharing platforms and coordi-nation capacity;
•    private-sector engagement – creating incentives aligned with climate and community priorities, such as collaboration in the development of green products, in facilitating their market access and assisting with certification and value-chain regulations.
•    multilevel coordination and data sharing – establishing clear institutional pathways, monitoring mechanisms and interoperable data platforms to connect local action with national and international policies, leveraging synergies, and increasing accountability; and
•    just international partnerships – supporting local and Southern priorities through green development opportunities, ensuring fairness and co-benefits for the partners involved.

 

As the world approaches global warming tipping points, local climate engagement aims at climate actions that are equitable, effective and aligned with local needs. Strengthening and scaling up these initiatives can amplify impact, though efforts are often fragmented and require strengthened coordination. This policy brief identifies barriers and enablers of local climate action, how it is best scaled up, and how international actors – donors, policymakers, city and research networks, businesses and others – can support this process. 
Building on these insights, the following points outline key conditions for strengthening, scaling up and sustaining locally led climate action:
•    community-centred co-creation – investing in participatory, culturally grounded processes that map local needs, integrate diverse knowledge, and establish a common language;
•    predictable, flexible funding – providing long-term resources for locally led climate action, and planning additional finance to scale up solutions, including those involving knowledge sharing platforms and coordi-nation capacity;
•    private-sector engagement – creating incentives aligned with climate and community priorities, such as collaboration in the development of green products, in facilitating their market access and assisting with certification and value-chain regulations.
•    multilevel coordination and data sharing – establishing clear institutional pathways, monitoring mechanisms and interoperable data platforms to connect local action with national and international policies, leveraging synergies, and increasing accountability; and
•    just international partnerships – supporting local and Southern priorities through green development opportunities, ensuring fairness and co-benefits for the partners involved.

 

Just Transitions (JT) toward sustainable, equitable, and low-carbon futures have become a central focus of global climate policy, exemplified by initiatives such as Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JET-Ps) and the UNFCCC Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP). For some actors, JT is understood in sectoral terms, focusing on energy transitions. Others emphasise more transformative approaches grounded in global structural reform and climate justice. Although existing scholarship has mapped JT framings in the literature, across national climate policy and non-academic frameworks, no study has yet examined how individuals shaping global climate policy themselves understand and prioritise JT. Approximately 130 Blue Zone-accredited attendees (i.e. those with access to the formal negotiations) were surveyed at COP28 in Dubai, including party delegates, policy-makers, civil society representatives and others. The survey was structured around five JT typologies – from least to most transformative – drawn from existing literature, as well two novel typologies: one centered on energy, another on sustainable development. Results indicate a strong preference for approaches extending beyond energy to encompass broader sustainable development concerns, with policy coherence identified as a crucial governance principle. Respondents also favour more transformative policies around global structural reform and climate finance for lower-income countries, while the most prioritized justice dimension is accountability and responsibility for climate change. The results also show differences in preferences between participants from high- and lower-income countries, with the latter favouring more transformative notions of JT. However, overall, JT preferences straddle multiple typologies, suggesting that policy mixes delivering broader sustainable development outcomes could provide an effective and politically viable way to reconcile competing views. By exploring the perspectives of those shaping global climate policy, the paper enriches scholarly discussions on JT framings, while offering guidance and directions for the ongoing JTWP negotiations amidst the latest COP30 decision to establish a global just transition mechanism.

Just Transitions (JT) toward sustainable, equitable, and low-carbon futures have become a central focus of global climate policy, exemplified by initiatives such as Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JET-Ps) and the UNFCCC Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP). For some actors, JT is understood in sectoral terms, focusing on energy transitions. Others emphasise more transformative approaches grounded in global structural reform and climate justice. Although existing scholarship has mapped JT framings in the literature, across national climate policy and non-academic frameworks, no study has yet examined how individuals shaping global climate policy themselves understand and prioritise JT. Approximately 130 Blue Zone-accredited attendees (i.e. those with access to the formal negotiations) were surveyed at COP28 in Dubai, including party delegates, policy-makers, civil society representatives and others. The survey was structured around five JT typologies – from least to most transformative – drawn from existing literature, as well two novel typologies: one centered on energy, another on sustainable development. Results indicate a strong preference for approaches extending beyond energy to encompass broader sustainable development concerns, with policy coherence identified as a crucial governance principle. Respondents also favour more transformative policies around global structural reform and climate finance for lower-income countries, while the most prioritized justice dimension is accountability and responsibility for climate change. The results also show differences in preferences between participants from high- and lower-income countries, with the latter favouring more transformative notions of JT. However, overall, JT preferences straddle multiple typologies, suggesting that policy mixes delivering broader sustainable development outcomes could provide an effective and politically viable way to reconcile competing views. By exploring the perspectives of those shaping global climate policy, the paper enriches scholarly discussions on JT framings, while offering guidance and directions for the ongoing JTWP negotiations amidst the latest COP30 decision to establish a global just transition mechanism.