Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Many colonies in Africa attained independence through negotiated settlements. However, several others engaged in armed liberation struggles, for example, Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Newly independent states provided liberation movements with bases on their territories and political, military, intellectual, ideological, material, and moral support. In West Africa, Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, a notable pan-Africanist, declared in his Independence Day speech in 1957, “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.” In East Africa, Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta, the first presidents of independent Tanzania and Kenya respectively, showed similar commitment to Pan-Africanism and anticolonialism by hosting refugees fleeing armed struggles in Southern Africa. Tanzania hosted the Organization of African Unity Liberation Committee supported anticolonial resistance and liberation movements. President Nyerere supported them for “challenging injustices of empire and apartheid” and declared, “I train freedom fighters”. He encouraged Tanzanians living around liberation movement camps to welcome these movements and their freedom fighters and also protect them from agents of colonial governments. Support also came from many other countries on the continent including Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Algeria. The latter provided sanctuary to representatives of liberation movements such as Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa.

Many colonies in Africa attained independence through negotiated settlements. However, several others engaged in armed liberation struggles, for example, Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Newly independent states provided liberation movements with bases on their territories and political, military, intellectual, ideological, material, and moral support. In West Africa, Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, a notable pan-Africanist, declared in his Independence Day speech in 1957, “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.” In East Africa, Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta, the first presidents of independent Tanzania and Kenya respectively, showed similar commitment to Pan-Africanism and anticolonialism by hosting refugees fleeing armed struggles in Southern Africa. Tanzania hosted the Organization of African Unity Liberation Committee supported anticolonial resistance and liberation movements. President Nyerere supported them for “challenging injustices of empire and apartheid” and declared, “I train freedom fighters”. He encouraged Tanzanians living around liberation movement camps to welcome these movements and their freedom fighters and also protect them from agents of colonial governments. Support also came from many other countries on the continent including Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Algeria. The latter provided sanctuary to representatives of liberation movements such as Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa.

Many colonies in Africa attained independence through negotiated settlements. However, several others engaged in armed liberation struggles, for example, Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Newly independent states provided liberation movements with bases on their territories and political, military, intellectual, ideological, material, and moral support. In West Africa, Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, a notable pan-Africanist, declared in his Independence Day speech in 1957, “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.” In East Africa, Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta, the first presidents of independent Tanzania and Kenya respectively, showed similar commitment to Pan-Africanism and anticolonialism by hosting refugees fleeing armed struggles in Southern Africa. Tanzania hosted the Organization of African Unity Liberation Committee supported anticolonial resistance and liberation movements. President Nyerere supported them for “challenging injustices of empire and apartheid” and declared, “I train freedom fighters”. He encouraged Tanzanians living around liberation movement camps to welcome these movements and their freedom fighters and also protect them from agents of colonial governments. Support also came from many other countries on the continent including Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Algeria. The latter provided sanctuary to representatives of liberation movements such as Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa.

- Agenda / Grèce, France - Régions

By CIVICUS
Apr 2 2026 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses Italy’s restrictive immigration policies with Eleonora Celoria, a researcher at FIERI (Forum Internazionale ed Europeo di Ricerche sull’Immigrazione), a research centre on migration, and a member of the Association for Legal Studies on Immigration (ASGI), an Italian legal organisation that defends migrants’ and asylum seekers’ rights through advocacy, public awareness and strategic litigation.

Eleonora Celoria

In late February, Italy’s migration debate intensified on two fronts. Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s government passed a bill tightening maritime border controls and expanding deportation powers. Meanwhile, a far-right petition calling for ‘remigration’ – a concept associated with Austrian activist Martin Sellner that advocates mass deportation of minorities – gathered enough signatures to force a parliamentary debate. Civil society warns that both developments violate international refugee law.

What are the main objectives of the new migration bill?

The bill introduces a 30-day naval blockade mechanism, extendable to six months, for ships deemed to pose a ‘serious threat to public order or national security’, including on the grounds of ‘exceptional migratory pressure’. It goes beyond European Union (EU) frameworks and is designed to restrict civil society organisations conducting search and rescue operations.

