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MC3 Ian Carver/U.S. Navy

Is the U.S. accidentally preparing for World War I again? In this two-part series, leading thinkers from a prior era of globalization instruct us on maritime and cyber security today.

In our constant consumption of the latest news, we risk overlooking history and missing context. Competing insights from a century ago inform debates today on Russian and Chinese naval strategies (this post) and cybersecurity (the next).

Alfred T. Mahan and Norman Angell were prominent thinkers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Mahan was a U.S. naval officer who literally wrote the book that shaped American naval strategy for decades. Angell warned of the futility of war for so long that ended up he winning the Nobel Peace Prize. Mahan and Angell each saw enormous consequences of the trade and technology boom of their time, with steamships, transatlantic telegraphy, radio communications and the Panama Canal. Mahan focused on the many new threats posed by the emerging technologies, while Angell saw a range of potential benefits.

Mahan understood that a surge in technology and trade could lead to more luxuries, but at heart was a realist: “All around us now is strife…. Everywhere is nation against nation.” He warned, for example, about European access through the Panama Canal to the undefended West Coast of the United States, the dangerous rise of Asian states and wars driven by economic ambition. European and U.S. navies responded with massive shipbuilding campaigns and by securing ports throughout the Caribbean.

Angell, meanwhile, concluded that the rise of trade and economic integration – “interdependence” – made war an irrational choice. The direct and indirect costs of war were greater than any possible gains. Trade became a more efficient means to wealth than accumulating geography. Moreover, the role of government had evolved: raising a country’s standard of living became more important than conquering foreign territory.

Mahan’s views seemed to be borne out by World War I, punitive postwar policies, the failure of the League of Nations, and World War II. These (and the Cold War) demonstrated a world of zero-sum, state-vs.-state conflicts less focused on democracy, human rights, and trade. But beginning with the Atlantic Charter, the European Coal and Steel Community, and the new UN Declaration of Human Rights, Angell’s ideas began to rise. By the 1980s into the 1990s, democracy, global trade and investment, non-state actors and the World Wide Web were replacing simple realism.

Al Qaeda’s attacks on the United States in 2001, though, provoked a complicated response of

new, new realism – high-tech network-centric warfare with global surveillance and targeting technologies, along with special forces on horseback, to fight state and non-state actors, in order to preserve the presumed benefits of the peaceful globalization status quo.

Today’s geopolitics blend and contrast Angell’s and Mahan’s visions. Seaborne international trade fuels much of the global economy, while increasingly assertive naval strategies are changing geostrategic analysis.

China’s naval ascendance focuses for now on the South China Sea. Its claims of sovereignty are contested by Vietnam, the Philippines, and other countries in the region. China uses diplomatic and military pressure, and the construction of “new islands,” to strengthen its claims. Locally, the disputes impact fishing, mineral and drilling rights. Key commercial shipping lanes, and the passage rights of foreign navies, are concerns of India, the United States and others. At the same time, the U.S. military asserts that China’s naval upgrades aim toward an “anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) force — a force that can deter U.S. intervention.”

The Russian question is even more similar to Mahan’s concerns over “coaling stations” for a global navy. With a coastline extending across nearly half of the Arctic Circle, Russia is developing its Arctic infrastructure to support its naval and merchant fleets. Supported by scientific expeditions to extend it claims — an effort other countries also undertake — it is preparing for considerable increases in shipping Arctic melt is expected to allow. On its southern front, Russia has been developing Novorossiysk to house the Black Sea Fleet, and annexed Crimea, home of Russia’s naval facility in Sevastopol. Meanwhile, in 2014, Russian defense minister Sergei Shoigu announced negotiations for military bases and refueling sites for Russian strategic bombers in Vietnam, Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua, the Seychelles, Singapore and other countries.

The question of American and allied policies also look back to Mahan and Angell’s time. In the decades before World War I, the United States and European powers engaged in a naval modernization arms race and secured bases across the Caribbean Sea. The U.S. then partially withdrew from European politics until World War II, after which it took a dual-track approach. Toward the Soviet Union, it waged a Mahan-informed foreign policy of strength, expansion and containment. With its allies, though, it helped build a new community of interdependence.

How is the U.S. moving today? In recent weeks, the U.S. has moved forward on two elements of its “pivot to Asia”: the Defense Department’s new Southeast Asia Maritime Security Initiative (like Mahan) and progress in Congress on the coming Trans-Pacific Partnership trade deal (like Angell, except that it excludes China). The deputy secretary of defense talked tough when he testified to Congress on Russia nuclear plans (and softer on China), while the Pentagon also announced it would move “approximately 250 tanks, Bradley fighting vehicles and self-propelled howitzers throughout six countries that are close to Russia” (both Mahan).

