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Graeme Reid, director of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Rights Program, is an expert on LGBT rights. He has conducted research, taught and published extensively on gender, sexuality, LGBT issues, and HIV/AIDS.

Before joining Human Rights Watch in 2011, Reid was the founding director of the Gay and Lesbian Archives of South Africa, a researcher at the Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research and a lecturer in Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Studies at Yale University. An anthropologist by training, Reid received an master’s from the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, and a PhD from the University of Amsterdam.

(Nairobi) – Kenyan authorities must urgently investigate the killing last week of three men, including a human rights lawyer, and ensure that those found responsible are held to account in fair trials, 34 Kenyan and international human rights organizations said today. Human rights activists will today hold demonstrations in Nairobi and other parts of Kenya to protest the heinous killings.

The shocking abduction, enforced disappearance and extrajudicial killings of lawyer Willie Kimani, as well as his client and their taxi driver that day, whose bodies were recovered from a river 73 kilometres northeast of Nairobi, should be cause for alarm over the state of human rights and rule of law in Kenya, especially in the face of reports suggesting that police officers were involved.
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The perpetrators of the killing of Willie Kimani, Josephat Mwenda and Joseph Muiruri should face justice for this horrific crime.

“These extrajudicial killings are a chilling reminder that the hard-won right to seek justice for human rights violations is under renewed attack,” said Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes. “The Independent Policing Oversight Authority must initiate and lead prompt, independent, impartial and effective investigations into the abduction, enforced disappearance and extrajudicial execution of these three people with a view to bringing criminal charges against all those reasonably suspected of responsibility.”

The bodies of Willie Kimani, who was employed by International Justice Mission, a Christian legal aid charity, his client Josephat Mwenda, a motorcycle taxi rider, and Joseph Muiruri, a taxi driver, were recovered on June 30, 2016 from Ol-Donyo Sabuk River in Machakos County, eastern Kenya, a week after the three went missing in circumstances suggesting they were victims of enforced disappearance. Initial reports immediately suggested that Administration Police (AP), officers, one of whom Mwenda was defending himself against in court that day, may have abducted them.

The three were last seen as they left Mavoko Law Courts, in Machakos County, on June 23, 2016 where they had attended a hearing of a traffic case against Mwenda. Police officers from Syokimau AP Camp preferred traffic charges against Mwenda in December 2015, months after he had lodged a complaint with IPOA against a senior officer at the camp who had illegally shot him in April 2015 as he dismounted a motorcycle after the officers had waved him down to stop. Human rights organisations in Kenya have evidence indicating the three men were briefly held at Syokimau AP Camp soon after they were abducted. The men’s whereabouts after that remained unknown until their bodies were recovered seven days later.

“That these killings are coming before numerous similar allegations in other parts of the country have been adequately investigated is a matter of serious concern of the willingness of the Kenyan authorities to stem cases of police killings,” said Henry Maina, regional director at Article 19, Eastern Africa. “President Kenyatta must take decisive steps to assure Kenyans and the international community that the government is serious about addressing police killings.”

The Kenyan agencies responsible for investigations, including IPOA and police should ensure that all those reasonably linked to the killings are investigated and all available evidence properly preserved to ensure the credibility of the investigations, the organizations said.

“A transparent process of investigating and prosecuting those responsible is what is now needed to reassure shocked Kenyans of their safety and restore their faith in the national police,” said Kamau Ngugi, National Coordinator at Kenya’s National Coalition of Human Rights Defenders. “That a lawyer working for an international organisation and his client could be abducted and disappeared in broad-day light only to be found dead is a matter that cannot be taken lightly.”

It is, however, encouraging to note that in the early hours of July 1, before news of the bodies being found was publicly known, Inspector-General of Police Joseph Boinett ordered the arrest of three AP officers attached to the Syokimau AP Camp and further directed that all their colleagues at the camp be questioned about the disappearances.

