Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

This article explores how participatory approaches and transnational cooperation can be advanced to advance multi-level governance in pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals, focusing on SDG 11 “Sustainable cities and communities”. Based on qualitative research in Finland and Sweden we show that participatory approaches fail due to a lack of administrative capacity, path dependencies, societal conflicts and power asymmetries between the actors involved, which limit the transformative scope and legitimacy of policies. We argue that central governments in particular need to take more responsibility, provide more guidance and invest in capacity building and community empowerment at the local level.

This article explores how participatory approaches and transnational cooperation can be advanced to advance multi-level governance in pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals, focusing on SDG 11 “Sustainable cities and communities”. Based on qualitative research in Finland and Sweden we show that participatory approaches fail due to a lack of administrative capacity, path dependencies, societal conflicts and power asymmetries between the actors involved, which limit the transformative scope and legitimacy of policies. We argue that central governments in particular need to take more responsibility, provide more guidance and invest in capacity building and community empowerment at the local level.

This article explores how participatory approaches and transnational cooperation can be advanced to advance multi-level governance in pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals, focusing on SDG 11 “Sustainable cities and communities”. Based on qualitative research in Finland and Sweden we show that participatory approaches fail due to a lack of administrative capacity, path dependencies, societal conflicts and power asymmetries between the actors involved, which limit the transformative scope and legitimacy of policies. We argue that central governments in particular need to take more responsibility, provide more guidance and invest in capacity building and community empowerment at the local level.

Sandra Findeisen (58) lebt mit einer Krankheit, die kaum jemand sieht – und doch ihr ganzes Leben bestimmt. Die Bernbieterin kämpft täglich gegen extreme Erschöpfung und für mehr Anerkennung von Betroffenen. Jetzt macht ihr eine nationale Strategie Hoffnung.

On 26 September 2025, children stand outside a tent being used for medical services at Al Aqsa Hospital in Deir al Balah in the Gaza Strip. Credit: UNICEF/James Elder

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Oct 3 2025 (IPS)

In recent months, the humanitarian situation in Gaza has sharply deteriorated, with escalating hostilities driving mass civilian displacement and overwhelming the already fragile healthcare system, pushing it to the brink of collapse. UN officials are warning that thousands of civilians have been left with life-altering injuries without treatment.

As the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) continues its ground offensive into Gaza City, a series of evacuation orders have forced civilians to flee from the north of the enclave to the south. As of October 1, all remaining health facilities in Gaza are operating at partially functional capacities, facing critical shortages of medical supplies, straining access to basic, emergency services. Thousands of patients are crowded into shelters with poor sanitation, left vulnerable to explosives, and face malnutrition and life-altering injuries.

“Families in southern Gaza are squeezed into these and other overcrowded shelters or makeshift tents along the coast,” said UN Deputy Spokesperson Farhan Haq. “Many others are sleeping out in the open, often amid rubble. New arrivals in the south face poor sanitation, no privacy or safety, and a high risk of children being separated from their families – all while being exposed to explosive ordnance.”

On October 2, the World Health Organization (WHO) released an update on its findings related to trauma and the scale of medical needs in Gaza. Dr. Rik Peeperkorn, WHO’s Representative for the Occupied Palestinian Territory, gave a virtual briefing to reporters at UN Headquarters noting that trauma is widespread, with some 42,000 civilians sustaining life-changing injuries—about one-quarter of them children.

“These life changing injuries account for one quarter of all reported injuries, of a total of over 167,300 people injured since October 2023,” said Peeperkorn. “Survivors struggle with trauma, loss and daily survival where psychosocial referral services remain scarce.”

According to the report, the estimated number of civilians requiring long-term rehabilitation for conflict-related injuries has nearly doubled, rising from 22,500 in July 2024 to at least 41,844 by September. WHO has recorded high numbers of blast-related trauma, including amputations, burns, spinal cord injuries, maxillofacial and ocular damage, and traumatic brain injuries. These conditions often result in severe impairment and disfigurement, with many patients unable to access lifesaving care.

