Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

• The creation of additional fiscal space (NEC) and the provision of low cost lending (SAFE) of ReArm Europe will enhance Greece’s defence expenditures as well as demand for weapon systems throughout the EU.
• The Greek defence industry will exploit these growing opportunities due to its integration in pan-European supply chains, an outcome of the offset agreements of the 1990s and 2000s.
• With three additional policies the Greek defence industry can position itself with even greater effectiveness in this new environment.
• First, build further on the government’s ongoing energetic management of defence-related assets under state ownership, primarily with the exit of the Hellenic Aerospace Company from tight state control.
• Second, reform defence procurement so that the need for speed is addressed which is necessary for realizing Civil-Military Fusion (CMF), including through the transition of the Hellenic Court of Audit from ex ante to ex post review of defence procurement contracts.
• Third, strengthen the Hellenic Center for Defence Innovation (HCDI) with additional financial resources and appointment to its Board of distinguished Greek diaspora scientists so that HCDI can catalyse the participation of diaspora start-ups and diaspora scientific talent in the generation, by the Greek defence industry, of asymmetric force to counter the Turkish threat.

Read here (in Greek) the Policy paper by Antonis Kamaras, Research Associate, ELIAMEP.

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In an age of crises and armed conflicts, women continue to play a central role in preventing conflicts, maintaining peace and security, protecting civilians, and strengthening societal resilience and recovery. They do so as political leaders, negotiators, mediators, peacekeepers, humanitarian workers, or civil society representatives—both on the ground and on the international stage. Their contribution is recognised in several mandates that promote the integration of gender perspectives in peacekeeping, as well as in the work of the UN peacebuilding architecture (UNSCR 2282).

At the same time, women and girls are increasingly bearing the brunt of crises and conflicts. Their exposure to armed conflicts has risen by 50% over the past decade, and the number of UN-verified cases of conflict-related sexual violence—primarily targeting women and girls—has steadily increased in recent years. Attacks on women’s rights are multiplying, while negotiations on gender issues at the UN have become increasingly contentious, threatening hard-won progress.

This challenging context is further compounded by severe financial constraints facing the UN and the urgent need for reforms aimed at efficient multilateralism, as highlighted by the ongoing UN80 reform initiative.

On September 25th, IPI together with the Permanent Missions of Colombia and France to the United Nations, cohosted a ministerial-level event taking place at UN Headquarters on “Women Building Peace in an Age of Crises and Armed Conflicts: How Feminist Approaches to Foreign Policy Can Advance Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding.” Phoebe Donnelly, IPI Senior Fellow and Head of Women, Peace, and Security, moderated the conversation.

This event highlighted the “peace dividends” of women’s leadership—in other words, the essential roles women play in achieving sustainable and lasting peace at every stage of conflict: before, during, and after. The event offered an opportunity to showcase the role of feminist and gender-based approaches as drivers of democracy, human rights, equality, sustainability and lasting peace. Integrating a gender perspective is not just an added value—it is a key driver of sustainable peace. It also reflects our collective commitment to reinforcing the participation and representation of women, in the spirit of CEDAW Committee General Recommendations n°30 and n°40.

The event welcomed four new members to the FFP+ (Morocco, Nepal, Slovenia, and the United Kingdom) and recognized their exceptional commitment to gender equality, women’s rights, and women’s empowerment in their foreign policy agendas. It also build momentum for the upcoming 4th Feminist Foreign Policy Ministerial Conference, which will take place in Paris in October 2025, following the successful conference hosted by Mexico in 2024.

Participants reflected upon national, regional, and international experiences that underscore the peace, security, democracy, and social dividends of women’s and girls’ agency and leadership.

The post Women Building Peace in an Age of Crises and Armed Conflicts: How Feminist Approaches to Foreign Policy Can Advance Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding appeared first on International Peace Institute.

In Mongolia, a mining boom has significantly increased pressures on water resources, negatively affecting human health and ecosystems. In this chapter, we ask how polycentric water governance and the interaction of different modes of coordination play out in Mongolia and what this implies for the protection of rivers against pollution from mining. By presenting a case study from a developing and transitioning country, this chapter also contributes to a better understanding of how contextual factors affect different coordination modes. We find that protecting rivers from mining pollution remains a considerable challenge in Mongolia. While new rules and actors at the basin level have fostered cooperation among public-sector agencies, due to power asymmetries, public agencies tend to avoid direct cooperation with mining companies. Instead, interaction with mining operators mainly happens through different types of hierarchical interrelations, but their effectiveness is undermined through lobbying, collusion, and corruption. Next to power asymmetries, economic, political, cultural, and environmental contextual factors constrain mining pollution abatement.