On July 2, the Inspector General said three officers – Frederick Leliman, Stephen Chebulet and Sylvia Wanjiku – were being held over offences relating to the killings.
It cannot be business as usual when cases of police killings are emerging from many parts of the country each year. The government should urgently conduct a thorough investigation to ensure that perpetrators are held accountable and that these killings stop Otsieno Namwaya

Africa Researcher at Human Rights Watch

“The Inspector General should now clarify whether the AP officer accused of shooting Mwenda in April 2015 is one of those under arrest,” said Otsieno Namwaya, Africa Researcher at Human Rights Watch. “It cannot be business as usual when cases of police killings are emerging from many parts of the country each year. The government should urgently conduct a thorough investigation to ensure that perpetrators are held accountable and that these killings stop.”

These outrageous crimes should not only be the concern of the police and IPOA, but should be addressed by all levels of Kenya’s leadership, including the national assembly and the head of state.

“The killing of these three young Kenyans in cold blood should concern President Uhuru Kenyatta,” said George Kegoro, Executive Director of the Kenya Human Rights Commission. “The head of state must immediately institute a full judicial commission of inquiry into the appropriation and misuse of the institution of the police and its resources for personal and criminal ends including, as in this case, extrajudicial killings.”

Kenya’s international partners – in particular Sweden, the UK and USA – that are currently providing financial support to the Kenya police units implicated in extrajudicial killings, should urge Kenyan authorities to ensure effective investigations into these killings and prosecution of those responsible. Supporting Kenyan security agencies without insisting on accountability for human rights violations makes donor countries complicit in those violations.

Signed hereunder:
Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR)
Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC)
National Coalition on Human Rights Defenders (NCHRC)
Independent Medico Legal Unit (IMLU)
Amnesty International
Human Rights Watch (HRW)
Freedom House
Article 19, Eastern Africa
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative
Defend Defenders
International Commission of Jurists (Kenya Chapter)
InformAction
Chapter Four, Uganda
Pan African Human Rights Defenders Network, Uganda
Foundation for Human Rights Initiative, Uganda
Rights Promotion and Protection Centre
Muslims for Human Rights
Haki Africa
Coalition for Constitution Implementation
Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice
Centre for Reproductive Rights
Bunge La Mwananchi
Coalition of Grassroots Human Rights Defenders
Kenyan Peasants League
Pan African Grassroots Women Liberation
World March of Women Kenya
Mathare Social Justice Centre
Bunge La Mwananchi, Kangemi
Kamukunji Human Rights Defenders Network
Women Arising
Dandora Must Change Social Movement
The Change Movement Kenya
Sauti Ya Umma, Kenya

UPDATE (July 1, 2016): On Friday, July 1, International Justice Mission announced the  deaths of staff member, Willie Kimani, client, Josephat Mwenda and taxi driver, Joseph Muiruri. Their bodies were found in a river in Ol-Donyo Sabuk, Machakos County after an extensive search. Human Rights Watch extends sincere condolences to IJM and the families.   (Nairobi) – Kenyan police should urgently locate a human rights lawyer, his client, and their driver who have been missing since June 23, 2016. There is credible evidence the men were, at some point, in the custody of Kenya’s Administration Police and may be victims of an enforced disappearance.   Expand

Human rights lawyer Willie Kimani was last seen on June 23, 2016. There is credible evidence that Kimani, as well as his client and taxi driver, may be victims of an enforced disappearance.

© International Justice Mission

The lawyer, Willie Kimani, his client, Josphat Mwenda, and their taxi driver, Joseph Muiruri, were last seen returning from a traffic court hearing at Mavoko Law Courts, Machakos county, on June 23. Kenyan and international human rights organizations have stated that the three were abducted and that they may have been held at Syokimau Administration Police Camp.