And while it is useful to understand that Mahan and Angell offer insight into current maritime security debates, it is remarkable that they also contribute significantly to understanding questions of cybersecurity – the subject of the next post.

This post and the next are drawn in part from Jim Quirk’s article in the Mediterranean Quarterly, June 2015.

On 29 June, the Latvian Minister for Environmental Protection and Regional Development, Kaspars Gerhards, went to New York (USA) to represent the Latvian Presidency of the Council of the European Union at the high-level event on international climate policy, convened by the President of the United Nations General Assembly.

On 29 June, the Latvian Minister for Environmental Protection and Regional Development, Kaspars Gerhards, went to New York (USA) to represent the Latvian Presidency of the Council of the European Union at the high-level event on international climate policy, convened by the President of the United Nations General Assembly.

On 30 June 2015, the Council confirmed a deal struck with the European Parliament on faster and less burdensome vehicle authorisation and safety certification procedures for European railways. The European Railway Agency (ERA) will play a key role in this. 

On 30 June 2015, the Council confirmed a deal struck with the European Parliament on faster and less burdensome vehicle authorisation and safety certification procedures for European railways. The European Railway Agency (ERA) will play a key role in this. 

Gathering at a religious festival in Ajmer, India. This northern city of 550,000 has been selected to become a smart city, with modern infrastructure systems operated by “smart” technology. PM Narendra Modi unveiled the $7.5b plan on June 25. But will it work? The jury is still out. Photo: The Hindu (newspaper)

On June 25, 2015, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi unveiled a plan to modernize the infrastructure of 100 cities. The Indian government is devoting $7.5 billion to the initiative, with a goal of completing the upgrades by 2022. Yet there is criticism that the idea is destined to fail as it is putting the cart before the horse: attempting to bring Indian cities into the 21st century when many are barely in the 20th.

Modi’s vision is based on the cutting-edge design of so-called smart cities, which use technology based on computer networks to create “grids in which water, electricity, waste removal, traffic, hospitals and schools are seamlessly integrated with information technology to run them more efficiently.” Prototypes have been installed in South Korea, India and Abu Dhabi.

Adapting the smart city to India faces significant challenges. Notable among them is that Indian political, economic and cultural focus has traditionally been on its villages. Despite its burgeoning population, creating policies centered on villages has been practiced for decades. Only recently has attention shifted to cities, which politicians can no longer ignore. Now about 350 million Indians live in cities; staggeringly, this figure is projected to nearly double (to 600 million) by 2030. Yet the infrastructure of many of India’s cities cannot support their strain currently, let alone the additional burden of population growth expected soon.

For example, take Ajmer in northern India, with a population around 550,000. It is one of the cities selected for upgrade by Modi. In May 2015 representatives from IBM, Oracle and several other companies visited Ajmer to plan out (and promote) how smart city technology will fix the city’s debilitating water and waste management and traffic problems.

Yet, Ajmer only provides running water for two hour per day. A pitifully small number of homes are connected to a sewage system. Dirty water freely flows through open drains. And only 2 traffic lights function properly in the entire municipality. As Mukesh Aghi — president of the U.S.-India Business Council, which organized the meeting with U.S. companies in May — deftly observes, “While we are trying to bring 21st-century technology, we also need to sort out some 19th-century challenges in Ajmer.” Suresh Mathur, a retired schoolteacher in Ajmer, asks, “Can we first work toward becoming a functioning city before aspiring to be a smart city? We lack even the basic services that a city should typically provide.”

Technology has the potential to solve many problems but also tends to create just as many. The infrastructure problems in India are severe and also unique, meaning solutions that worked elsewhere would likely not work there. Of course the smart city model could succeed if adapted properly, but this process needs to be carefully planned and tested. Thus expecting fully functioning modern cities by 2022 seems completely unreasonable.

I saw a BBC program recently that talked about the many problems with installing highway overpasses and alternate routes aimed to combat traffic congestion in Mumbai. Dozens of these structures sit half-completed, with no progress being made and no realistic completion date in sight. With this in mind jumping directly from antiquated to modern doesn’t seem feasible.

Maybe Modi should focus on making the infrastructure of India’s cities average, before arriving at smart.

