C’est l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS) qui l’affirme: à partir de 2030, le réchauffement pourrait entraîner au moins 250.000 morts de plus par an dans le monde, du fait de canicules plus fréquentes, de maladies à transmission vectorielle (dont le paludisme) ou encore de malnutrition.
La consommation d'acides gras trans (AGT) en Europe, qui sont présents notamment dans produits de boulangerie, les gâteaux et biscuits, les plats cuisinés ou les produits frits, se situe en-dessous des quantités recommandées au n
Croatie-Serbie : vers une nouvelle course aux armements ?
« Fraternité slave » : la Serbie en exercices militaires communs avec la Russie
Serbie : grandes manoeuvres militaires avec les Russes... puis avec les Américains
Industrie de l'armement en Serbie : la crise ? Connais pas !
Crash d'un hélicoptère à Belgrade : cafouillage médiatique et responsabilités politiques
Missiles, radars, hélicoptères : Vučić est allé faire son marché à Moscou
L'armée serbe défilera sur la Place rouge pour les 70 ans de la victoire de 1945
Serbie : vers le régime « autoritaire, sauvage et écervelé » d'Aleksandar Vučić
Serbie : Vučić passe au détecteur de mensonges pour mieux attaquer les médias
Croatie-Serbie : vers une nouvelle course aux armements ?
« Fraternité slave » : la Serbie en exercices militaires communs avec la Russie
Serbie : grandes manoeuvres militaires avec les Russes... puis avec les Américains
Industrie de l'armement en Serbie : la crise ? Connais pas !
Crash d'un hélicoptère à Belgrade : cafouillage médiatique et responsabilités politiques
Missiles, radars, hélicoptères : Vučić est allé faire son marché à Moscou
L'armée serbe défilera sur la Place rouge pour les 70 ans de la victoire de 1945
Serbie : vers le régime « autoritaire, sauvage et écervelé » d'Aleksandar Vučić
Serbie : Vučić passe au détecteur de mensonges pour mieux attaquer les médias
A tetoválás a tahiti “tatu” szóból származik melynek jelentése nyomot hagyni valamin. Az ókorban és a középkorban az anyagi helyzetet és hovatartozást szimbolizálta. A jégember Ötzi testén is találtak korabeli vallási motívumokat de a tinta anyagát nem tudták megállapítani. Az 1960-as években már az önmegvalósítást, egyéni szabadságot és a lázadást jelképezte mára már egyenesen divat hiszen minden negyedik emberen látható egy kisebb vagy nagyobb motívum.
Legfontosabb tudnivalók, ha tetoválásra vágyik:
Ha ezek után még mindig vágyik erre a test-ékszerre akkor már csak találni kell egy olyan mintát amit 15-20-30 év múlva is úgy fog gondolni. Manapság a gyermekek neve, a végtelen jel ,a repülő fekete madarak , a tollak és az angyalszárnyak a legelterjedtebbek.
Roumanie : qui est Dacian Cioloş, le nouveau Premier ministre ?
Roumanie : un Premier ministre intérimaire, les manifestations se poursuivent
Discriminations, pauvreté, violences policières : la société roumaine est bien mal en point
« A bas le patriarche ! » : les Roumains manifestent contre l'Eglise orthodoxe
Roumanie : le fisc exonère les Eglises et traque les pauvres
Roumanie : les non-dits de la « lutte contre la corruption »
Roumanie : quand la « lutte anti-corruption » fait oublier la justice sociale
December 6, 2015 (NYAL) - At least 15,000 people arrived in Payinjiar county as fighting intensified in Leer, Koch and Mayiandit areas between government forces and the armed opposition faction (SPLM-IO) in recent weeks, opposition officials told Sudan Tribune
John Tap Puot, an area commissioner for SPLM-IO, said many civilians have assembled in Nyal payam, seeking shelter due to fighting in neighbouring counties.
Puot called on humanitarian aid agencies to embark on ground action. He described their situation as "horrific", calling for humanitarian measures to save the lives of children and women in dire need for assistance.