“The three men have been missing for over a week,” said Otsieno Namwaya, Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch.” The police inspector general should be ordering his officers to urgently find out where the men are and ensure their safety and well-being.”   Any police officers involved in the men’s disappearance should be held to account for what would be a very serious crime.   Kenyan lawyers held a protest on June 30 and petitioned the police inspector general for information regarding the men’s whereabouts.   Human Rights Watch understands that officers from the police unit known as the Flying Squad, along with the Directorate of Criminal Investigations, are investigating. But after eight days, there is still no clarity as to the men’s whereabouts. Should police officers, or other government agents, be involved with or implicated in depriving the men of their liberty and concealing information about their whereabouts, their actions would constitute an enforced disappearance, a serious violation of human rights for which there is no justification.   Kimani, a lawyer working with the International Justice Mission (IJM), has been representing Mwenda in his legal problems stemming from an April 10, 2015 incident in which an Administration Police officer from Syokimau Administration Police Camp shot him during a traffic stop.   An IJM official, Wamaitha Kimani, told Human Rights Watch that Mwenda received medical treatment for his injuries but was then taken into custody at Mlolongo Police station, in Machakos county. Mwenda was charged with “being in possession of narcotic drugs,” “gambling in a public place,” and “resisting arrest.” IJM believes that the officers fabricated the charges in an attempt to justify the shooting.   “What surprised us is that four other officers who were not at the scene recorded statements to support the charges,” Wamaitha Kimani said. “That is why IJM decided to defend Mwenda.”   Mwenda later filed a complaint over the shooting with Kenya’s Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA), a civilian police accountability institution, against a senior Administration Police officer in Machakos county.   Police later charged Mwenda with six traffic offenses, including riding a motorcycle without a helmet, on December 13. On February 16, Wamaitha Kimani said, two men claiming to be officers from the police’s Directorate of Criminal Investigations arrested Mwenda again, alleging that he was a suspect in a violent robbery. Willie Kimani represented Mwenda and insisted on being present during any interrogations. Wamaitha Kimani told Human Rights Watch that these charges appeared to be an effort to intimidate Mwenda and compel him to withdraw his complaint against the police.   Willie Kimani had previously worked with Release Political Prisoners, a Kenyan pressure group now known as Rights Promotion and Protection Centre (RPP), Independent Medico Legal Unit (IMLU), and IPOA.   “Police should not hesitate to interrogate and arrest their own officers when there is cause,” said Namwaya. “This case stands as a clear threat to the legal profession and all those who push for police accountability in Kenya.”

The Angolan Supreme Court on Wednesday provisionally released 17 members of a book club who were jailed after they discussed peaceful protest and democracy at a meeting last June, inspired by Gene Sharp’s book, From Dictatorship to Democracy.

Public prosecutors charged the group members with “preparatory acts of rebellion” and “plotting against the president and state institutions.” The latter charge was dropped during their trial, and a new charge of “criminal conspiracy” added.

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Book-club activists walk through the streets of Luanda after their provisional release.

© 2016 Katya dos Santos

After six months in pretrial detention, the activists were put under house arrest in December. In March 2016 they were convicted and received sentences of between two and eight years in prison – and returned to jail.  Their lawyers appealed their convictions to the Supreme Court, arguing they were unconstitutional and in violation of the activists’ fundamental rights. Under Angolan law, they should have been freed pending a decision of the Supreme Court. But instead they  languished in jail for another three months, while their relatives and friends held several protests outside the courts.

In its ruling on Wednesday, the Supreme Court ordered the group’s conditional release pending a final decision on their case. They will not be allowed to leave the country, and must check in with the authorities every month.

The first group of activists left the Sao Paulo Hospital-Prison in Luanda that afternoon. As they walked through the streets of the Angolan capital for the first time in more than a year, they shouted: “Reading is not a crime!”

Wednesday’s ruling could be a light at the end of the tunnel for many other people who have been denied justice in the Angolan judicial system, which has often been an instrument of the government to target its critics. The Supreme Court may want to restore public trust in state institutions. While the ruling does not acquit the activists, who never should have been arrested or charged, it gives hope that the review of their sentencing will be fair, thorough, and prompt. 