In Mongolia, a mining boom has significantly increased pressures on water resources, negatively affecting human health and ecosystems. In this chapter, we ask how polycentric water governance and the interaction of different modes of coordination play out in Mongolia and what this implies for the protection of rivers against pollution from mining. By presenting a case study from a developing and transitioning country, this chapter also contributes to a better understanding of how contextual factors affect different coordination modes. We find that protecting rivers from mining pollution remains a considerable challenge in Mongolia. While new rules and actors at the basin level have fostered cooperation among public-sector agencies, due to power asymmetries, public agencies tend to avoid direct cooperation with mining companies. Instead, interaction with mining operators mainly happens through different types of hierarchical interrelations, but their effectiveness is undermined through lobbying, collusion, and corruption. Next to power asymmetries, economic, political, cultural, and environmental contextual factors constrain mining pollution abatement.

In Mongolia, a mining boom has significantly increased pressures on water resources, negatively affecting human health and ecosystems. In this chapter, we ask how polycentric water governance and the interaction of different modes of coordination play out in Mongolia and what this implies for the protection of rivers against pollution from mining. By presenting a case study from a developing and transitioning country, this chapter also contributes to a better understanding of how contextual factors affect different coordination modes. We find that protecting rivers from mining pollution remains a considerable challenge in Mongolia. While new rules and actors at the basin level have fostered cooperation among public-sector agencies, due to power asymmetries, public agencies tend to avoid direct cooperation with mining companies. Instead, interaction with mining operators mainly happens through different types of hierarchical interrelations, but their effectiveness is undermined through lobbying, collusion, and corruption. Next to power asymmetries, economic, political, cultural, and environmental contextual factors constrain mining pollution abatement.

Pressemitteilung der Projektgruppe Gemeinschaftsdiagnose: Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin), ifo Institut – Leibniz-Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung an der Universität München e. V. in Kooperation mit dem Österreichischen Institut für Wirt­schaftsforschung (WIFO), Kiel ...

Tax expenditures (TEs) in Colombia accounted for approximately 7.8% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2022, broken down as follows: the fiscal cost of this expenditure was 0.6% in terms of personal income tax and 1.5% in terms of corporate income tax. The remaining 5.6% corresponded to VAT. In total, this represents a four-percentage-point increase on the previous year.
This report stresses the need to review TEs. Such an evaluation was already crucial before the pandemic, but has now become all the more urgent in the wake of COVID-19 and its impact on inequality and state revenue.
Transparency: there is no comprehensive data available on TEs in Colombia and the data that does exist is not accessible to researchers or the general public. In several cases, information is patchy or aggregated, making it difficult to evaluate.
Complex fiscal landscape: the Colombian tax system is complex, due in part to the numerous special exemptions, exclusions and deductions inherent in the regulatory framework. This complicates matters in terms of tax compliance, oversight and auditing.
Evaluation challenges: Colombia had no defined benchmark for determining its TE. While initial work was undertaken in mid-2024 to define a benchmark for income tax and VAT, the disaggregated report is not available at the time of writing this analysis. Additionally, the absence of effective and ongoing assessment to determine the appropriateness of tax benefits has led to an accumulation of incentives, many of them unjustified, and an increase in the country’s TE.
Fiscal sustainability: limited tax collection is impinging on the ability of the Colombian state to maintain healthy public finances and comply with its fiscal rule. This is not only the result of a stagnating economy, but also stems from numerous tax benefits that drive up TE. These benefits already corresponded to 7.4% and 7.8% of GDP in 2021 and 2022 respectively.
Policy recommendations: there is a need to restructure the Colombian tax system to make it more efficient, sustainable and equitable. Tax benefits must be reviewed and, in some cases, progressively removed in order to help achieve tax justice and streamline the system.