As one of the current top priorities for the EU, the European fund for strategic investments (EFSI) was an important dossier for the Latvian Presidency. The agreement reached with the European Parliament on the proposed regulation paved the way for final adoption before the end of the Latvian Presidency. This should enable new investments to begin already this summer, helping to boost economic growth.

Another high priority for the EU is the Energy Union, which deserved particular attention from the Latvian Presidency. Energy ministers adopted conclusions on its implementation, focusing on how to provide consumers with secure, sustainable and affordable energy and to encourage investment. Other aspects, such as the energy security strategy have also been analysed and discussed by ministers.

In line with the objective of completing the digital single market - a further priority for the EU - the Latvian Presidency has placed digital issues at the top of the agenda, and significant progress has been achieved over recent months. The Presidency managed to reach a general approach on the data protection regulation and a provisional agreement with the Parliament on abolishment of roaming and open internet access. The Presidency has also managed to agree with the Parliament on the main principles for the directive on network and information security (NIS).

Developments in the EU's immediate neighbourhood have also been a particular focus in recent months. A particular highlight of the Latvian Presidency was the Eastern Partnership summit in May, where the EU met with its Eastern counterparts. The importance of the EU's relationship with Eastern Partnership countries was further underlined through more than ten various themed high level meetings such as trade, health, agriculture, civil society, media, digital economy, justice, home affairs, border management and others.

The Latvian Presidency also paid particular attention to the renewal of EU's strategy towards Central Asia. This work resulted in Council conclusions that were adopted at the Foreign Affairs Council on 22nd of June and request the EEAS to come forward with proposals for effective implementation of the Strategy in accordance with the needs for a renewed partnership with the region.

The Council adopted new rules aimed at increasing the pool of capital available for long-term investment by creating a new form of fund vehicle known as ELTIFs. It also agreed to increase significantly advance payments under the youth employment initiative (YEI), in order to speed up the fight against youth unemployment.

On environmental issues, the agreement with the European Parliament to create a market stability reserve is an important milestone on the way to the reform of the EU greenhouse gas emission trading scheme (ETS). The Presidency also paved the way to start the transition from conventional biofuels to advanced biofuels that deliver substantial greenhouse gas savings.

On transport issues, the Presidency successfully reached a political agreement with the European Parliament on new rules to improve rail interoperability and safety for European railways.

Latvian Presidency reached a political agreement on the new rules for the package holidays aiming to adapt to travel market developments. This was done in order to meet the needs of consumers and businesses in the digital era and to extend the protection for traditional packages to combinations of separate travel services, in particular if sold online.

On health issues, the Council agreed on its negotiating stance on two draft regulations aimed at modernising EU rules on medical devices and in vitro diagnostic medical devices. This will ensure the highest level of protection for European patients, consumers and healthcare professionals. It will also allow for safe, effective and innovative medical devices to be placed on the market and made available to users in a timely manner.

The Council agreed on its position on organic farming, as well as on the establishment of a multiannual plan for the stocks of cod, herring and sprat in the Baltic sea. The aim of this plan is to ensure that Baltic fish stocks are exploited in a sustainable way. There was also political agreement on the implementation of the landing obligation for fisheries as part of the EU's progressive elimination of discards.

An agreement was reached on a programme to help Member States provide interoperable digital services (ISA²). The aim is to make sure that European public administrations can interact electronically with each other and with citizens and businesses in a seamless manner.

In the context of EU efforts to support a peaceful solution to the conflict in Ukraine and to assist this country in the current critical situation, the Council approved €1.8 billion in further macro-financial assistance to Ukraine.

Over these months the Council has also made some steps forward in the fight against corporate tax avoidance, adding a binding anti-abuse clause to the EU's parent-subsidiary directive. It has also strengthened rules to prevent money laundering and terrorist financing with the approval of a new legislative package on these matters.

Following the terrorist attack in Paris and the subsequent attack in Copenhagen, the fight against terrorism has become even more important. As part of a strengthening of the EU's action in combatting terrorist threats and in line with the guidelines laid down by the European Council, the Presidency has organised a number of discussions on how to strengthen measures to combat terrorism in various different Council configurations, including at an important informal meeting of Home Affairs ministers in Riga in January. Further discussions in June have helped prepare for the debate at the forthcoming European Council.

