Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Many sub-Saharan African countries are increasingly adopting national health insurance policies to improve access to essential services. Informal sector workers, however, often lack coverage because their earnings are typically not low enough to qualify for government subsidies but insufficient to cover insurance premiums, resulting in a phenomenon known as "missing middle". This paper examined socioeconomic inequalities in national health insurance enrolment and determinants of participation among informal sector workers in Kenya. We used nationally representative cross-sectional household survey data (n = 5168) collected from informal sector workers in Kenya in December 2020. First, we examined levels of national health insurance enrolment among informal sector workers. Second, we examined socioeconomic inequalities in national health insurance enrolment using concentration curves and the Wagstaff index. Third, we employed a three-level mixed effects logistic regression model to assess the determinants of national health insurance enrolment. Overall, 21.75% (95% Confidence Interval 20.63–22.89) of informal sector workers in Kenya were enrolled in the national health insurance scheme. We observed pro-rich inequalities in national health insurance enrolment, with a concentration index of 0.35 (95% CI 0.30–0.41). Older age (adjusted odds ratio (AOR) = 1.66, 95% CI 1.31–2.10), employment in the non-agricultural sector (AOR = 1.96, 95% CI 1.60–2.39), microfinance institutional membership (AOR = 1.44, 95% CI 1.23–1.69), higher education level (AOR = 2.49, 95% CI 1.99–3.11), household’s prior positive experience with healthcare (AOR = 1.45, 95% CI 1.22–1.72), and higher socioeconomic status based on the wealth asset index (AOR = 3.87, 95% CI 2.97–5.05) were all significantly positively associated with national health insurance enrolment. Larger households had lower odds of enrollment (AOR = 0.76, 95% CI 0.60–0.96). Our findings suggest that enrollment rates among informal sector workers remain low, and important pro-rich inequalities prevail. Economic factors, education, and prior experience with healthcare services were key drivers of national health insurance enrollment. Further policies are needed to increase enrollment among informal sector workers, including differential premium levels, reliance on expanded targeted subsidies, and enhanced awareness campaigns. Our findings are also applicable to other low-resource settings experiencing conditions similar to those in Kenya as they transition toward national health insurance policies, with the goal of achieving universal health coverage.

Many sub-Saharan African countries are increasingly adopting national health insurance policies to improve access to essential services. Informal sector workers, however, often lack coverage because their earnings are typically not low enough to qualify for government subsidies but insufficient to cover insurance premiums, resulting in a phenomenon known as "missing middle". This paper examined socioeconomic inequalities in national health insurance enrolment and determinants of participation among informal sector workers in Kenya. We used nationally representative cross-sectional household survey data (n = 5168) collected from informal sector workers in Kenya in December 2020. First, we examined levels of national health insurance enrolment among informal sector workers. Second, we examined socioeconomic inequalities in national health insurance enrolment using concentration curves and the Wagstaff index. Third, we employed a three-level mixed effects logistic regression model to assess the determinants of national health insurance enrolment. Overall, 21.75% (95% Confidence Interval 20.63–22.89) of informal sector workers in Kenya were enrolled in the national health insurance scheme. We observed pro-rich inequalities in national health insurance enrolment, with a concentration index of 0.35 (95% CI 0.30–0.41). Older age (adjusted odds ratio (AOR) = 1.66, 95% CI 1.31–2.10), employment in the non-agricultural sector (AOR = 1.96, 95% CI 1.60–2.39), microfinance institutional membership (AOR = 1.44, 95% CI 1.23–1.69), higher education level (AOR = 2.49, 95% CI 1.99–3.11), household’s prior positive experience with healthcare (AOR = 1.45, 95% CI 1.22–1.72), and higher socioeconomic status based on the wealth asset index (AOR = 3.87, 95% CI 2.97–5.05) were all significantly positively associated with national health insurance enrolment. Larger households had lower odds of enrollment (AOR = 0.76, 95% CI 0.60–0.96). Our findings suggest that enrollment rates among informal sector workers remain low, and important pro-rich inequalities prevail. Economic factors, education, and prior experience with healthcare services were key drivers of national health insurance enrollment. Further policies are needed to increase enrollment among informal sector workers, including differential premium levels, reliance on expanded targeted subsidies, and enhanced awareness campaigns. Our findings are also applicable to other low-resource settings experiencing conditions similar to those in Kenya as they transition toward national health insurance policies, with the goal of achieving universal health coverage.