 

Tax expenditures (TEs) in Colombia accounted for approximately 7.8% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2022, broken down as follows: the fiscal cost of this expenditure was 0.6% in terms of personal income tax and 1.5% in terms of corporate income tax. The remaining 5.6% corresponded to VAT. In total, this represents a four-percentage-point increase on the previous year.
This report stresses the need to review TEs. Such an evaluation was already crucial before the pandemic, but has now become all the more urgent in the wake of COVID-19 and its impact on inequality and state revenue.
Transparency: there is no comprehensive data available on TEs in Colombia and the data that does exist is not accessible to researchers or the general public. In several cases, information is patchy or aggregated, making it difficult to evaluate.
Complex fiscal landscape: the Colombian tax system is complex, due in part to the numerous special exemptions, exclusions and deductions inherent in the regulatory framework. This complicates matters in terms of tax compliance, oversight and auditing.
Evaluation challenges: Colombia had no defined benchmark for determining its TE. While initial work was undertaken in mid-2024 to define a benchmark for income tax and VAT, the disaggregated report is not available at the time of writing this analysis. Additionally, the absence of effective and ongoing assessment to determine the appropriateness of tax benefits has led to an accumulation of incentives, many of them unjustified, and an increase in the country’s TE.
Fiscal sustainability: limited tax collection is impinging on the ability of the Colombian state to maintain healthy public finances and comply with its fiscal rule. This is not only the result of a stagnating economy, but also stems from numerous tax benefits that drive up TE. These benefits already corresponded to 7.4% and 7.8% of GDP in 2021 and 2022 respectively.
Policy recommendations: there is a need to restructure the Colombian tax system to make it more efficient, sustainable and equitable. Tax benefits must be reviewed and, in some cases, progressively removed in order to help achieve tax justice and streamline the system.

 

Tax expenditures (TEs) in Colombia accounted for approximately 7.8% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2022, broken down as follows: the fiscal cost of this expenditure was 0.6% in terms of personal income tax and 1.5% in terms of corporate income tax. The remaining 5.6% corresponded to VAT. In total, this represents a four-percentage-point increase on the previous year.
This report stresses the need to review TEs. Such an evaluation was already crucial before the pandemic, but has now become all the more urgent in the wake of COVID-19 and its impact on inequality and state revenue.
Transparency: there is no comprehensive data available on TEs in Colombia and the data that does exist is not accessible to researchers or the general public. In several cases, information is patchy or aggregated, making it difficult to evaluate.
Complex fiscal landscape: the Colombian tax system is complex, due in part to the numerous special exemptions, exclusions and deductions inherent in the regulatory framework. This complicates matters in terms of tax compliance, oversight and auditing.
Evaluation challenges: Colombia had no defined benchmark for determining its TE. While initial work was undertaken in mid-2024 to define a benchmark for income tax and VAT, the disaggregated report is not available at the time of writing this analysis. Additionally, the absence of effective and ongoing assessment to determine the appropriateness of tax benefits has led to an accumulation of incentives, many of them unjustified, and an increase in the country’s TE.
Fiscal sustainability: limited tax collection is impinging on the ability of the Colombian state to maintain healthy public finances and comply with its fiscal rule. This is not only the result of a stagnating economy, but also stems from numerous tax benefits that drive up TE. These benefits already corresponded to 7.4% and 7.8% of GDP in 2021 and 2022 respectively.
Policy recommendations: there is a need to restructure the Colombian tax system to make it more efficient, sustainable and equitable. Tax benefits must be reviewed and, in some cases, progressively removed in order to help achieve tax justice and streamline the system.

 

En 2022, los gastos tributarios (GTs) en Colombia representaron aproximadamente el 7.8% del PIB, desglosándose de la siguiente manera: el costo fiscal de estos gastos en el impuesto sobre la renta fue del 0.6% para personas naturales y del 1.5% para personas jurídicas. El otro 5.6% corresponde al IVA. Este total representa un aumento de 4 puntos porcentuales en comparación con el año anterior.
Este informe destaca la necesidad de revisar los GTs, una evaluación que ya era crucial antes de la pandemia, pero que se ha vuelto aún más urgente en el contexto post-COVID-19, dado su impacto en la desigualdad y en los ingresos estatales.
Transparencia: La información sobre GTs en Colombia no es detallada ni accesible para los ciudadanos o los investigadores. En algunos casos está dispersa o solo se dispone de información agregada, lo que dificulta su evaluación.
Escenario fiscal complejo: El sistema tributario colombiano es complejo, en parte, debido a las numerosas exenciones, exclusiones y deducciones especiales presentes en la regulación, lo que complejiza el cumplimiento tributario y el proceso de fiscalización y control.
Desafíos en la evaluación: Colombia no tenía definido su sistema de referencia (Benchmark) para la determinación del gasto tributario (GT). A mediados de 2024 se realizó el primer acercamiento a dicha definición para el impuesto sobre la renta y para el IVA, pero, al momento de este análisis no está disponible el informe desagregado. Sumado a ello, los beneficios tributarios no son objeto de una evaluación permanente y efectiva que permita determinar su pertinencia, lo que ha generado una acumulación de incentivos, muchas veces injustificados y que implican un elevado GT para el país.
Sostenibilidad fiscal: La capacidad del Estado colombiano para mantener unas finanzas saludables y cumplir con la regla fiscal se está viendo afectada por el escaso recaudo tributario. Esto se debe no solo al estancamiento de la economía sino, a la existencia de numerosos beneficios impositivos que conducen a un elevado GT que, solo en 2021 y 2022 representó 7.4% y 7.8% del PIB respectivamente.
Recomendaciones de política: en Colombia se requiere una reestructuración del sistema tributario para hacerlo más eficiente, sostenible y equitativo. Los beneficios tributarios se deben evaluar y, en ciertos casos, desmontar gradualmente con el fin de contribuir a la justicia tributaria y a la simplicidad del sistema.