Ethiopia has a horrendous human rights record – but that didn’t stop its election this week to the United Nations Security Council as a non-permanent member. It’s worth noting too that Ethiopia – implicated in the deaths of hundreds of peaceful protesters in recent months – is also a member of the UN Human Rights Council.

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The UN Security Council votes on a resolution at UN Headquarters in New York on March 2, 2016.

© 2016 Reuters

Ethiopia, among Africa’s leading jailors of journalists, has decimated independent civil society and misused its counterterrorism law to stifle peaceful dissent. Arbitrary arrests and torture continue to be major concerns. The ruling coalition won 100 percent of parliamentary seats at federal and regional levels in the 2015 elections, after years of restrictions on opposition parties and supporters.

Two weeks ago, Human Rights Watch published a report into the government’s handling of the largely peaceful Oromo protests, where security forces killed an estimated 400 people, many of them students. Thousands have been arrested. The use of excessive force to stifle peaceful protest has occurred frequently, but Ethiopians have few outlets to criticize the government that won’t get them arrested. This has created a volatile internal security situation. The investigation by Ethiopia’s national Human Rights Commission fell short of international standards and concluded that security forces used “proportionate force” against protesters. A credible, independent investigation with international support is needed into these killings.

Despite the dire human rights situation, Ethiopia is a now a member of both the Security Council and the Human Rights Council. Its track record on the rights council has been poor: it has consistently blocked cooperation with UN special mechanisms, not permitted access to a single special rapporteur since 2007 – other than the special rapporteur on Eritrea, unsurprising given the ongoing “cold war” between the two countries. UN special rapporteurs on torture, freedom of opinion and expression, peaceful assembly, the right of food, and the independent expert on human rights and international solidarity all have outstanding requests for visits.

Ethiopia should stop hiding its own human rights record from international scrutiny, and as a member of both the Human Rights Council and the Security Council, cooperate fully with UN special mechanisms, in particular the rapporteurs on peaceful assembly and torture to further investigate the human rights situation. Moreover, Ethiopia’s international partners should be supporting a credible, independent investigation into abuses during the Oromo protests.

 

 

A Koszovóban tartózkodó magyar békefenntartók több mint 70 fővel június végén ismét részt vettek a „Dancon March” elnevezésű menetgyakorlaton.

Június végén Koszovóban tett látogatást Horváth Gábor dandártábornok, az MH Összhaderőnemi Parancsnokság megbízott szárazföldi haderőnem főnöke. A szakmai program során tájékozódott az MH KFOR Kontingens helyzetéről valamint a KFOR „Field House” koncepciójáról. Megtekintette az állomány elhelyezési körleteit és az előkészített technikai bemutatót, majd az LMT kihelyezett irodáját Podujevóban, valamint a „Field House” potenciális épületeit.

Prof. dr. Padányi József dandártábornok, a Nemzeti Közszolgálati Egyetem (NKE) stratégiai és intézményfejlesztési rektorhelyettese vezetésével hivatalos tanulmányi úton vett részt az NKE Felsőfokú Vezetőképző Tanfolyam csoportja Szarajevóban, a közelmúltban.

Az elmúlt időszak folyamatos kiképzéssel telt az MH EUFOR Kontingens 18. váltásának állományában szolgálatot teljesítő lövészkatonák számára. 