Los gastos tributarios (o gastos fiscales) en México se conocen como renuncias recaudatorias y se refieren al conjunto de medidas fiscales que reducen los ingresos públicos al otorgar un tratamiento preferencial frente a la estructura tributaria de referencia. Estas incluyen deducciones, exenciones, créditos fiscales, tasas diferenciadas y estímulos fiscales (SHCP, 2024b).
Aunque el concepto de gastos tributarios es equivalente al de estímulos fiscales, en México, los estímulos fiscales son, siguiendo la estructura del documento de renuncias recaudatorias de la SHCP, uno de los componentes de dichas renuncias. Así, los estímulos fiscales conforman un subconjunto específico de las renuncias recaudatorias y suelen establecerse mediante decretos presidenciales, a diferencia de otros beneficios incorporados directamente en las leyes tributarias (SHCP b, 2024).
Transparencia: México pasó del lugar 42 al 51 en la edición más reciente del Índice Global de Transparencia en Gastos Tributarios (GTETI, por su nombre en inglés), lo que refleja un retroceso en la disponibilidad, calidad y claridad de la información relacionada con las renuncias recaudatorias. Si bien el país aún cumple con los elementos mínimos de publicación —como estimaciones, metodología, base legal y análisis de beneficiarios—, persisten áreas de mejora relevantes, en particular en la definición del sistema de referencia (benchmark), la incorporación de evaluaciones y el fortalecimiento del papel del Congreso. La reanudación de la publicación del Documento de Renuncias Recaudatorias en 2024 representa una oportunidad para recuperar terreno en transparencia fiscal y promover una supervisión más activa por parte del poder legislativo y la sociedad civil.
Contexto complejo: Las renuncias recaudatorias representaron en 2024 alrededor de 1,42 billones de pesos, equivalentes al 4,2% del Producto Interno Bruto (PIB) y al 19,4% de los ingresos tributarios. Las renuncias recaudatorias se concentran principalmente en el Impuesto al Valor Agregado (IVA) con tasa cero y en el Sistema de Renta. Además, los estímulos fiscales, otorgados en su mayoría mediante decretos presidenciales, representaron cerca de una cuarta parte del total. Estas medidas tienen distintos objetivos, fundamentos jurídicos y horizontes temporales, lo que refleja un diseño heterogéneo y fragmentado de las renuncias recaudatorias en México.
Desafíos de evaluación: A pesar de los avances en el análisis de incidencia y desagregación por tipo de impuesto, no existe una evaluación sistemática del cumplimiento de objetivos de esta política pública. La ausencia de evaluaciones ex ante y ex post, así como de indicadores de desempeño, impide conocer la eficiencia y pertinencia de varias renuncias recaudatorias. Asimismo, existe un desfase entre la publicación de los decretos fiscales y el Documento de Renuncias Recaudatorias, lo que limita la evaluación de su impacto.
Sostenibilidad fiscal: La magnitud de las renuncias recaudatorias, equivalente a casi una quinta parte de los ingresos tributarios, representa un desafío para la sostenibilidad de las finanzas públicas. En un contexto de presiones estructurales sobre el gasto social, inversión pública, transición energética y transición demográfica es indispensable revisar la permanencia y efectividad de las medidas que implican estas renuncias, ya que si no son evaluadas pueden convertirse en una fuente estructural de ineficiencia y regresividad.