The blockade is really a prohibition on entering Italian waters, and ships that violate it would face fines of up to €50,000 (approx. US$ 57,000), with repeat offenders facing confiscation. Since civil society rescue vessels are the only ships making multiple trips in and out of Italian waters, they are the primary target. This is not simply a border management tool; it’s a deliberate escalation of state control over maritime arrivals.

More significantly, the bill would make the Italy-Albania protocol permanent: migrants intercepted at sea would be transported directly to Italian-run processing centres in Albania, bypassing Italian mainland ports entirely. Their asylum claims would be determined outside Italy’s jurisdiction. Because they never reach Italian soil, they wouldn’t access Italian legal protections or independent judicial review. The government is determined to use this mechanism. Albanian facilities held only 10 to 15 people due to adverse court rulings, but the government has recently ramped up transfers to take the number to around 80.

How does the bill change asylum and border management practices?

The bill focuses on criminalisation, deportations and removals rather than asylum procedures. It introduces stricter rules for immigration detention centres (Centri di Permanenza per i Rimpatri, CPRs), expands expulsion grounds to include minor criminal convictions and ramps up criminal penalties for people facing expulsion. This effectively criminalises irregular status itself.

Critically, the bill eliminates special protection, a form of national protection that Italian courts have frequently recognised for people who don’t meet narrow refugee criteria but face serious risks if they are returned. This has been one of the few remaining meaningful pathways to legal status. Stricter eligibility criteria would reduce judicial discretion, trapping more people in legal irregularity.

Finally, the bill implements the EU Pact on Migration and Asylum, a package of EU laws overhauling asylum and border procedures across the bloc, which member states must transpose by 12 June. It does so through legislative delegation, giving the government wide discretion to enact implementing measures by decree. Italy’s approach is the most restrictive possible. The Albania externalisation model is the primary mechanism, prioritising rapid removal over thorough examination. Changes to asylum procedures will be determined through executive action, with limited parliamentary scrutiny.

What is remigration, and why does it concern civil society?

Remigration is a white supremacist concept that calls for the forced removal of immigrants, refugees and their descendants, including legal residents and naturalised citizens, on grounds of ethnicity, race or perceived failure to ‘assimilate’. It targets people for who they are, not what they have done, violating the non-discrimination principle that underpins human rights law and the rule of law.

What makes this dangerous is that remigration has moved from marginal to mainstream political discourse. A far-right petition on remigration has recently gathered enough signatures to force a parliamentary debate. When such concepts gain mainstream legitimacy, they push other parties towards increasingly restrictive policies. Italy’s current bills move precisely in that direction.

From a legal perspective, remigration violates international human rights conventions and Italy’s constitution, which guarantees non-discrimination and solidarity. A policy based on ethnic or racial identity would also be incompatible with Italy’s international obligations.

Where do these measures conflict with international law?

The measures create serious tensions with several binding legal instruments: the 1951 Geneva Convention, the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and EU primary law including the Charter of Fundamental Rights.

Expanded administrative detention in Italy and Albania risks being arbitrary where the legal basis is insufficiently precise or subject to inadequate judicial review. Documented conditions in Italian CPRs and foreseeable conditions in Albanian centres expose people to inhuman and degrading treatment in violation of Article 3 of the ECHR. The externalisation model creates a direct risk of violating the non-refoulement principle, the absolute prohibition on returning people to places where they face persecution.

The government will argue these measures align with the EU Pact. But alignment with the pact does not guarantee compatibility with the ECHR or the Geneva Convention. ASGI will respond with litigation, through individual cases and strategic cases targeting CPR detention and the Italy-Albania deal, and documentation of the human costs of these policies.

What risks do these policies pose for migrants’ and asylum seekers’ rights?

Under the proposed legislation, Italy would intercept boats and transfer rescued migrants to extraterritorial centres without assessing their health status, protection needs or vulnerabilities. Victims of persecution, torture and trafficking may never get to present their claims or be identified as needing protection.