Spanish Alvaro de Bazan Class Frigate

Les Chrétiens au Moyen-Orient, héritiers d'une longue histoire et plus nombreux que jamais en valeur absolue (dix à quinze millions), y sont devenus très minoritaires (moins de 4% de la population du Moyen-Orient). Les conflits du Moyen-Orient au XXe siècle (conflit israélo-arabe, guerre du Liban, guerres du Golfe) ont entraîné des départs massifs. L'actuel retour à la « dhimmitude » (droits et devoirs du statut de minorité) imposé par Daech sur son territoire est l'aboutissement radical d'une islamisation générale de l'espace public et des sociétés depuis les années 1970. Dans ce sombre contexte, on ne peut que remarquer leur importance particulière au Liban et en Egypte. La vitalité religieuse et sociale des Chrétiens du Moyen-Orient, l'existence de deux millions de Chrétiens non autochtones dans le Golfe et enfin le développement de diasporas actives montrent qu'on ne saurait les réduire à leurs départs.

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Les Chrétiens au Moyen-Orient, héritiers d'une longue histoire et plus nombreux que jamais en valeur absolue (dix à quinze millions), y sont devenus très minoritaires (moins de 4% de la population du Moyen-Orient). Les conflits du Moyen-Orient au XXe siècle (conflit israélo-arabe, guerre du Liban, guerres du Golfe) ont entraîné des départs massifs. L'actuel retour à la « dhimmitude » (droits et devoirs du statut de minorité) imposé par Daech sur son territoire est l'aboutissement radical d'une islamisation générale de l'espace public et des sociétés depuis les années 1970. Dans ce sombre contexte, on ne peut que remarquer leur importance particulière au Liban et en Egypte. La vitalité religieuse et sociale des Chrétiens du Moyen-Orient, l'existence de deux millions de Chrétiens non autochtones dans le Golfe et enfin le développement de diasporas actives montrent qu'on ne saurait les réduire à leurs départs.

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Pour l'Union européenne, la crise ukrainienne n'est pas seulement militaire. L'UE et la Russie s'opposent aussi en matière énergétique (la fourniture de gaz), de concurrence (le cas Gazprom) ou agricole (l'embargo russe). Les difficultés d'application du Protocole de Minsk prouvent que l'Union ne peut compter sur sa puissance militaire. Toutefois, elle dispose de son expertise juridique, ce qui peut l'aider. Gazprom semble prête à négocier avec la Commission qui l'accuse d'abus de position dominante. La contestation russe de la législation énergétique européenne devant le juge de l'OMC ne pourra pas être invoqué par Gazprom devant la CJUE. L'accord d'association UE-Ukraine impose la norme européenne face à la norme russe. Cette expertise normative est une autre forme de puissance.

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Pour l'Union européenne, la crise ukrainienne n'est pas seulement militaire. L'UE et la Russie s'opposent aussi en matière énergétique (la fourniture de gaz), de concurrence (le cas Gazprom) ou agricole (l'embargo russe). Les difficultés d'application du Protocole de Minsk prouvent que l'Union ne peut compter sur sa puissance militaire. Toutefois, elle dispose de son expertise juridique, ce qui peut l'aider. Gazprom semble prête à négocier avec la Commission qui l'accuse d'abus de position dominante. La contestation russe de la législation énergétique européenne devant le juge de l'OMC ne pourra pas être invoqué par Gazprom devant la CJUE. L'accord d'association UE-Ukraine impose la norme européenne face à la norme russe. Cette expertise normative est une autre forme de puissance.

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Elfogadta Hargita Megye Tanácsa azt a területet, amelyet Korond község megvásárolt az erre előirányzott pénzalapból az integrált hulladékgazdálkodási projekt korondi tömörítőállomásának új helyszínen történő felépítésére.
Kategória: Aktuális/Udvarhelyszék

(crédit : ministère luxembourgeois des travaux publics)

(B2) Le jugement rendu sur plainte de la firme Price Waterhouse Coopers, par le Tribunal d’arrondissement de Luxembourg, le 29 juin, le jour du sommet européen est assez hallucinant. Il nous a fait réagir à l’Association des journalistes européens (section française). Au-delà de l’argumentation juridique, il s’agit d’une menace réelle, et inégalitaire, qui plane sur le journalisme européen.