Los gastos tributarios (o gastos fiscales) en México se conocen como renuncias recaudatorias y se refieren al conjunto de medidas fiscales que reducen los ingresos públicos al otorgar un tratamiento preferencial frente a la estructura tributaria de referencia. Estas incluyen deducciones, exenciones, créditos fiscales, tasas diferenciadas y estímulos fiscales (SHCP, 2024b).
Aunque el concepto de gastos tributarios es equivalente al de estímulos fiscales, en México, los estímulos fiscales son, siguiendo la estructura del documento de renuncias recaudatorias de la SHCP, uno de los componentes de dichas renuncias. Así, los estímulos fiscales conforman un subconjunto específico de las renuncias recaudatorias y suelen establecerse mediante decretos presidenciales, a diferencia de otros beneficios incorporados directamente en las leyes tributarias (SHCP b, 2024).
Transparencia: México pasó del lugar 42 al 51 en la edición más reciente del Índice Global de Transparencia en Gastos Tributarios (GTETI, por su nombre en inglés), lo que refleja un retroceso en la disponibilidad, calidad y claridad de la información relacionada con las renuncias recaudatorias. Si bien el país aún cumple con los elementos mínimos de publicación —como estimaciones, metodología, base legal y análisis de beneficiarios—, persisten áreas de mejora relevantes, en particular en la definición del sistema de referencia (benchmark), la incorporación de evaluaciones y el fortalecimiento del papel del Congreso. La reanudación de la publicación del Documento de Renuncias Recaudatorias en 2024 representa una oportunidad para recuperar terreno en transparencia fiscal y promover una supervisión más activa por parte del poder legislativo y la sociedad civil.
Contexto complejo: Las renuncias recaudatorias representaron en 2024 alrededor de 1,42 billones de pesos, equivalentes al 4,2% del Producto Interno Bruto (PIB) y al 19,4% de los ingresos tributarios. Las renuncias recaudatorias se concentran principalmente en el Impuesto al Valor Agregado (IVA) con tasa cero y en el Sistema de Renta. Además, los estímulos fiscales, otorgados en su mayoría mediante decretos presidenciales, representaron cerca de una cuarta parte del total. Estas medidas tienen distintos objetivos, fundamentos jurídicos y horizontes temporales, lo que refleja un diseño heterogéneo y fragmentado de las renuncias recaudatorias en México.
Desafíos de evaluación: A pesar de los avances en el análisis de incidencia y desagregación por tipo de impuesto, no existe una evaluación sistemática del cumplimiento de objetivos de esta política pública. La ausencia de evaluaciones ex ante y ex post, así como de indicadores de desempeño, impide conocer la eficiencia y pertinencia de varias renuncias recaudatorias. Asimismo, existe un desfase entre la publicación de los decretos fiscales y el Documento de Renuncias Recaudatorias, lo que limita la evaluación de su impacto.
Sostenibilidad fiscal: La magnitud de las renuncias recaudatorias, equivalente a casi una quinta parte de los ingresos tributarios, representa un desafío para la sostenibilidad de las finanzas públicas. En un contexto de presiones estructurales sobre el gasto social, inversión pública, transición energética y transición demográfica es indispensable revisar la permanencia y efectividad de las medidas que implican estas renuncias, ya que si no son evaluadas pueden convertirse en una fuente estructural de ineficiencia y regresividad.