The report highlights a severe lack of access to reconstructive surgery and rehabilitation services, compounded by famine, unsanitary living conditions, disease outbreaks, and a critical shortage of psychosocial care—all of which disproportionately affect the most vulnerable populations. People with disabilities and chronic health conditions bear the heaviest burden, lacking critical access to sustained, long-term support.

The recent surge in cases of Guillain-Barré Syndrome—an autoimmune disorder that attacks peripheral nerves outside the brain and spinal cord—has further intensified these challenges. Additionally, medical experts project that the long-term impacts of famine, disease, and displacement will be particularly challenging for Gazans to recover from in the foreseeable future.

Peeperkorn informed reporters that long-term recovery will be difficult for the vast majority of civilians due to rampant food insecurity. “If you talk to the physicians and medical specialists in hospitals, they said even the simple trauma wounds did not recover quickly because almost all of them had a level of malnutrition. The whole recovery process was very extended,” said Peeperkorn.

According to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), humanitarian organizations delivered just over 14,400 metric tons of food to Gaza through the UN-coordinated aid system—less than 26 percent of what is needed to meet basic daily needs. More than 77 percent of this aid was lost in transit, severely limiting the amount that reached partner warehouses for distribution.

“There’s a bit more food, that’s definitely true,” said Peeperkorn. “Prices are still way too high for many of the families and the food is still not diverse enough if you have a number of specifically vulnerable groups.”

Currently, less than 14 of Gaza’s 36 hospitals remain partially functional, with 8 of them being in Gaza City. Between September 11-28, WHO recorded 44 health services points that went out of service. Peeperkorn noted that approximately 200,000 to 300,000 civilians fled from the north of the enclave to the south, while roughly 800,000 to 900,000 remained in the north, where access to basic services is particularly strained.

“Health services in the north Gaza governorate are only provided through one particularly functioning medical point. We see fast declining shortages for essential items such as dressing kits, particularly gauze, but also essential post-operative wound care materials critically impact the ability for trauma cases.”

Peeperkorn noted that WHO has positioned a range of medical supplies for delivery to Gaza, widespread insecurity and access restrictions continue to impede their distribution. As a result, health facilities in Gaza remain unable to provide specialized care beyond basic emergency treatment.

WHO has emphasized the urgent need for medical evacuations, particularly for severe cases such as brain injuries, as many patients are suffering from multiple forms of trauma. It is estimated that over 15,000 people, including 3,800 children, urgently require specialized care outside of Gaza. “We need many more countries to accept patients, and the restoration of the West Bank and East Jerusalem referral pathway,” Peeperkorn said.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Les députés de l'Assemblée nationale, 9è législature feront leur rentrée parlementaire le 31 octobre prochain. La session budgétaire s'ouvrira également ce même jour au palais des Gouverneurs à Porto-Novo.

La session budgétaire de l'Assemblée nationale, traditionnellement consacrée à l'examen du budget général de l'Etat, s'ouvrira le vendredi 31 octobre prochain. Elle se déroulera conformément aux dispositions de la Constitution et du Règlement intérieur, qui prévoient deux sessions ordinaires par an.

La Conférence des présidents, réunie le 25 septembre sous la direction de Louis Vlavonou, a validé cette date.

Les travaux de cette rentrée parlementaire s'étendront jusqu'au 31 janvier 2026.

Cette rentrée est particulière. Elle marque la dernière session de la 9e législature, installée en février 2023 pour un mandat transitoire de trois ans. Le passage de témoin est déjà prévu.

Les 109 députés de la 10e législature seront installés le 12 février 2026, au lendemain des élections législatives programmées pour le 11 janvier.
M. M.

Le parti d'opposition Les Démocrates (LD) a fixé son Conseil national au 11 octobre prochain.

Réunis le 11 octobre 2025, les militants du parti d'opposition Les Démocrates (LD) désigneront officiellement leur duo candidat à l'élection présidentielle de 2026.

L'annonce a été faite par Dr. Dossou Guy Mitokpè, secrétaire à la communication du parti.