En 2022, los gastos tributarios (GTs) en Colombia representaron aproximadamente el 7.8% del PIB, desglosándose de la siguiente manera: el costo fiscal de estos gastos en el impuesto sobre la renta fue del 0.6% para personas naturales y del 1.5% para personas jurídicas. El otro 5.6% corresponde al IVA. Este total representa un aumento de 4 puntos porcentuales en comparación con el año anterior.
Este informe destaca la necesidad de revisar los GTs, una evaluación que ya era crucial antes de la pandemia, pero que se ha vuelto aún más urgente en el contexto post-COVID-19, dado su impacto en la desigualdad y en los ingresos estatales.
Transparencia: La información sobre GTs en Colombia no es detallada ni accesible para los ciudadanos o los investigadores. En algunos casos está dispersa o solo se dispone de información agregada, lo que dificulta su evaluación.
Escenario fiscal complejo: El sistema tributario colombiano es complejo, en parte, debido a las numerosas exenciones, exclusiones y deducciones especiales presentes en la regulación, lo que complejiza el cumplimiento tributario y el proceso de fiscalización y control.
Desafíos en la evaluación: Colombia no tenía definido su sistema de referencia (Benchmark) para la determinación del gasto tributario (GT). A mediados de 2024 se realizó el primer acercamiento a dicha definición para el impuesto sobre la renta y para el IVA, pero, al momento de este análisis no está disponible el informe desagregado. Sumado a ello, los beneficios tributarios no son objeto de una evaluación permanente y efectiva que permita determinar su pertinencia, lo que ha generado una acumulación de incentivos, muchas veces injustificados y que implican un elevado GT para el país.
Sostenibilidad fiscal: La capacidad del Estado colombiano para mantener unas finanzas saludables y cumplir con la regla fiscal se está viendo afectada por el escaso recaudo tributario. Esto se debe no solo al estancamiento de la economía sino, a la existencia de numerosos beneficios impositivos que conducen a un elevado GT que, solo en 2021 y 2022 representó 7.4% y 7.8% del PIB respectivamente.
Recomendaciones de política: en Colombia se requiere una reestructuración del sistema tributario para hacerlo más eficiente, sostenible y equitativo. Los beneficios tributarios se deben evaluar y, en ciertos casos, desmontar gradualmente con el fin de contribuir a la justicia tributaria y a la simplicidad del sistema.

En 2022, los gastos tributarios (GTs) en Colombia representaron aproximadamente el 7.8% del PIB, desglosándose de la siguiente manera: el costo fiscal de estos gastos en el impuesto sobre la renta fue del 0.6% para personas naturales y del 1.5% para personas jurídicas. El otro 5.6% corresponde al IVA. Este total representa un aumento de 4 puntos porcentuales en comparación con el año anterior.
Este informe destaca la necesidad de revisar los GTs, una evaluación que ya era crucial antes de la pandemia, pero que se ha vuelto aún más urgente en el contexto post-COVID-19, dado su impacto en la desigualdad y en los ingresos estatales.
Transparencia: La información sobre GTs en Colombia no es detallada ni accesible para los ciudadanos o los investigadores. En algunos casos está dispersa o solo se dispone de información agregada, lo que dificulta su evaluación.
Escenario fiscal complejo: El sistema tributario colombiano es complejo, en parte, debido a las numerosas exenciones, exclusiones y deducciones especiales presentes en la regulación, lo que complejiza el cumplimiento tributario y el proceso de fiscalización y control.
Desafíos en la evaluación: Colombia no tenía definido su sistema de referencia (Benchmark) para la determinación del gasto tributario (GT). A mediados de 2024 se realizó el primer acercamiento a dicha definición para el impuesto sobre la renta y para el IVA, pero, al momento de este análisis no está disponible el informe desagregado. Sumado a ello, los beneficios tributarios no son objeto de una evaluación permanente y efectiva que permita determinar su pertinencia, lo que ha generado una acumulación de incentivos, muchas veces injustificados y que implican un elevado GT para el país.
Sostenibilidad fiscal: La capacidad del Estado colombiano para mantener unas finanzas saludables y cumplir con la regla fiscal se está viendo afectada por el escaso recaudo tributario. Esto se debe no solo al estancamiento de la economía sino, a la existencia de numerosos beneficios impositivos que conducen a un elevado GT que, solo en 2021 y 2022 representó 7.4% y 7.8% del PIB respectivamente.
Recomendaciones de política: en Colombia se requiere una reestructuración del sistema tributario para hacerlo más eficiente, sostenible y equitativo. Los beneficios tributarios se deben evaluar y, en ciertos casos, desmontar gradualmente con el fin de contribuir a la justicia tributaria y a la simplicidad del sistema.