Los gastos tributarios (o gastos fiscales) en México se conocen como renuncias recaudatorias y se refieren al conjunto de medidas fiscales que reducen los ingresos públicos al otorgar un tratamiento preferencial frente a la estructura tributaria de referencia. Estas incluyen deducciones, exenciones, créditos fiscales, tasas diferenciadas y estímulos fiscales (SHCP, 2024b).
Aunque el concepto de gastos tributarios es equivalente al de estímulos fiscales, en México, los estímulos fiscales son, siguiendo la estructura del documento de renuncias recaudatorias de la SHCP, uno de los componentes de dichas renuncias. Así, los estímulos fiscales conforman un subconjunto específico de las renuncias recaudatorias y suelen establecerse mediante decretos presidenciales, a diferencia de otros beneficios incorporados directamente en las leyes tributarias (SHCP b, 2024).
Transparencia: México pasó del lugar 42 al 51 en la edición más reciente del Índice Global de Transparencia en Gastos Tributarios (GTETI, por su nombre en inglés), lo que refleja un retroceso en la disponibilidad, calidad y claridad de la información relacionada con las renuncias recaudatorias. Si bien el país aún cumple con los elementos mínimos de publicación —como estimaciones, metodología, base legal y análisis de beneficiarios—, persisten áreas de mejora relevantes, en particular en la definición del sistema de referencia (benchmark), la incorporación de evaluaciones y el fortalecimiento del papel del Congreso. La reanudación de la publicación del Documento de Renuncias Recaudatorias en 2024 representa una oportunidad para recuperar terreno en transparencia fiscal y promover una supervisión más activa por parte del poder legislativo y la sociedad civil.
Contexto complejo: Las renuncias recaudatorias representaron en 2024 alrededor de 1,42 billones de pesos, equivalentes al 4,2% del Producto Interno Bruto (PIB) y al 19,4% de los ingresos tributarios. Las renuncias recaudatorias se concentran principalmente en el Impuesto al Valor Agregado (IVA) con tasa cero y en el Sistema de Renta. Además, los estímulos fiscales, otorgados en su mayoría mediante decretos presidenciales, representaron cerca de una cuarta parte del total. Estas medidas tienen distintos objetivos, fundamentos jurídicos y horizontes temporales, lo que refleja un diseño heterogéneo y fragmentado de las renuncias recaudatorias en México.
Desafíos de evaluación: A pesar de los avances en el análisis de incidencia y desagregación por tipo de impuesto, no existe una evaluación sistemática del cumplimiento de objetivos de esta política pública. La ausencia de evaluaciones ex ante y ex post, así como de indicadores de desempeño, impide conocer la eficiencia y pertinencia de varias renuncias recaudatorias. Asimismo, existe un desfase entre la publicación de los decretos fiscales y el Documento de Renuncias Recaudatorias, lo que limita la evaluación de su impacto.
Sostenibilidad fiscal: La magnitud de las renuncias recaudatorias, equivalente a casi una quinta parte de los ingresos tributarios, representa un desafío para la sostenibilidad de las finanzas públicas. En un contexto de presiones estructurales sobre el gasto social, inversión pública, transición energética y transición demográfica es indispensable revisar la permanencia y efectividad de las medidas que implican estas renuncias, ya que si no son evaluadas pueden convertirse en una fuente estructural de ineficiencia y regresividad.

At IDOS, we are committed to the sustainable development of our organisation – ecologically, socially and economically – and we contribute to sustainable transformations worldwide through research, policy advice and training. For us, sustainability is not a one-off objective but an ongoing process that we aim to shape with responsibility and foresight. Acting sustainably in our day-to-day operations is a self-imposed obligation that we pursue with conviction and consistency. Our ambition is to act today in such a way that good working conditions and the responsible use of natural resources remain possible in the future. With this report, we are presenting for the first time an account of our greenhouse gas emissions for the period 2022 to 2023.

At IDOS, we are committed to the sustainable development of our organisation – ecologically, socially and economically – and we contribute to sustainable transformations worldwide through research, policy advice and training. For us, sustainability is not a one-off objective but an ongoing process that we aim to shape with responsibility and foresight. Acting sustainably in our day-to-day operations is a self-imposed obligation that we pursue with conviction and consistency. Our ambition is to act today in such a way that good working conditions and the responsible use of natural resources remain possible in the future. With this report, we are presenting for the first time an account of our greenhouse gas emissions for the period 2022 to 2023.

At IDOS, we are committed to the sustainable development of our organisation – ecologically, socially and economically – and we contribute to sustainable transformations worldwide through research, policy advice and training. For us, sustainability is not a one-off objective but an ongoing process that we aim to shape with responsibility and foresight. Acting sustainably in our day-to-day operations is a self-imposed obligation that we pursue with conviction and consistency. Our ambition is to act today in such a way that good working conditions and the responsible use of natural resources remain possible in the future. With this report, we are presenting for the first time an account of our greenhouse gas emissions for the period 2022 to 2023.