The Latvian Presidency has also devoted significant efforts to preparing a political response to the tragedies in the Mediterranean that resulted in hundreds of deaths of refugees. Together with the High Representative/Vice President the Presidency organised a joint meeting of Foreign Affairs and Home Affairs ministers to discuss the EU's reaction and migration policy. This debate was followed by a Special Meeting of the European Council which set out various points for action. The Latvian Presidency together with institutions prepared and later renewed a road map for further work, which was submitted to the June European Council.

As part of the preparations for the UN climate change conference of Paris in December, the Council adopted a submission on the Intended Nationally Determined Contribution (INDC) of the EU and its member states. This document confirms the EU commitment to a binding target of at least a 40% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 compared to 1990, as set out in the conclusions of the European Council of October 2014.

Finally, in the run-up to the international conference on Financing for Development in July 2015, the Latvian Presidency ensured an agreement on a strong and united EU position on financial and non-financial ways to support development, including a collective re-commitment to the ODA (Official Development Assistance) target of 0.7% of GNI, as well as more specific targets for support to Least Developed Countries.

• EU budget: Council preserves funds for promoting growth and jobs
• EU budget: backlog of unpaid bills on the way of phasing out
• Capping fees for card-based payments: Regulation adopted
• Benchmarks for financial instruments: Council agrees stance on tighter controls
• More transparency for securities financing transactions: Council and Parliament agree new rules
• Strengthening the financial sector through the Banking Structural Reform
• Electronic payment services: Council and Parliament agree on updated rules
• Insolvency proceedings: promoting economic recovery
• Small claims procedure: Council and Parliament agree on new rules
• The EU institutions provisionally agree on animal health measures
• Novel foods: Council presents final compromise text
• eCall, emergency call system in road accidents: Council adopts its position on type-approval requirements
• Traffic offenders traceable across the EU
• Safer and greener lorries approved by the Council
• Trade marks reform: Council confirms agreement with Parliament
• Single-member private limited liability companies: Council agrees on general approach
• More protection for seafarers' labour rights: Council confirms agreement with EP
• Inland waterway vessels: Council agrees its position
• Council conclusions on the transfer of the stewardship of the Internet Assigned Numbers Authority (IANA) functions to the multi-stakeholder community
• EU-US agreement on reinsurance: Council agrees to negotiations
• Further steps in the fight against climate change: the Council approves the Doha Amendment
• EU citizens to enjoy improved access to consular protection abroad
• CEPOL: Council and Parliament agree on updated rules

As one of the current top priorities for the EU, the European fund for strategic investments (EFSI) was an important dossier for the Latvian Presidency. The agreement reached with the European Parliament on the proposed regulation paved the way for final adoption before the end of the Latvian Presidency. This should enable new investments to begin already this summer, helping to boost economic growth.

Another high priority for the EU is the Energy Union, which deserved particular attention from the Latvian Presidency. Energy ministers adopted conclusions on its implementation, focusing on how to provide consumers with secure, sustainable and affordable energy and to encourage investment. Other aspects, such as the energy security strategy have also been analysed and discussed by ministers.

In line with the objective of completing the digital single market - a further priority for the EU - the Latvian Presidency has placed digital issues at the top of the agenda, and significant progress has been achieved over recent months. The Presidency managed to reach a general approach on the data protection regulation and a provisional agreement with the Parliament on abolishment of roaming and open internet access. The Presidency has also managed to agree with the Parliament on the main principles for the directive on network and information security (NIS).

Developments in the EU's immediate neighbourhood have also been a particular focus in recent months. A particular highlight of the Latvian Presidency was the Eastern Partnership summit in May, where the EU met with its Eastern counterparts. The importance of the EU's relationship with Eastern Partnership countries was further underlined through more than ten various themed high level meetings such as trade, health, agriculture, civil society, media, digital economy, justice, home affairs, border management and others.

The Latvian Presidency also paid particular attention to the renewal of EU's strategy towards Central Asia. This work resulted in Council conclusions that were adopted at the Foreign Affairs Council on 22nd of June and request the EEAS to come forward with proposals for effective implementation of the Strategy in accordance with the needs for a renewed partnership with the region.

The Council adopted new rules aimed at increasing the pool of capital available for long-term investment by creating a new form of fund vehicle known as ELTIFs. It also agreed to increase significantly advance payments under the youth employment initiative (YEI), in order to speed up the fight against youth unemployment.

On environmental issues, the agreement with the European Parliament to create a market stability reserve is an important milestone on the way to the reform of the EU greenhouse gas emission trading scheme (ETS). The Presidency also paved the way to start the transition from conventional biofuels to advanced biofuels that deliver substantial greenhouse gas savings.