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Strategic philanthropy holds immense potential to drive large-scale social change, yet its impact is often constrained by a lack of data, research, and leadership. Addressing the world’s most intractable problems requires collaboration between philanthropy, government, and business.

On September 24th, IPI hosted a Global Leaders Series event featuring H.E. Badr Jafar, author of the book The Business of Philanthropy: Perspectives and Insights from Global Thought Leaders on How to Change the World.

The book, The Business of Philanthropy, features diverse insights into the power of strategic philanthropy to inform, inspire, and mobilize the next generation of social innovators in their pursuit of positive social and environmental impact.

Speakers:
H.E. Badr Jafar, Special Envoy for Business and Philanthropy, United Arab Emirates, and author of The Business of Philanthropy
Tsitsi Masiyiwa, Chair of Higherlife Foundation, Chair and Co-Founder of Delta Philanthropies, Chair of Co-Impact, Chair of END Fund, and a founding board member of the African Philanthropy Forum
Jacqueline Novogratz, Founder and CEO of Acumen

Moderator:
Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, President and CEO, International Peace Institute

The post Global Leaders Series: Insights from The Business of Philanthropy appeared first on International Peace Institute.

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IPI together with the Permanent Mission of Ireland to the United Nations, and the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of Mexico, in partnership with Our Secure Future and the Nobel Women’s Initiative, cohosted the annual “Women, Peace, and Leadership Symposium on Women’s Leadership for International Peace and Security” on September 24th. Now in its eighth year, this symposium aims to ensure that WPS is not only discussed within the UN Security Council during “WPS week” in October but is also integrated into broader high-level discussions at the UN.

This year, the Women, Peace, and Leadership Symposium returns to the foundation of the series and focuses on women’s leadership in international peace and security. The discussion examined women’s leadership in formal political spaces, within conflict settings, at the community level, and in areas that are crucial to international peace and security, including technology. While this event highlighted innovations and successes in women’s leadership, the conversation encouraged people of all genders to fight these barriers and be accountable to international obligations to increase women’s participation.

Opening Remarks:
Hiroyuki Saruhashi, Director, Gender Mainstreaming Division at Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan

Speakers:
H.E. Fergal Mythen, Permanent Representative of Ireland to the United Nations
Sahana Dharmapuri, Vice President of Our Secure Future and Vice President of the PAX sapiens Foundation
Pablo Arrocha, Legal Advisor, Mexico Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Tawakkol Karman, Nobel Peace Prize laureate
Sarah Hendriks, Director of Policy, Programme, and Intergovernmental Support Division (PPID), UN Women

Moderator:
Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, President and CEO, International Peace Institute

Closing Remarks:
Phoebe Donnelly, IPI Senior Fellow and Head of Women, Peace, and Security

The post Women, Peace, and Leadership Symposium on Women’s Leadership for International Peace and Security appeared first on International Peace Institute.

This book has come up with the most up-to-date, comprehensive and objective analysis of China’s investments in Pakistan under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, a flagship project of the Belt and Road Initiative. It covers the broad range of Sino-Pakistan relations in the backdrop of Pakistan’s complex political, governance, security, socio-environmental and technological challenges that hinder implementation of CPEC projects.

This book has come up with the most up-to-date, comprehensive and objective analysis of China’s investments in Pakistan under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, a flagship project of the Belt and Road Initiative. It covers the broad range of Sino-Pakistan relations in the backdrop of Pakistan’s complex political, governance, security, socio-environmental and technological challenges that hinder implementation of CPEC projects.