تُبرز الواحات المغربية كيف تُفاقِم ندرة المياه أعباء النساء اليومية وتؤثر في سبل عيشهن وأنشطتهن التنموية في المناطق القروية القاحلة، في وقت يضطلعن فيه بدور محوري في التنمية القروية والتكيف مع تغيّر المناخ، مما يستدعي دعمًا موجَّهًا يستجيب لاحتياجاتهن

تُبرز الواحات المغربية كيف تُفاقِم ندرة المياه أعباء النساء اليومية وتؤثر في سبل عيشهن وأنشطتهن التنموية في المناطق القروية القاحلة، في وقت يضطلعن فيه بدور محوري في التنمية القروية والتكيف مع تغيّر المناخ، مما يستدعي دعمًا موجَّهًا يستجيب لاحتياجاتهن

تُبرز الواحات المغربية كيف تُفاقِم ندرة المياه أعباء النساء اليومية وتؤثر في سبل عيشهن وأنشطتهن التنموية في المناطق القروية القاحلة، في وقت يضطلعن فيه بدور محوري في التنمية القروية والتكيف مع تغيّر المناخ، مما يستدعي دعمًا موجَّهًا يستجيب لاحتياجاتهن

How do e-government tools that enable direct online communication with the executive affect citizens’ support for autocracy? On the one hand, such centralised digital government tools may sway public opinion in favour of strongman rule at the expense of autocratic institutions; on the other hand, such participation and responsiveness may unintentionally unveil a wide range of issues in the country, undermining trust in the regime. We examine an electronic platform in Turkey, CIMER, that allows citizens to submit petitions and complaints, send messages to the president, and propose policies and programmes. We conducted a well-powered online survey experiment with a nationally representative sample (N≈4,600) that estimates the effects of different types of regime propaganda around this e-portal on attitudinal and quasi-behavioural outcomes. The results suggest that propaganda through CIMER improves diffuse support for the regime and generates behavioural compliance, even among opposition voters. However, these positive effects accrue to regime institutions rather than to Erdoğan personally as the executive’s personalistic leader. On certain dimensions, the propaganda backfires among the regime’s core support groups, eroding their perceptions of Erdoğan’s popularity as a leader. These results have major implications for the expected downstream effects of these types of digital tools on regime stability and legitimacy, and they add to the growing warnings about holding overly optimistic views concerning the effects of digitalisation on democracy.

How do e-government tools that enable direct online communication with the executive affect citizens’ support for autocracy? On the one hand, such centralised digital government tools may sway public opinion in favour of strongman rule at the expense of autocratic institutions; on the other hand, such participation and responsiveness may unintentionally unveil a wide range of issues in the country, undermining trust in the regime. We examine an electronic platform in Turkey, CIMER, that allows citizens to submit petitions and complaints, send messages to the president, and propose policies and programmes. We conducted a well-powered online survey experiment with a nationally representative sample (N≈4,600) that estimates the effects of different types of regime propaganda around this e-portal on attitudinal and quasi-behavioural outcomes. The results suggest that propaganda through CIMER improves diffuse support for the regime and generates behavioural compliance, even among opposition voters. However, these positive effects accrue to regime institutions rather than to Erdoğan personally as the executive’s personalistic leader. On certain dimensions, the propaganda backfires among the regime’s core support groups, eroding their perceptions of Erdoğan’s popularity as a leader. These results have major implications for the expected downstream effects of these types of digital tools on regime stability and legitimacy, and they add to the growing warnings about holding overly optimistic views concerning the effects of digitalisation on democracy.