On transport issues, the Presidency successfully reached a political agreement with the European Parliament on new rules to improve rail interoperability and safety for European railways.

Latvian Presidency reached a political agreement on the new rules for the package holidays aiming to adapt to travel market developments. This was done in order to meet the needs of consumers and businesses in the digital era and to extend the protection for traditional packages to combinations of separate travel services, in particular if sold online.

On health issues, the Council agreed on its negotiating stance on two draft regulations aimed at modernising EU rules on medical devices and in vitro diagnostic medical devices. This will ensure the highest level of protection for European patients, consumers and healthcare professionals. It will also allow for safe, effective and innovative medical devices to be placed on the market and made available to users in a timely manner.

The Council agreed on its position on organic farming, as well as on the establishment of a multiannual plan for the stocks of cod, herring and sprat in the Baltic sea. The aim of this plan is to ensure that Baltic fish stocks are exploited in a sustainable way. There was also political agreement on the implementation of the landing obligation for fisheries as part of the EU's progressive elimination of discards.

An agreement was reached on a programme to help Member States provide interoperable digital services (ISA²). The aim is to make sure that European public administrations can interact electronically with each other and with citizens and businesses in a seamless manner.

In the context of EU efforts to support a peaceful solution to the conflict in Ukraine and to assist this country in the current critical situation, the Council approved €1.8 billion in further macro-financial assistance to Ukraine.

Over these months the Council has also made some steps forward in the fight against corporate tax avoidance, adding a binding anti-abuse clause to the EU's parent-subsidiary directive. It has also strengthened rules to prevent money laundering and terrorist financing with the approval of a new legislative package on these matters.

Following the terrorist attack in Paris and the subsequent attack in Copenhagen, the fight against terrorism has become even more important. As part of a strengthening of the EU's action in combatting terrorist threats and in line with the guidelines laid down by the European Council, the Presidency has organised a number of discussions on how to strengthen measures to combat terrorism in various different Council configurations, including at an important informal meeting of Home Affairs ministers in Riga in January. Further discussions in June have helped prepare for the debate at the forthcoming European Council.

The Latvian Presidency has also devoted significant efforts to preparing a political response to the tragedies in the Mediterranean that resulted in hundreds of deaths of refugees. Together with the High Representative/Vice President the Presidency organised a joint meeting of Foreign Affairs and Home Affairs ministers to discuss the EU's reaction and migration policy. This debate was followed by a Special Meeting of the European Council which set out various points for action. The Latvian Presidency together with institutions prepared and later renewed a road map for further work, which was submitted to the June European Council.

As part of the preparations for the UN climate change conference of Paris in December, the Council adopted a submission on the Intended Nationally Determined Contribution (INDC) of the EU and its member states. This document confirms the EU commitment to a binding target of at least a 40% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 compared to 1990, as set out in the conclusions of the European Council of October 2014.

Finally, in the run-up to the international conference on Financing for Development in July 2015, the Latvian Presidency ensured an agreement on a strong and united EU position on financial and non-financial ways to support development, including a collective re-commitment to the ODA (Official Development Assistance) target of 0.7% of GNI, as well as more specific targets for support to Least Developed Countries.

• EU budget: Council preserves funds for promoting growth and jobs
• EU budget: backlog of unpaid bills on the way of phasing out
• Capping fees for card-based payments: Regulation adopted
• Benchmarks for financial instruments: Council agrees stance on tighter controls
• More transparency for securities financing transactions: Council and Parliament agree new rules
• Strengthening the financial sector through the Banking Structural Reform
• Electronic payment services: Council and Parliament agree on updated rules
• Insolvency proceedings: promoting economic recovery
• Small claims procedure: Council and Parliament agree on new rules
• The EU institutions provisionally agree on animal health measures
• Novel foods: Council presents final compromise text
• eCall, emergency call system in road accidents: Council adopts its position on type-approval requirements
• Traffic offenders traceable across the EU
• Safer and greener lorries approved by the Council
• Trade marks reform: Council confirms agreement with Parliament
• Single-member private limited liability companies: Council agrees on general approach
• More protection for seafarers' labour rights: Council confirms agreement with EP
• Inland waterway vessels: Council agrees its position
• Council conclusions on the transfer of the stewardship of the Internet Assigned Numbers Authority (IANA) functions to the multi-stakeholder community
• EU-US agreement on reinsurance: Council agrees to negotiations
• Further steps in the fight against climate change: the Council approves the Doha Amendment
• EU citizens to enjoy improved access to consular protection abroad
• CEPOL: Council and Parliament agree on updated rules

On 30 June, at the meeting of the European Union Committee of Permanent Representatives (COREPER) the ambassadors of the Member States politically supported the proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on protective measures against pests of plants. They gave the mandate to the Presidency to start the trialogue negotiations with the European Parliament.