The bill criminalises irregular migrants by allowing both administrative detention in CPRs and criminal imprisonment in prisons, a dual-track approach that multiplies the risk of fundamental rights violations and exposure to degrading conditions. Detention in existing CPRs is already documented as dangerous. Conditions in the Albanian centres, with minimal oversight and no independent monitoring, would predictably be worse.

The result is a system designed to process people quickly rather than accurately. Trafficking victims, torture survivors and people with severe mental health conditions — people who most need careful assessment and legal support — are unlikely to be identified and protected. Compressed timelines and limited access to lawyers amount to a serious restriction on the right to effective judicial protection.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.

GET IN TOUCH
Website
Facebook
Instagram
LinkedIn
YouTube

SEE ALSO
Migration: Cruelty as policy CIVICUS | 2026 State of Civil Society Report
Greece: ‘New migration and asylum policies challenge the basic principles of refugee protection and the European legal order’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Minos Mouzourakis 26.Sep.2025
Italy: ‘No migration policy should be based on fear and punishment’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Valeria Carlini 17.Nov.2024

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

Les prix élevés du carbone en Europe font l'objet d'une attention particulière alors que la crise énergétique au Moyen-Orient s'aggrave

The post Bruxelles essuie un retour de bâton sur le prix du carbone appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Depuis l'effondrement mortel de l'auvent de la gare de Novi Sad, le 1er novembre 2024, la Serbie se soulève contre la corruption meurtrière du régime du président Vučić et pour le respect de l'État de droit. Cette exigence de justice menée par les étudiants a gagné tout le pays. Suivez les dernières informations en temps réel et en accès libre.

- Le fil de l'Info / Gratuit, Courrier des Balkans, Vucic, Serbie, Politique, Société

Depuis l'effondrement mortel de l'auvent de la gare de Novi Sad, le 1er novembre 2024, la Serbie se soulève contre la corruption meurtrière du régime du président Vučić et pour le respect de l'État de droit. Cette exigence de justice menée par les étudiants a gagné tout le pays. Suivez les dernières informations en temps réel et en accès libre.

- Le fil de l'Info / Gratuit, Courrier des Balkans, Vucic, Serbie, Politique, Société

Le pouvoir serbe revendique un « 10 à 0 » aux élections locales partielles. Mais observateurs indépendants et opposition dénoncent pressions, violences et irrégularités, tandis que la police multiplie les interventions contre les opposants et les étudiants.

- Articles / Une - Diaporama, Courrier des Balkans, Vucic, Serbie, Politique

Das Deutsche Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin) richtet gemeinsam mit dem Sachverständigenrat zur Begutachtung der gesamtwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung (SVR) als Nationaler Ausschuss für Produktivität und dem Energiewirtschaftlichen Institut an der Universität zu Köln (EWI) den vierten ...

Dimitris Kollias, Research Fellow at ELIAMEP, argues that Artemis II signals the consolidation of a new space age in which the Moon is becoming a strategic, economic, and geopolitical frontier shaped by rival US- and China-led blocs, expanding commercial power, and growing competition over resources, rules, and orbital infrastructure. He contends that Europe remains relevant but structurally constrained by fragmentation and slow institutional adaptation, even as space is increasingly tied to security, competitiveness, and digital sovereignty. For Greece, he argues, this shift creates an opportunity to build selective strategic relevance through Earth observation, secure communications, maritime awareness, civil protection, and the integration of satellite infrastructure with sovereign AI and data-processing capacity.

Read the ELIAMEP Explainer here.

Pressemitteilung der Projektgruppe Gemeinschaftsdiagnose: Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin), ifo Institut – Leibniz-Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung an der Universität München e. V. in Kooperation mit dem Österreichischen Institut für Wirt­schaftsforschung (WIFO), Kiel ...