How do e-government tools that enable direct online communication with the executive affect citizens’ support for autocracy? On the one hand, such centralised digital government tools may sway public opinion in favour of strongman rule at the expense of autocratic institutions; on the other hand, such participation and responsiveness may unintentionally unveil a wide range of issues in the country, undermining trust in the regime. We examine an electronic platform in Turkey, CIMER, that allows citizens to submit petitions and complaints, send messages to the president, and propose policies and programmes. We conducted a well-powered online survey experiment with a nationally representative sample (N≈4,600) that estimates the effects of different types of regime propaganda around this e-portal on attitudinal and quasi-behavioural outcomes. The results suggest that propaganda through CIMER improves diffuse support for the regime and generates behavioural compliance, even among opposition voters. However, these positive effects accrue to regime institutions rather than to Erdoğan personally as the executive’s personalistic leader. On certain dimensions, the propaganda backfires among the regime’s core support groups, eroding their perceptions of Erdoğan’s popularity as a leader. These results have major implications for the expected downstream effects of these types of digital tools on regime stability and legitimacy, and they add to the growing warnings about holding overly optimistic views concerning the effects of digitalisation on democracy.

Sanitation and proper disposal of human waste are key to a dignified life. The importance of maintaining reasonable standards of sanitation is acknowledged in the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDG target 6.2) as well as in the Art. 43, I b from the Constitution of Kenya (Government of Kenya, 2010). However, the integration of sanitation policies, their associated legislations and lived practices, and their implications for the environment and human health remain opaque. Understanding is particularly limited regarding sanitation governance in Kenya’s fast-growing secondary cities, where responsibility for sanitation has only recently been devolved from the national to the county level. Our study examines these complex interactions, shedding light on how power relations constitute a determining factor in shaping the access to sanitation and its unequal socio-environmental hybridities. Empirically, we focus on three sub-locations in Nakuru City. Nakuru City has been described as a role model in the Kenyan context. Our research design combines both a quantitative, georeferenced household survey and qualitative, semi-structured interviews with actors at various levels. Our descriptive, regression and qualitative content analyses of the collected data reveal that levels of political interest vary considerably. Collaboration along the on-site sanitation service chain and with other sectors, such as solid waste management, presents numerous challenges, and a significant discrepancy exists in degrees of access to safe sanitation between and within sub-locations. As value-driven leadership at a time of heightened political attention has made Nakuru’s role as a “sanitation champion” possible, we believe that many of these challenges can be overcome with increased collective awareness and a more substantial political commitment to realise the constitutionally guaranteed right to sanitation.

Marius Bug, Maria Gerlspeck, Aline-Victoria Grassl, Saskia Metz, Johannes S. Vogel and Carolin Wicke were junior researchers and participants in the 58th Postgraduate Training Programme 2022/2023 of the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS).

Sanitation and proper disposal of human waste are key to a dignified life. The importance of maintaining reasonable standards of sanitation is acknowledged in the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDG target 6.2) as well as in the Art. 43, I b from the Constitution of Kenya (Government of Kenya, 2010). However, the integration of sanitation policies, their associated legislations and lived practices, and their implications for the environment and human health remain opaque. Understanding is particularly limited regarding sanitation governance in Kenya’s fast-growing secondary cities, where responsibility for sanitation has only recently been devolved from the national to the county level. Our study examines these complex interactions, shedding light on how power relations constitute a determining factor in shaping the access to sanitation and its unequal socio-environmental hybridities. Empirically, we focus on three sub-locations in Nakuru City. Nakuru City has been described as a role model in the Kenyan context. Our research design combines both a quantitative, georeferenced household survey and qualitative, semi-structured interviews with actors at various levels. Our descriptive, regression and qualitative content analyses of the collected data reveal that levels of political interest vary considerably. Collaboration along the on-site sanitation service chain and with other sectors, such as solid waste management, presents numerous challenges, and a significant discrepancy exists in degrees of access to safe sanitation between and within sub-locations. As value-driven leadership at a time of heightened political attention has made Nakuru’s role as a “sanitation champion” possible, we believe that many of these challenges can be overcome with increased collective awareness and a more substantial political commitment to realise the constitutionally guaranteed right to sanitation.