On 30 June, at the meeting of the European Union Committee of Permanent Representatives (COREPER) the ambassadors of the Member States politically supported the proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on protective measures against pests of plants. They gave the mandate to the Presidency to start the trialogue negotiations with the European Parliament.

From the challenge of Russia to the on-going tragedy unfolding in the Mediterranean to the persistent sense of economic drift, Europe finds itself at an inflection point. The disaffection of European citizens looms large, and institutions in Brussels are perceived as uninspiring and directionless. This leads to an uncomfortable but urgently necessary question: What is the point of the European Union?

Last autumn, Jean-Claude Juncker was widely hailed for the radical redesign of what he himself proclaimed a “last chance” European Commission, but after nearly nine months the outlook is hazy. So far, Juncker’s new commission has chiefly led to much confusion within the EU bureaucracies. It has disrupted the traditional matching of the European parliamentary committees with the commission’s directorates-general, and the prior structure in which directors-general reported to a single commissioner has turned into a hodge-podge of solicitations, responses and endless co-ordination between many members and vice-presidents of the commission.

Juncker’s aim was to clean up all the red tape, but the drive for better regulation has so far seen a move away from formal legislation towards soft rulemaking, which means recommendations, guidelines, comprehensive assessments or even no regulation at all. The decision to scrap legislative proposals left unfinished from the previous commission, notably the “circular economy package”, has raised hackles, many in the Parliament where the move is seen as an institutional attack.

“Last autumn, Jean-Claude Juncker was widely hailed for the radical redesign of what he himself proclaimed a “last chance” European Commission, but after nearly nine months the outlook is hazy”

This bad blood has spilled over into the commission’s 2015 work programme, which parliament has yet to approve. Some major initiatives have been launched – the digital single market, the energy union and Juncker’s infrastructure investment plan – but on the whole these so far lack meat. Clouding the commission’s early months of 2015 was the uproar surrounding the ‘Luxleaks’ revelations about tax holidays for Luxembourg-registered corporations and the subsequent debate at the European Parliament with the tensions it created. The European Council, meanwhile, has maintained a level of unity and activity on key topics, but EU member states too often continue to display parochial attitudes driven by national interests. All in all, the make-or-break EU with its much heralded institutional structure has so far been characterised by narrow expectations and great disorientation regarding Europe’s future.

The tragedy of all of this is that it comes at a time the European project faces troubling challenges that require concerted effort, bravery and most of all leadership, which have been lacking except at rare moments of emergency. This has been the case while Europe’s overall economy has moved from crisis to morass, with occasional moments of high-tension brinksmanship over “Grexit”, or the even more likely “Graccident”. The EU’s tendency has been to act quickly until a threat subsides at which point interest wanes. During the 2010-2014 EU mandate, under Herman Van Rompuy’s Council Presidency, this gap-closing was impressive and resulted in fundamental changes in the Union’s structure. Yet it is far from complete and sorely lacks drive. Where, for instance, is the finalised Banking Union?

This confusion reflects the worrying trend in Europe in which there is a growing reticence towards forming an ever-closer union while openness to the membership of “any European State” committed to the EU’s core values dims. Throughout the European project there has always been tension between the widening and deepening, but now both are waning. Juncker’s announcement before taking office that there would be no new membership for the next five years was significant. Although none of the candidate countries was at all likely to achieve membership before 2020, formally foreclosing this avenue sent a message as did the downgrading of the enlargement portfolio vis-à-vis the neighbourhood policy. These two ethics, the embrace of the idea of Europe whole and free and the push for ever-closer union, have propelled the EU and its successes. Without them there is a real danger of an unravelling of the European project.

“Looking beyond Europe, there is a new world emerging in which the EU’s place at the table, or that of any of its member governments, is not a given”

Europe’s hesitant mood is exacerbated by its daunting neighbourhood. Pundits solemnly note that the Union has gone from seeking to create a “ring of friends” to having to deal with a ring of fire, but this turn of phrase only in part captures the reversal in the EU’s relationships with others. It has gone from generous and benign but what is generally considered non-essential activities in its near abroad to a moment in which the events in the EU’s neighbourhood have a direct impact on Europe’s own internal dynamics.