This book has come up with the most up-to-date, comprehensive and objective analysis of China’s investments in Pakistan under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, a flagship project of the Belt and Road Initiative. It covers the broad range of Sino-Pakistan relations in the backdrop of Pakistan’s complex political, governance, security, socio-environmental and technological challenges that hinder implementation of CPEC projects.

Bestimmte Narrative über Einkommen, Unternehmen und Wirtschaft beeinflussen Einstellungen zur Klimapolitik – Einkommensnarrativ senkt zusätzlich die Zufriedenheit mit der Demokratie – Sozial ausgewogene und transparent kommunizierte Klimapolitik kann Polarisierung vorbeugen Populistische Parteien ...

This study takes a critical look at Franco-German relations in the field of international cooperation along the entire humanitarian-development-peace (HDP) spectrum to better gauge the usefulness of bilateral collaborative action in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Both the corresponding potential – for example in the current Syrian transition – as well as existing coordination formats are of interest to the inquiry. The latter are examined in more detail against the background of German and French activities in Libya and Iraq. In this context, the analysis also considers the HDP nexus as an instrument of cooperation, which offers ideal conditions for application in fragile, conflict-prone (Libya) or war-torn countries (Iraq) due to their complex needs. The paper concludes with a series of recommendations for initiating or strengthening Franco-German cooperation in fragile states of the MENA region in the fields of humanitarian aid, development policy, and peacebuilding measures.
The study is divided into three thematic sections, the first of which examines bilateral relations between Paris and Berlin, with a focus on the phase following the signing of the Aachen Agreement in 2019. The analysis of national and international framework conditions for and against international cooperation is also part of this section, taking into account the effects of the Trump 2.0 administration. In the second part, the foreign and development policy approaches of both countries are analysed with a focus on their Middle East policies. Here, convergences and divergent approaches are of special interest, allowing conclusions to be drawn about the ability and willingness to cooperate. The third section is devoted to a synthesis of the operationalisation of activities within the HDP spectrum, with Libya and Iraq as country examples, as well as additional considerations relating to Syria.
On the one hand, this approach enables one to identify structural factors that either hinder or promote bilateral Franco-German cooperation in the international context. On the other hand, sufficient space is also given to current developments in order to be able to categorise trends and contextual factors which have a reinforcing or weakening effect on cooperation drivers. The Discussion Paper concludes with a recapitulation of the findings, and derives actionable recommendations for strengthening cooperation between Paris and Berlin in the crisis-ridden MENA region on the basis of HDP coordination.

This study takes a critical look at Franco-German relations in the field of international cooperation along the entire humanitarian-development-peace (HDP) spectrum to better gauge the usefulness of bilateral collaborative action in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Both the corresponding potential – for example in the current Syrian transition – as well as existing coordination formats are of interest to the inquiry. The latter are examined in more detail against the background of German and French activities in Libya and Iraq. In this context, the analysis also considers the HDP nexus as an instrument of cooperation, which offers ideal conditions for application in fragile, conflict-prone (Libya) or war-torn countries (Iraq) due to their complex needs. The paper concludes with a series of recommendations for initiating or strengthening Franco-German cooperation in fragile states of the MENA region in the fields of humanitarian aid, development policy, and peacebuilding measures.
The study is divided into three thematic sections, the first of which examines bilateral relations between Paris and Berlin, with a focus on the phase following the signing of the Aachen Agreement in 2019. The analysis of national and international framework conditions for and against international cooperation is also part of this section, taking into account the effects of the Trump 2.0 administration. In the second part, the foreign and development policy approaches of both countries are analysed with a focus on their Middle East policies. Here, convergences and divergent approaches are of special interest, allowing conclusions to be drawn about the ability and willingness to cooperate. The third section is devoted to a synthesis of the operationalisation of activities within the HDP spectrum, with Libya and Iraq as country examples, as well as additional considerations relating to Syria.
On the one hand, this approach enables one to identify structural factors that either hinder or promote bilateral Franco-German cooperation in the international context. On the other hand, sufficient space is also given to current developments in order to be able to categorise trends and contextual factors which have a reinforcing or weakening effect on cooperation drivers. The Discussion Paper concludes with a recapitulation of the findings, and derives actionable recommendations for strengthening cooperation between Paris and Berlin in the crisis-ridden MENA region on the basis of HDP coordination.