Les regards sont tournés vers Les Démocrates, principale force d'opposition au Bénin, depuis la désignation du duo candidat de la mouvance présidentielle.
M. M.

Nearly 42,000 people in Gaza are living with life-changing injuries from the ongoing conflict – including more than 10,000 children – as the health system collapses under relentless strain, the World Health Organization (WHO) warned October 2025. Credit: UN News
 
Concrete Action by Governments Is Urgently Needed, Human Rights Watch

By Louis Charbonneau and Bénédicte Jeannerod
NEW YORK, Oct 3 2025 (IPS)

The calamitous situation in Gaza, with Palestinian civilians facing extermination and ethnic cleansing by Israeli forces, was a major focus of the annual United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) high-level week. Along with recognition of the state of Palestine by France, the United Kingdom, Australia, and Canada, among others, states made key commitments on human rights and accountability that were overwhelmingly adopted by the UNGA and now need to be fulfilled.

On September 29, US President Donald Trump released his 20-point “Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict,” which makes no mention of either human rights or justice. But states should not wait for the adoption of a peace plan to fulfill their commitments on rights. They should take immediate action, using their leverage as required as parties to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, to stop Israel’s escalating atrocities against Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza.

Governments should suspend arms transfers to Israel and their preferential trade deals, ban trade with illegal settlements, and impose targeted sanctions on Israeli officials responsible for ongoing crimes against Palestinian civilians.

All governments should support accountability for Israeli authorities’ war crimes, crimes against humanity, including extermination, apartheid, and persecution, and acts of genocide. They should also pursue accountability for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including murder and unlawful imprisonment, committed by Palestinian armed groups against Israelis during the October 7, 2023, attacks and the holding of hostages.

They should rally behind the International Criminal Court (ICC), which is combating impunity for atrocity crimes globally, and condemn and act to counter US sanctions against ICC judges and officials, prominent Palestinian rights organizations, and a UN expert.

States approved the UNGA resolution ahead of a high-level conference that marked the passing of the September 2025 deadline for states to comply with a landmark July 2024 advisory opinion by the International Court of Justice on the legal consequences of Israel’s policies and practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

The vote this year should not be an empty gesture as Israeli authorities expand illegal settlements and further displace and exterminate Palestinians. Respect for Palestinians’ basic rights is not dependent on reaching agreement on a peace plan. Countries should move ahead quickly with steps that advance justice and accountability.

Louis Charbonneau is UN director, Human Rights Watch and Bénédicte Jeannerod is Director, HRW, France.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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A young boy walks through the rubble of his home in Al Nusirat, Gaza, September 2025. Credit: UNICEF/Eyad El Baba
 
The effectiveness and credibility of the international rules-based order depend on whether leading states hold rule-breakers accountable, be they friends or foes.

By Daryl G. Kimball
WASHINGTON DC, Oct 3 2025 (IPS)

As a world leader and beneficiary of the international system, the United States should be at the forefront of efforts to enforce rules and laws to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, protect civilians in conflict, and block weapons transfers to states that engage in war crimes or genocide.

Since the heinous October 7, 2023, terrorist attack by Hamas, the Israeli military has killed more than 66,000 Palestinians and wounded more than 168,000 in its two-year bombing campaign in Gaza. Many thousands more are dying from starvation and disease. The campaign is disproportionate and illegal by many measures.

There is overwhelming evidence that U.S. weapons, and weapons from other states, have been used by the Netanyahu government in its war on Gaza in violation of humanitarian law and that Israel has blocked humanitarian assistance from the U.S. government, other nations, and nongovernmental aid groups.

In the name of defeating Hamas, the Israeli government—using U.S.-supplied weaponry and ammunition—has systematically bombed population centers, including schools, hospitals, water and sanitation infrastructure, and aid workers and has forcibly displaced of hundreds of thousands of civilians.