In the EU’s southern neighbourhood, the disorder that now extends from Syria to Libya to Mali has fostered the spectre of domestic terrorism in Europe, and has also brought to the fore fundamental questions over identity and immigration. To the East, Vladimir Putin has not only created the menace of Ukraine sinking into chaos, but is also dangerously threatening the political and territorial stability of some EU member states. Moscow’s insidious attempts to weaken Europe from within by courting populist and eurosceptic political parties like Hungary’s Jobbik, Syriza in Greece and most openly the Front National (FN) in France are aimed at more than breaking EU unity over sanctions policy but at breaking the Union itself. For Putin has identified the most fundamental challenge facing Europe: political disaffection.

The rise of emerging powers has created self-doubt among Europeans about the role of the Union in the world. Seven years of austerity have brought much uncertainty about governments’ ability to fulfil their end of the social contract. High unemployment and the bleak outlook for youth in many parts of Europe, along with the general perception of growing income inequalities, are fuelling support for re-packaged old ideas, anti-system rhetoric and rose-coloured nationalistic nostalgia for bygone days. It has been seen in Syriza’s electoral victory in Greece, the growth of populist Podemos in Spain, UKIP’s ability to pull the Conservative Party to the right, the sudden rise in Germany of Alternative für Deutschland, the comeback of the former True Finns Party and the FN´s string of successes in French local and regional elections.

This constitutes a serious threat of dysfunctional government at a national level, but it also poses an existential threat for the European construction. People’s identification of the economic crisis with the European Union is near-universal. Germans resent the EU for funnelling their taxes into bail-outs for the southern eurozone countries, while Mediterraneans, epitomised by Greece, scorn Brussels for the hardships of austerity. Everywhere there is the view, however contradictory, that the EU has both done too much and too little. The bulk of the criticism is in fact well-founded, as the EU has acted slowly and insufficiently. But some is plainly undeserved: Brussels has too long served as a convenient scapegoat for national governments. Regardless of who is actually to blame, the economic downturn has seen the perception of failure firmly attaching itself to the European Union.

“Pundits solemnly note that the Union has gone from seeking to create a “ring of friends” to having to deal with a ring of fire”

Looking beyond Europe, there is a new world emerging in which the EU’s place at the table, or that of any of its member governments, is not a given. This requires a reset in the way that we Europeans think of ourselves, of the role we want to play and the strength of acting together.

The palpable sense of disappointment and insecurity in Europe ignores our many assets. We enjoy all the advantages of free circulation, peace and genuinely high social standards. In general terms, Europe has an educated, healthy and diverse population, the vitality created by innovation and research and a belief in the rule of law and human rights that is ingrained in its DNA. But Europeans have not recognised these strengths and do not know how they can be translated into a new global role. Thus the fear persists of a world that belongs to others, and in more concrete terms Europe’s economic and social systems remain unadapted. This represents a particular danger for the European project, because it has increasingly relied only on prosperity as the central justification for its existence.

It was not always so. The original impetus for European unity was peace. The Schuman Declaration opened with the exhortation: “World peace cannot be safeguarded without the making of creative efforts proportionate to the dangers which threaten it”. But with the early death of the proposed European Defence Community, and the Atlanticisation of security in the context of the Cold War, peace became less of a guiding force.

Prosperity – which was initially seen as a means – gradually became the end. The economic boom of the 1960s saw growth become a centripetal force within the shell of Cold War security. This was reinforced in the 1980s when, with François Mitterrand and Helmut Kohl’s backing, Jacques Delors thrust prosperity to the fore with his Single Market drive.

The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 saw Cold War fears evaporate, leaving Europe to generate its own momentum. A push for a distinct rationale for the EU gathered momentum in governmental corridors through elite-driven projects, notably institution building and enlargement, with an emphasis on shared values. But these efforts were not enough to generate a political centre of gravity, particularly among the broader public, that would be separate from the overarching goal of prosperity. Now, the blame for Europe’s faltering economy has been placed at the feet of the EU, with more than half of Europeans telling pollsters the lives of their children will be more difficult than their own. This begs the question: Why have the European Union?