“We are calling on the United Nation, their partners and faith based organisations to hurry up and save on innocent civilians who are at critical human suffering. It is not our wish, but man-made crises that have placed our people in such circumstances,” he said.
Peter Zimzim Desh, a humanitarian worker in Payinjiar county, told Sudan Tribune in a separate interview that there was high influx of displaced persons in the area.
He said the new arrivals lacked enough food ratios. Desh, who works with the International Rescue Committee (IRC) in Ganyliel warned that delays in humanitarian action to assist such huge numbers of internally displaced persons will risk their stay.
“The little food ration stored for IDPs has already being exhausted than the expected time because of heavy influx of IDPs from neighboring counties of Guit, Koch, Mayiandit and Leer ,” he said.
However, the rebel appointed commissioner urged communities from Lakes and Unity states to work for peace, adding it was time to implement the August peace agreement.
(ST)
Most university seminars on the European Union begin with a seemingly simple, yet in truth remarkably complex exercise: defining Europe. Some answers can be quite creative, ranging from definitions based on who partakes in the Eurovision Song Contest to geographic, cultural, as well as political definitions. Very clearly, Europe means different things to different people.
Even the political entity that is Europe needs an expert to distinguish between the European Union, the eurozone, the Schengen area, as well as a variety of judicial and defence arrangements in which only some EU member states engage. The confusion is worsened by a large-scale lack of everyday “Europe” in public consciousness. While Europeans have probably never heard as much about the EU as over the past few years, the news has only been about the debt crisis, the refugee crisis or the Ukraine crisis. The European Union would appear to function in a constant state of emergency.
When one combines the difficulty of understanding how the EU influences everyday life with this perpetual nature of European crises, it is hardly surprising that public support for the European idea is faltering. Bridging this divide is crucial to ensuring the Union’s survival, and is a herculean task that requires a multitude of responses. Just like the European Union’s motto, “unity in diversity”, there needs to be diversity in the messages that point citizens to the added value Europe can bring to them as individuals.
Today’s 28-member European Union is considerably larger than it was little more than a decade ago, and is home to more than 500m people. With this size and scope come very different realities for different Europeans.
When asking an average German, Spanish or Greek citizen about Europe ten years ago, their answer may have included something about the facility to travel, the common currency or the country’s economic success – with the added twist for Spain being Europe’s role in the country’s democratisation. Today, a German would probably cite a feeling of the EU being a lame duck that’s unable to come to an agreement. Today’s radically-different Spanish response would see the European Union blamed for the country’s disastrous economic and labour market outlook. The Greek assessment would be even worse, since political contests in the country now appear a mere movement of pawns in a big game of European chess.
Looking to a country like Latvia, on the other hand, the answer would probably be based much more on security concerns, and the European Union’s apparent disregard for the country’s difficult situation vis-à-vis its gigantic neighbour Russia. When asking a Briton, meanwhile, many of the commonplace answers about borderless travel or the common currency would not even be present, as the UK does not partake in either.
The way in which Europe’s elites communicate on the European Union has not helped bridge the gaps. After important sessions of the European Council, all heads of state and government disappear into different rooms and hold separate press conferences tailored to their national audiences. The established discourse is one of securing gains for national benefit, or the defence of crucial positions against a strong tide. The one thing these national messages have in common is that they are completely incompatible. The on-going debate on the refugee crisis offers perfect examples of such communication strategies.
On the other side of the aisle stands a grand message on the benefit of Europe at the largest possible scale. Not a single week will pass without a senior politician pointing to the well-established fact that the EU has brought peace to the continent for longer than it has ever known. The problem, though, is that neither of these two kinds of messages matches the reality of individual Europeans. With instant access to all kinds of information, it is all too easy to see that an alleged national success or a supposed common European interest is a lie compared to the actual inactivity of Europe’s political apparatus.