Yet President Donald Trump, his predecessor Joe Biden, and the majority of Congress have failed to uphold U.S. and international law. They have refused to use their considerable leverage to withhold military aid from Israel to protect innocent lives, facilitate a ceasefire, and secure the release of surviving Israeli hostages.

As a result, the United States is complicit in one of the most horrific chapters in human history. Its reputation as a defender of the international rules-based system is in tatters.

In July, B’Tselem—the independent Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories—released a detailed report that finds that “for nearly two years, Israel has been committing genocide against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.” In July, UN world hunger experts declared that the besieged civilian population in Gaza was at risk of famine.

A September report from Democratic U.S. Senators Chris Van Hollen of Maryland and Jeff Merkley of Oregon, based on their regional fact-finding trip, concluded that: “The Netanyahu government has used a two-pronged strategy—the systematic destruction of civilian infrastructure and the use of food and humanitarian assistance—as a weapon of war. The goal is, in effect, to ethnically cleanse Gaza of its Palestinian population.”

The U.S. Foreign Assistance Act—and basic human decency—require withholding military aid when U.S. weapons are used by any government that engages in a consistent pattern of gross violations of human rights or that restricts the delivery of U. S. humanitarian assistance.

Despite the war’s devastating toll on civilians, the Trump administration has accelerated military aid to Israel and reversed earlier Biden restrictions on the delivery of 2,000-pound bombs, which have indiscriminate effects when dropped in populated areas.

In February, the Trump administration notified Congress of seven major arms sales to Israel amounting to over $11 billion of lethal weapons. Immediately afterward, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu unilaterally broke the phased ceasefire that had been negotiated between Israel and Hamas before the last two phases could be negotiated.

Since then, Israeli violence against civilians in Gaza and the occupied West Bank has escalated, and the humanitarian crisis in Gaza has only worsened.

Following another notice of arms transfers to Israel in July, some members of Congress put forward joint resolutions of disapproval that could have blocked the Trump administration’s proposed $675 million weapons transfer to Israel.

Although more than 60 percent of the American people oppose further U.S. military aid to Israel, the measure won the support of just 24 senators, all Democrats.

In the face of U.S. inaction, Netanyahu defied international calls to end the war, ordered a new military offensive against Gaza City, and rejected Palestinian statehood.

Not only is it past time for Congress to enforce U.S. laws designed to protect civilians; the desperate situation also demands that other international actors step up to enforce the most basic international rules to protect civilians.

As a distinguished group of UN experts proposed Sept. 5, the General Assembly should adopt a “Uniting for Peace” resolution, demanding and enforcing a cessation of Israel’s bombardment and displacement of civilians in Gaza, the release of remaining Israeli hostages by Hamas, an immediate arms embargo on Israel and Hamas, and the unfettered delivery of humanitarian aid by UN and independent nongovernmental aid groups.

A robust Uniting for Peace initiative would pressure U.S. and Israeli leaders to act within the international rules and help enforce any plan to end the war, including the U.S.-Israeli brokered plan they demand that Hamas accept or else Israel’s assault will continue.

Such resolutions, which carry greater legal and political weight and can authorize a UN emergency force, have been used in rare cases when Security Council members fail to maintain international peace and security. If there has been any occasion for bolder action, it is now.

Daryl G. Kimball is Executive Director Arms Control Association, Washington DC.

The Arms Control Association, founded in 1971, is a national nonpartisan membership organization dedicated to promoting public understanding of and support for effective arms control policies.

Source: Arms Control Today

IPS UN Bureau

 

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In the packed conference hall of the Heritage Hotel, the sound of Pacific voices filled the air—not just through speeches, but in song, rhythm, and poetry. The Dreamcast Theatre Performing Arts group opened the Second Pacific Island Ocean Conference with an evocative performance, reminding leaders and practitioners why they had gathered: to listen. To listen […]

On October 1, 2025, Robin Sogalla successfully completed his dissertation entitled „International Trade and Climate Policy: The Role of Firm Heterogeneity“ with summa cum laude at the Technische Universität Berlin. The dissertation was submitted and successfully defended by Robin as part of the ...