Die unabhängige, private Stiftung „Kohli Foundation“ hat das Sozio-oekonomische Panel mit seinem diesjährigen Infrastrukturpreis ausgezeichnet. Sein Auswahlkomitee betont die Rolle des SOEP als Vorbild und treibende Kraft im Bereich Dateninfrastruktur – auch über Deutschland hinaus. Es leiste ...

Kallas estime que la pression doit s'exercer sur l'agresseur, et non sur la victime

The post L’UE à Kiev : une unité de façade face aux tensions sur le soutien à l’Ukraine appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Studie untersucht Zusammenhang zwischen Berufen mit hohem KI-Transformationspotenzial und Frauenanteil der Beschäftigten – Geschlechtsspezifisches Muster lässt sich nicht erkennen – Für Frauen wie Männer besteht Bedarf an einschlägiger und kontinuierlicher Weiterbildung Der technologische ...

« Apparemment, aux yeux de Trump, ce n’est plus : “Si je casse quelque chose, je le répare”, mais “Je casse quelque chose, et c’est l’UE qui le réparera” », a déclaré un diplomate

The post Détroit d’Ormuz : « Pas notre problème », claque Washington appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Bundeskanzler Friedrich Merz hat gestern auf einer Pressekonferenz angekündigt, dass 80 Prozent der syrischen Geflüchteten in den kommenden drei Jahren in ihre Heimat zurückkehren sollen. Angelina Hackmann, Arbeitsmarktexpertin im Deutschen Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin), schätzt die Folgen für den deutschen Arbeitsmarkt wie folgt ein:

Wenn tatsächlich 80 Prozent der syrischen Geflüchteten in ihre Heimat zurückkehren, wird das den deutschen Arbeitsmarkt empfindlich treffen. Rund 240.000 syrische Geflüchtete arbeiten derzeit in sozialversicherungspflichtigen Jobs, davon viele in Mangel- und systemrelevanten Berufen. Ein Ausscheiden dieser Arbeitskräfte würde in vielen Bereichen, zum Beispiel im Transport- und Logistikbereich, in ausgewählten Produktionsbereichen oder dem Gesundheitswesen, den Fachkräftemangel erheblich erhöhen.

Gleichzeitig steht der Arbeitsmarkt bereits unter strukturellem Druck durch den demografischen Wandel. Mit dem Eintritt der Babyboomer in den Ruhestand dürfte das Erwerbspersonenpotenzial bereits ab diesem Jahr sinken. Ohne ausreichenden Ersatz verstärkt sich der Arbeits- und Fachkräftemangel weiter.

Die Folgen gehen über einzelne Branchen hinaus: Eine schrumpfende Erwerbsbevölkerung dämpft das Wachstumspotenzial der gesamten Volkswirtschaft und könnte die aktuelle wirtschaftliche Erholung in Deutschland bremsen. Daher sind sowohl weitere Zuwanderung als auch das langfristige Halten bereits zugewanderter Arbeitskräfte zentrale Bausteine, um die Folgen des demografischen Wandels abzufedern.

Das Konjunkturbarometer des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin) ist im März auf 97,3 Punkte zurückgegangen. Im Februar lag der Wert noch bei 101,6 Punkten. Somit wurde der im Herbst begonnene Aufwärtstrend unterbrochen: Der Barometerwert ist erneut unter die neutrale 100-Punkte ...

Der Rat hat förmlich eine gezielte Änderung der CO₂-Emissionsnormen für schwere Nutzfahrzeuge angenommen, mit der Herstellern vorübergehend Flexibilität eingeräumt wird.

Der Krieg gegen den Iran zerreißt die westlichen Gesellschaften. Er ist völkerrechtlich kaum zu rechtfertigen, doch sein Abbruch wäre das schlimmste aller Ergebnisse. , Der Krieg Israels und der USA gegen den Iran spaltet die westlichen Demokratien wie kaum ein geopolitisches Ereignis der jüngeren Geschichte. Die Frage, ob dieser Krieg gerechtfertigt ist, lässt sich nicht mit einem einfachen Ja oder Nein beantworten. Wohl aber lässt sich sagen, was das Schlechteste ...