Europeans have to be able to connect messages on the merits of Europe to their daily realities. Looking at the history of our neighbour across the Atlantic could help us realise this. When the founding figures of the United States tried to rally their population around the idea of full political union, rather than remaining a confederation of separate states, the situation was equally diverse. New Englanders worried about the British threat from Canada; those living on the seaboard feared a loss of trade to pirates now that ships were no longer protected by the Royal Navy; residents in the Carolinas were worried by the Spanish presence on the continent; and those living on the internal frontier were afraid of native Americans. While their reasons for signing on to the project of the United States were broad, they were nevertheless convinced by tailored messages that it was the only insurance policy to effectively alleviate their fears. European leaders now too have to tailor the right messages on the European Union to the different concerns across the continent.
When looking to Europe’s south, which has been hit hard by the economic crisis, one can observe an increasing concern about the state of democracy. When political contest has to bow to economic necessities dictated by abstract Europe, one need not wonder about the current lack of EU support. The late British historian Alan Milward posited that the very reason why European states signed onto the European project in the 1950s was a “European rescue of the nation state”. Europe’s economies were in such a disastrous shape and found themselves suddenly sandwiched between two superpowers; the only way to guard some sovereignty was to give other, less crucial aspects of it up. Today, one similarly needs to communicate to citizens in the EU’s south that to best preserve their right to democratic contest, their voice needs to count at European level more than at an increasingly-irrelevant national level, hence the need to pursue fully-empowered representative European institutions.
For those to the east, it is important to consider citizens’ increasing security concerns about the unpredictability of Russia. No contemporary European nation can uphold even the semblance of being capable of defending its own territory alone; only a reformed and deepened European Union with NATO can compensate for the diminished U.S. interest in our continent’s security.
Lastly, when looking at the current influx of refugees into Europe, a similar message can be tailored to citizens in all affected countries. Europe is currently a strange space of concurrently semi-open and semi-closed internal and external borders, with small outlying countries easily being overwhelmed by the influx of refugees. So again, no European country can cope on its own.
All in all, Europe needs more messages of this kind, tailored and actively communicated to Europeans in different parts of the Union. The task ahead is not easy, but if we do this right, we can create a symphony of reasons as to why Europeans should support the continuation of the European project towards an ever-closer, yet diverse union.
The post Arranging the European symphony appeared first on Europe’s World.
Cybercrime is a reality. It is not just a matter of attacks against machines but a threat to the core values of democratic societies. This is illustrated by the proliferation of private data theft; by cyberattacks against the media, civil society organisations, parliaments and individuals; denial-of-service attacks against public institutions and critical infrastructure; sexual violence against children; xenophobia, racism and radicalisation; and terrorist misuse of information technologies.
Even when they are not committed against, or by using, computers, most criminal offences nowadays involve electronic evidence stored on computer systems, including on servers somewhere in the cloud. Electronic evidence is volatile and securing it for criminal justice purposes is fraught with technical, practical and legal complexities.
Governments cannot argue the problems away. They have an obligation to protect society and individuals against crime in cyberspace.
“Most cybercrime is never reported, particularly in the private sector where organisations tend to stay clear of criminal justice”
At the Council of Europe’s Octopus Conference on Cybercrime in June 2015, cybercrime experts from all over the world were asked about the rule of law online. Survey results showed they did not consider that “cyberspace is basically safe, that crime and violation of rights are the exception and that offenders are brought to justice.”
Most cybercrime is never reported, particularly in the private sector where organisations tend to stay clear of criminal justice. A large share of reported cybercrime is never investigated, few of the offences that are investigated result in prosecutions and, of those, few end up with court rulings.
Progress has been made in recent years, in Europe and worldwide, to establish legal frameworks, set up specialised cybercrime units at police and prosecutorial levels, and intensify international cooperation. The Council of Europe’s Budapest Convention on Cybercrime serves as a framework for cooperation for a growing number of countries. International police-to-police cooperation is improving with the support of organisations such as the European Cybercrime Centre at EUROPOL and the Global Complex for Innovation at INTERPOL.
Many governments are realising that considerable resources need to be allocated not just to protect critical information infrastructure but also to beef up the criminal justice response. Increasing investments in capacity building programmes by the European Union, the Council of Europe, the United Nations and others are beginning to yield results.
Nevertheless, the ability of governments to ensure the rule of law in cyberspace will remain limited unless they can overcome impediments to accessing data and thus to electronic evidence for criminal justice purposes. No data means no evidence, no justice and thus no rule of law.