This report (Vlassis, A., Psychogiopoulou, E, Kandyla, A. and Sarikakis, K. (Eds) (2025)) examines EU film promotion by states and EU policies. It highlights the need for stronger gender equality support in the audiovisual sector.

Part B, authored by Evangelia Psychogiopoulou (ELIAMEP), Anna Kandyla (ELIAMEP), Pelin Turan (SSSA), Apostolos Samaras (ELIAMEP), Laia Comerma (ELIAMEP), and Caterina Sganga (SSSA), forms part of T3.5 (EU law and governance and the promotion of the EFI on the international scene). It examines and assesses whether—and, if so, how—EU law and policies promote European audiovisual works and film beyond the borders of the EU. It does so by mapping the policies and instruments in place, identifying their characteristics, complementarities, enablers and limitations in enhancing the internationalisation of the European audiovisual industry. The analysis focuses in particular on agreements the EU has negotiated with third countries and regions concerning trade facilitation and cooperation in the audiovisual and film sectors. It also  considers EU funding instruments supporting the audiovisual sector and external action in this field. Methodologically, the study draws on extensive desk research and the analysis of a range of primary and secondary sources, complemented by insights gathered through semi-structured interviews with EU officials and film stakeholders. Overall, the findings indicate that EU agreements with third countries, along with audiovisual cooperation and external funding tools, include various elements that can boost the positioning of European films worldwide, although the scope of these instruments varies. The analysis also suggests that considerable untapped potential remains and calls for a comprehensive internationalisation strategy that promotes the competitiveness of the European audiovisual sector while supporting cultural diversity.

The report is available here.

As Cyprus assumes its second Presidency of the European Union, it steps into a role defined by crisis and change. The contrast with its first Presidency (2012) could not be sharper. Then, multilateralism prevailed; collaboration was possible, and conflict manageable. Today, multilateralism is under siege, conflicts dominate, and Europe faces existential challenges: its Union and Security, its Internal and Capital Markets, its Competitiveness, its Freedom and Values.

Every Presidency has one duty: to carry the Union’s business forward. For Cyprus, the central test will be guiding the negotiations on the EU’s Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF). This is an exercise in listening, negotiation, and compromise. More than anything, it will demand that Cyprus acts as an honest broker — a role where smaller member states often succeed more than larger ones.

Three Tests of Success

Like all Presidencies, Cyprus will be judged on three fronts:

• Institutional: Can it leave a footprint by steering the MFF to conclusion?
• Representational: Can it represent a policy theme, bigger than its national interest that endures? Water, as a scarce resource and driver of conflict and migration –with impact across continents -, could anchor a “Nicosia Declaration on Water.”
• Reputational: Can it use neutrality to build a legacy as a convener of peace and compromise?

It is commendable that Cyprus wants to include regional neighbors as observers in EU deliberations. The EuroMediterranean region — 500 million people, 10% of global GDP — is paradoxically the least interconnected in the world. Intra-regional trade is just one quarter of total trade. For a decade, progress has been negligible.

Cyprus, as the EU’s southeastern border, can help change this. By bringing neighbors into the European conversation, it can foster trade, collaboration, and peace. But this must be pursued with neutrality and as part of a long-term strategy and within EU’s governance model— not as a one-off gesture.

The Presidency is about Europe’s collective good, not national gain. Yet Cyprus’ reality cannot be ignored. It remains divided, with EU law barred from 30% of its territory. And, it is Europe’s only isolated island Member State.

This Presidency can remind Cypriots of the benefits of EU membership. It can remind Europeans of the reality that part of EU territory remains occupied by Turkey — an EU trade partner and NATO member. That contradiction must never be normalized, and it must never be replicated elsewhere.

Cyprus should not instrumentalize its occupation and division but deploy it as a precedent and the learnings which point to European security risks, given the current world order, prevailing Russia threats across the EU’s borders and continuing conflict between Israel, Palestine and regional actors.