C’est un appel que l’AJE lance donc aux institutions européennes. Faites preuve de courage, de cohérence et de lucidité. Proposez, adoptez une législation sur les lanceurs d’alerte, comme vous en avez proposé une sur le secret d’affaires. Nous demandons également aux organisateurs du Prix Charlemagne de faire preuve d’un peu d’audace et de décerner leur prochain prix aux protagonistes de cette affaire. Ils l’ont bien mérité. Avec le Luxleaks, ils auront considérablement fait avancer la lutte contre l’évasion fiscale (ou plutôt l’optimisation fiscale…).

Le jugement intervenu cette semaine au Luxembourg, condamnant Antoine Deltour et Raphaël Halet dans l’affaire LuxLeaks interpelle largement les journalistes de l’AJE. Au-delà de l’argumentation juridique, il s’agit d’un symbole très négatif qu’envoient le Luxembourg et l’Union européenne. Les banquiers sont libres. Les lanceurs d’alerte sont condamnés. La liberté de la presse cède le pas devant la liberté des entreprises. L’Europe a des valeurs vacillantes.

Cette condamnation fait peser aujourd’hui une menace sur tous les journalistes et le journalisme européen dans son ensemble. C’est d’ailleurs l’objectif précis de telles procédures. Il ne s’agit pas d’obtenir réparation d’un dommage mais bel et bien d’intimider, de réduire à néant tout esprit d’information. Quel média va se lancer aujourd’hui dans une enquête délicate s’il sait qu’il peut se faire condamner demain par un tribunal ? Comment des ‘sources’ oseront prendre le risque de communiquer des informations importantes si elles savent qu’elles pourront être condamnées pénalement et/ou civilement ? Comment peut-on défendre un journalisme, indépendant, sans sources d’information ? Sans sources, le journalisme est un leurre. C’est juste un instrument de reproduction des communiqués de presse comme dans n’importe quel régime autoritaire.

La question n’est pas de savoir si la législation luxembourgeoise est adaptée ou non. La question est européenne. L’AJE lance donc un appel aux institutions européennes, à Jean-Claude Juncker le président de la Commission européenne, à Martin Schulz et aux parlementaires européens, à Donald Tusk, le président du Conseil européen. Vous avez voulu protéger le secret d’affaires, pour des raisons légitimes. Protéger la liberté de la presse et les sources d’information est, au moins, aussi légitime, sinon davantage. L’AJE demande une nouvelle législation qui permette la protection des lanceurs d’alertes, la protection des sources d’informations partout en Europe. Il ne faut plus tarder aujourd’hui. Il en va du contrôle démocratique. L’Europe n’est pas qu’un simple marché, aux mains des intérêts économiques. Il faut le démontrer. Elle doit être un espace démocratique où les valeurs de liberté et d’information sont protégées. L’intérêt particulier ne doit pas l’emporter sur l’intérêt général.

L’AJE-France lance également un appel aux organisations du Prix Charlemagne pour qu’ils réfléchissent à décerner à Antoine Deltour, Raphaël Halet, Edouard Perrin et tous les autres lanceurs d’alerte le prix Charlemagne l’année prochaine. Ils ont agi pour le bien de l’Europe. Ils ont favorisé une prise de conscience comme le Pape, cette année, a reçu ce prix pour avoir favorisé une prise de conscience sur le droit d’asile. Ce serait juste. Ce serait équitable.

(NGV)

A héten már bárki használhatja a korondi Unicum sós vizű fürdőt. A csobbanó harminc fokos vizét az elmúlt hetekben ingyen próbálhatták ki a helybéliek.
Kategória: Aktuális/Udvarhelyszék

Túlzás, hogy a Székelyudvarhelyen hiányszakmának számító CNC-marós mesterséget háromezer lejes bérezéssel népszerűsítik – állítja egy számítógép vezérlésű (CNC) marógépen dolgozó munkás.
Kategória: Aktuális/Udvarhelyszék