Many investigations are abandoned for lack of data. This is also true for non-cybercrime offences which involve electronic evidence, including serious and violent crime, such as location data in murder cases, subscriber information related to a ransom e-mail sent during kidnappings, data to identify and locate victims of child abuse, or data on communications between terrorists.
The sheer scale of cybercrime, the number of devices, users and victims involved, and technical complications such as encryption or anonymisers, present major challenges for criminal justice.
These issues become much more complex in the context of cloud computing. While law-enforcement powers are tied to the principle of territoriality, data may be stored somewhere in the cloud, held by, or moved between, multiple layers of cloud service providers in various jurisdictions.
“In the absence of clear international rules, governments increasingly take unilateral action. The result is a jungle of diverse approaches with risks for state-to-state relations and the rights of individuals”
“Cloud services may entail a combination of service models (Cloud Software as a Service (SaaS), Cloud Platform as a Service (PaaS), Cloud Infrastructure as a Service (IaaS)). It is often unclear … which service provider is in possession or control of which type of data – subscriber information, traffic data, content data – so as to be served a production order” according to the Council of Europe’s Cybercrime Convention Committee in May 2015
Current mutual legal assistance practices are not sufficiently effective. To whom should a mutual legal assistance request be sent in such situations?
In the absence of clear international rules, governments increasingly take unilateral action. The result is a jungle of diverse approaches with risks for state-to-state relations and the rights of individuals.
That raises other fundamental issues: how to reconcile the need for efficient law-enforcement access to data while respecting rule-of-law and human-rights requirements; and how to avoid the trap of undermining the rule of law through actions meant to protect it?
Searches of computers, interception of communications or other law-enforcement powers can interfere with the rights of individuals. They must be prescribed by law, pursue legitimate aims, be necessary and proportionate, allow for effective remedies and be subject to guarantees against abuse.
For criminal procedures and coercive measures at domestic levels, safeguards are normally in place and rule-of-law conditions can be met, at least in democratic societies.
When it comes to access to evidence in foreign jurisdictions, the mutual legal assistance process is designed to ensure that conditions are met and the rights of individuals are protected.
This however presents a dilemma: how to allow for more efficient access to evidence in the cloud in order to strengthen the rule of law through criminal justice, and at the same time ensure that rule-of-law and human-rights conditions are met where current mutual legal assistance rules and procedures are of limited effectiveness.
The Cybercrime Convention Committee of the Council of Europe – comprising the State Parties to the Budapest Convention on Cybercrime – has been reflecting on this for some time. In December 2014, the Committee adopted a set of recommendations to render the mutual legal assistance process more efficient. At the same time, the Committee created a “Cloud Evidence Working Group” to identify additional solutions.
Specific proposals should become available in the course of 2016. They may take the form of non-binding guidelines or of an additional Protocol to the Budapest Convention on Cybercrime. Such a binding international legal instrument may be necessary to meet rule-of-law as well as data-protection requirements. It remains to be seen whether agreement can be reached on such a complex matter, but the Budapest Convention appears to be the most realistic framework for negotiating additional international rules.
The post Evidence in the cloud and the rule of law in cyberspace appeared first on Europe’s World.
December 6, 2015 (KHARTOUM) – The regulatory council for law profession in Sudan announced the results of the bar exam taken in February 2015 which revealed an anemic pass rate.
The council's secretary, Babiker Ahmed Gashi was quoted as saying by Sudan News Agency (SUNA) on Sunday that the number of students who have registered for the exam totaled 4,420 of which 188 were absent.
Of those present, only 466 have passed in all subjects, 422 with one makeup exam and 1,127 with two makeup exams.
Gashi added that the council is reviewing causes of the delay in the announcement of the results and ways to address the problem in the future.
He also said that a meeting they held agreed to hold a workshop to look at the reasons for the low pass rate using experiences of other countries.
The official disclosed that they will hold meetings with the minister of Education and deans of universities among others to discuss this issue along with obstacles facing the law profession.
(ST)