Societies tend to mobilise around big ideas. This can, as in the Cold War, be a threat, or a cause as with the American civil rights movement. Or it can be a project, such as European integration at its inception. What we lack right now is just such a big idea. These are concepts that cannot simply be manufactured, there must be a match between a push forward and public yearning. This has been the central problem of recent attempts to coalesce public support at the European level, notably the ill-fated EU constitution. There was just not a perceived need, so the narrative faltered. But today there is a simmering desire for something to rally around, along with a sense of Europe’s disarray. In the absence of a clear vision of the future from Brussels or any of the national capitals, the overly simple and uncomplicated messages of populism or nationalism are enticing for Europeans.

There is nevertheless a hunger amongst many for inspiration that offers an opportunity for a visionary message that would strengthen the self-confidence and legitimacy of the European Union. There are openings, but they must be seized: recent events within Europe and its immediate neighbourhood should translate into a convincing narrative that Europe’s very real security threats can only be faced in common; or more broadly engaging citizens in an ambitious new drive that would fulfil Schuman’s vision of a Europe that is a beacon of peace and ideas for the world. But first it is necessary for European leaders in general, and those in Brussels in particular, to be more ambitious and brave and to look beyond narrow short-term interests.

The post Still no good news for the “make-or-break” EU Juncker promised appeared first on Europe’s World.

L’IHEDN dans le cadre de ses activités au sein du Collège européen de sécurité et de défense (CESD), a organisé un cours spécialisé ...

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A Nemzeti Kutatási, Fejlesztési és Innovációs Alap pályázati kiírásán 55,46 millió forint vissza nem térítendő állami támogatást nyert el a XiMo Hungary Kft. A 142 millió forintot meghaladó összköltségű projekt során Mo- és W-alapú metatézis katalizátor kifejlesztése és innovatív kiszerelése valósult meg.

A projekt célja új típusú molibdén (Mo) és volfrám (W) alapú metatézis katalizátor kifejlesztése, ipari gyártásra alkalmas méretnövelt szintézisének kidolgozása, és innovatív formában kiszerelt prototípusának elkészítése volt.

A fejlesztés keretében a XiMo Hungary Kft. két, a piacon korábban még nem létező, egyedülálló, szerkezetileg és katalitikus sajátságait tekintve eltérő, ugyanakkor iparilag gazdaságosan hasznosítható Mo és W alapú fémkomplex kifejlesztését valósította meg. A fejlesztés során összegyűjtött ismereteket a vállalkozás ipari gyártásra alkalmas, méretnövelt szintézis kidolgozásában hasznosította. Az ily módon előállított, nagyfokú katalitikus aktivitással bíró fémkomplexek kiszerelésére olyan eljárást dolgozott ki, mely lehetővé teszi ezeknek az eredendően nagyon aktív, és ebből kifolyólag rendkívül érzékeny anyagoknak egy átlagosan felszerelt szerves kémiai laboratóriumban való felhasználását. A kísérleti fejlesztés eredményeként megszületet új kiszerelési forma felhasználóbarát, easy-to-use sajátságának köszönhetően jelentősen hozzájárul a tudományterület fejlődéséhez. Ahhoz, hogy az eredeti elgondolásból egy gazdaságosan gyártható széles vevői kört ellátni képes tömegtermék lehessen szükség volt egy, az újfajta kiszerelés automatizálását lehetővé tevő berendezés prototípusának kifejlesztésére is.

A fejlesztés eredményeként létrejött termék ipari felhasználás szempontjából kedvezőbb tulajdonságokkal bír, előállítási költségei és fajlagos felhasználási igénye kisebb lehet, mint a versengő termékeké, ami árelőnyt jelent. A termékek iránti kereslet elsősorban az alapvetően új kémia szerkezetek előállítását célzó multinacionális gyógyszeripari, agro és polimer cégek, illetve az innovatív projekteket kereső kutató szervezeteke részéről várható. Ezen túlmenően az is fontos motivációs tényező lehet, hogy a nagyhatékonyságú katalizátorok használata révén a már meglévő technológiák költséghatékonysága is tovább javítható.

A felhasználóbarát kiszerelés kidolgozása és piaci bevezetése lehetővé teszi, hogy a nagyhatékonyságú Mo- és W-alapú katalizátorok világviszonylatban elérhetővé váljanak mind a gyógyszer-, vegyipar, valamint az akadémiai kutatók számára.

Az NKFIA „Piacorientált kutatás-fejlesztési tevékenység támogatása a közép-magyarországi régióban” (KMR_12) elnevezésű pályázati kiírásán 55 464 647 forintos támogatást elnyert, 142 217 043 forint összköltségvetésű projekt 2012. december 1-én indult és 2015. május 31-én zárult.