Marius Bug, Maria Gerlspeck, Aline-Victoria Grassl, Saskia Metz, Johannes S. Vogel and Carolin Wicke were junior researchers and participants in the 58th Postgraduate Training Programme 2022/2023 of the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS).

Sanitation and proper disposal of human waste are key to a dignified life. The importance of maintaining reasonable standards of sanitation is acknowledged in the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDG target 6.2) as well as in the Art. 43, I b from the Constitution of Kenya (Government of Kenya, 2010). However, the integration of sanitation policies, their associated legislations and lived practices, and their implications for the environment and human health remain opaque. Understanding is particularly limited regarding sanitation governance in Kenya’s fast-growing secondary cities, where responsibility for sanitation has only recently been devolved from the national to the county level. Our study examines these complex interactions, shedding light on how power relations constitute a determining factor in shaping the access to sanitation and its unequal socio-environmental hybridities. Empirically, we focus on three sub-locations in Nakuru City. Nakuru City has been described as a role model in the Kenyan context. Our research design combines both a quantitative, georeferenced household survey and qualitative, semi-structured interviews with actors at various levels. Our descriptive, regression and qualitative content analyses of the collected data reveal that levels of political interest vary considerably. Collaboration along the on-site sanitation service chain and with other sectors, such as solid waste management, presents numerous challenges, and a significant discrepancy exists in degrees of access to safe sanitation between and within sub-locations. As value-driven leadership at a time of heightened political attention has made Nakuru’s role as a “sanitation champion” possible, we believe that many of these challenges can be overcome with increased collective awareness and a more substantial political commitment to realise the constitutionally guaranteed right to sanitation.

Marius Bug, Maria Gerlspeck, Aline-Victoria Grassl, Saskia Metz, Johannes S. Vogel and Carolin Wicke were junior researchers and participants in the 58th Postgraduate Training Programme 2022/2023 of the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS).

Politikberatung gehört zu den Kernaufgaben des DIW Berlin. Um seine Forschungsergebnisse und Empfehlungen in die wirtschafts- und sozialpolitische Debatte einzubringen, betreibt das Institut eine intensive Öffentlichkeitsarbeit. Die Abteilung Kommunikation bereitet Themen und Inhalte für unterschiedliche Zielgruppen in verschiedenen Formaten auf. Dazu gehören insbesondere Pressearbeit, Print- und Onlinepublikationen, Website- und Social-Media-Kommunikation sowie Veranstaltungen.

Zum nächstmöglichen Zeitpunkt suchen wir eine*n

PR-Volontär*in mit dem Schwerpunkt Presse

und Digitale Kommunikation (w/m/d) 

In dem Volontariat erhalten Sie Einblick in alle Aufgabenbereiche der externen und internen Kommunikation eines Forschungsinstituts. Es dauert 18 Monate und besteht aus drei Modulen:

• Ausbildung und Tätigkeit in allen Arbeitsbereichen der Abteilung Kommunikation mit Schwerpunkt in den Bereichen Pressearbeit und Redaktion des DIW-Wochenberichts sowie der Digitalen Kommunikation mit dem Teilbereich Soziale Medien
• Außerbetriebliche Ausbildung in Form eines Volontärseminars
• Externe Hospitation zum Beispiel in einer Medienredaktion

Die von der zweiten Administration unter US-Präsident Donald Trump getroffenen Entscheidungen zur weitgehenden Auflösung der US-amerikanischen Entwicklungspolitik sind tiefgreifend. Die Tragweite der Kursänderung lässt sich allerdings erst abschätzen, wenn man das Fundament des Politikfeldes betrachtet, das wesentlich mit den USA verknüpft ist.

Die von der zweiten Administration unter US-Präsident Donald Trump getroffenen Entscheidungen zur weitgehenden Auflösung der US-amerikanischen Entwicklungspolitik sind tiefgreifend. Die Tragweite der Kursänderung lässt sich allerdings erst abschätzen, wenn man das Fundament des Politikfeldes betrachtet, das wesentlich mit den USA verknüpft ist.