Cyprus’ Presidency comes at a moment when Europe needs resilience and vision. It is an opportunity for a small state to leave a large footprint. To prove that neutrality can be strength. To show that Cyprus is not an island on the margins, but a player at the heart of Europe’s frontier.

Photo: Flickr

This deliverable of the project REBOOT (Kandyla, A., Turan P. and Vlassis, A. (Eds). (2025)) offers an overview and description of the structure and contents of the public database on ‘European Union (EU) laws and cross-national frameworks relevant to the European Film Industry (EFI)’. Developed within the framework of Work Package 3 (WP3) of the REBOOT project, the database is organised into three distinct sub-databases, each addressing key dimensions on the laws and policies governing the promotion of the EFI at the international level: the regulatory framework for filmmaking at the EU level and across EU member states; institutional and policy models across the EU Member States, and EU legal and policy instruments relevant to the internationalisation of the EFI. D3.6 is meant to act as a guide to these resources. It outlines the main types of information and data included in each sub-database and details the methodology employed in their compilation, including documentary sources, data collection structures, and other relevant information. The full sub-databases will be released as part of the ‘Film industry competitiveness dashboard’ (Task 6.2), which is scheduled to be submitted in November 2025. The dashboard will offer an online platform providing public access to both original data collected within the REBOOT project and existing statistics. It will enable visualisations and support future analysis of the evolving competitiveness of the European film industry.

The deliverable is structured in three parts as follows:

(1) Part 1 introduces the sub-database on ‘Multi-level mapping of the legal norms informing and regulating filmmaking in the European Union’. This sub-database reflects the scientific output of the research conducted under Task 3.1, led by Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna (hereinafter referred to as ‘SSSA’). It offers a detailed mapping of legal and policy instruments across multiple governance levels (international, supranational, regional, and national) that influence filmmaking in the EU. It covers an array of areas critical to the sector’s competitiveness, including cultural diversity, copyright, media law, and the protection of minors. Norms have been extracted from legal instruments issued by organisations such as UNESCO, WIPO, WTO, the Council of Europe, the EU, and selected Member States.

(2) Part 2 presents the sub-database on the ‘Promotion of the EFI at the international level: Institutional and policy models across the EU Member States’. This sub-database reflects the output of Task 3.4, led by the University of Liège (ULIEGE), which explored how public institutions and practices contribute to the international promotion of their national film industries and, by extension, of the broader EFI. The sub-data includes quantitative data and materials, offering a structured, accessible, and comparative resource. Drawing on extensive documentary research, interviews, and market data, it provides a comparative mapping of public support strategies, funding mechanisms, and the actors involved in promoting the EFI across EU Member States and abroad.

(3) Part 3 presents the sub-database on ‘EU legal and policy measures on the promotion of the EFI on the international scene’. Developed as part of research conducted by the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) under Task 3.5, it catalogues a range of agreements concerning trade facilitation and cooperation negotiated by the EU with third countries and regions, covering agreements that are currently in force, as well as agreements pending signature and ratification. It also covers selected EU funding instruments with relevance to the international promotion of European audiovisual works and audiovisual cooperation with third countries.

 

The deliverable is available here.

Seit mehr als 50 Jahren entsendet der philippinische Staat Arbeitskräfte auf den globalen Arbeitsmarkt. Die Arbeitsmigration ist auf den Philippinen stark institutionalisiert und Teil der Alltagskultur. Auch Geschlechterverhältnisse werden durch sie neu verhandelt.

Seit mehr als 50 Jahren entsendet der philippinische Staat Arbeitskräfte auf den globalen Arbeitsmarkt. Die Arbeitsmigration ist auf den Philippinen stark institutionalisiert und Teil der Alltagskultur. Auch Geschlechterverhältnisse werden durch sie neu verhandelt.

Seit mehr als 50 Jahren entsendet der philippinische Staat Arbeitskräfte auf den globalen Arbeitsmarkt. Die Arbeitsmigration ist auf den Philippinen stark institutionalisiert und Teil der Alltagskultur. Auch Geschlechterverhältnisse werden durch sie neu verhandelt.