Feed aggregator

Szerdán délután frontálisan ütközött egy Škoda Octavia és egy Dacia Sandero Bátka és Gömörfüge (Figa) között, a Rimaszombati járásban. A balesetben mindkét jármű sofőrje megsérült, kórházba szállították őket. A Dacia utasa a helyszínen életét vesztette. A rendőrség vizsgálja a baleset körülményeit.

Local farmer ploughing a field in Indonesia. Credit: Unsplash

By Ana Carolina Avzaradel Szklo
RIO DE JANEIRO, Brazil, Nov 26 2025 (IPS)

The UN climate talks at COP30 once again brought the critical issue of climate finance to the forefront of global discussions.

However, while much of the debate revolved around traditional forms of aid directed at developing countries most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, a faster, more transformative approach lies in expanding access to carbon markets.

When emerging and developing economies (EMDEs) are equipped with the tools and knowledge needed to engage in these markets on their own terms, carbon finance can be generated and harnessed in ways that reflect their unique natural assets, governance, social contexts, and national priorities.

Achieving global climate and sustainable development goals depends on ensuring that those worst affected by climate change can fully participate in and benefit from this growing flow of finance.

EMDEs are on the frontlines of climate change — from rising sea levels threatening Pacific island nations to intensifying droughts and fires in the Amazon and Horn of Africa, and increasingly intense and frequent hurricanes in the Caribbean. These crises often hit hardest in regions that have contributed least to global emissions and in the most difficult position to react to them.

Yet, these same nations face a climate finance shortfall of $1.3 trillion per year. Carbon markets present an opportunity for these countries to bridge this gap by turning their natural advantages into climate finance assets.

Despite successful initiatives aimed at bolstering both high-integrity supply and demand for carbon credits, significant barriers to access persist, particularly for EMDEs. From fragmented policy landscapes to weak governance structures, limited institutional capacity, and low investor confidence, various obstacles prevent the vast potential of EMDEs to engage fully.

The Access Strategies Program — led by the Voluntary Carbon Markets Integrity Initiative — is a direct response to these challenges. It helps governments design and implement their own pathways into high-integrity carbon markets, enabling them to build the policies, institutional capacity, and investor confidence needed to meet their climate finance needs and transform their potential into progress.

Each country’s natural capital — from Brazil’s vast rainforest and agricultural landscapes, to the Caribbean’s blue carbon ecosystems, or Kenya’s grasslands and renewable energy potential — represents a unique competitive advantage, ready to be realised.

Simultaneously, no two countries share the same development goals or governance contexts. In some, carbon markets can drive forest conservation and biodiversity protection; while in others, they deliver the most impact by strengthening rural livelihoods or financing clean energy transitions.

The Access Strategies model recognises this uniqueness, tailoring its support to help countries use carbon finance in ways that align with their own specific economic and environmental strategies and goals.

For example, the Partnership for Agricultural Carbon (PAC) — developed with the Inter-American Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture (IICA) — is building capacity across Latin American and Caribbean agriculture ministries to participate in high-integrity carbon markets. It provides training, policy guidance, and decision-making tools that help governments and farmers identify viable carbon projects aligning with national agricultural and sustainability goals.

The collaboration has given small and medium producers a clearer route to investment, while positioning agriculture as a central player in regional climate strategies. Another example of the Access Strategies work is the recently launched Amazon Best Practices Guide, which will help Amazon state governments design and implement carbon market frameworks made specifically for their unique ecological and governance realities.

Moreover, in countries such as Kenya, Peru, and Benin, the Program has provided tailored support to develop policy and regulatory frameworks, strengthen institutional capacity, and attract responsible investment for high-priority climate mitigation projects — all in line with country-led goals.

These examples show what’s possible when governments have the tools and expertise to engage in high-integrity carbon markets on their own terms. More countries should seize this opportunity to tap into the growing flow of finance from carbon markets.

While carbon markets are not a silver bullet, they are one of the few scalable and self-sustaining tools available when grounded in integrity and tailored to each country’s needs.

Programs like Access Strategies do more than transfer technical knowledge — they build the enabling conditions for locally led action, drawing on countries’ unique ecological, social, and institutional insights to shape solutions that work in practice.

The focus of global climate action should not only be on new funding pledges, but on ensuring funding that is already available is effectively redirected for EMDEs countries to harness their own natural capital and promote social inclusion, while meeting their climate goals and reshaping their development pathway.

Building this kind of capacity is how we turn global ambition into lasting, locally owned progress, and moreover how carbon finance can become a true instrument of sustainable development.

Ana Carolina Avzaradel Szklo, Technical Director, Markets and Standards, Voluntary Carbon Markets Integrity Initiative (VCMI)

IPS UN Bureau

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

Szerdán megpróbált elmenekülni a rendőrök elől egy 53 éves sofőr Pozsonyhidegkúton. Miután megállították, agresszíven viselkedett.

UN Secretary-General António Guterres addresses the media at the G20 Summit in South Africa. Credit: UN Photo/Ropafadzo Chiradza

By Danny Bradlow
PRETORIA, South Africa, Nov 26 2025 (IPS)

US president Donald Trump’s efforts to derail a successful wrap-up of the G20 summit in Johannesburg failed. Trump boycotted the meeting and the US told other countries through diplomatic channels not to sign a communiqué. Nevertheless, the 19 remaining countries and regional organisations signed a 30-page declaration.

This called for, among other things, increased funding for renewable energy projects, more equitable critical mineral supply chains and debt relief for poorer countries. Senior research fellow Danny Bradlow explains what was, and wasn’t, achieved.

In what ways was South Africa’s G20 presidency a success?

The G20 has been a great diplomatic success for South Africa in at least three ways.

First, it succeeded in leading all the other G20 countries and organisations to adopt by consensus a leaders’ declaration despite a boycott and bullying tactics by Washington.

The 120 paragraph Leaders’ Declaration covered all the issues embodied in the “Solidarity, Equality and Sustainability” theme that South Africa chose for the G20. They included:

• • debt and access to affordable, sustainable finance

 

• • financing for a just energy transition

 

• • critical minerals

 

• • inequality

 

• • a second phase for the

Compact with Africa

• The first phase was launched in

2017 during Germany’s G20 presidency

• and provided a framework for Africa’s engagement with its development partners.

 

• • illicit financial flows

 

• inclusive growth.

Second, South Africa succeeded in launching a number of initiatives over the course of the year.

Firstly, the G20 acknowledged South Africa’s five years of support for the establishment of an African Engagement Framework within the G20’s finance track. It is intended to support enhanced cooperation between Africa and the G20.

Secondly, leaders expressed support, in various ways, for the G20 working group initiatives on illicit financial flows, infrastructure, air quality, artificial intelligence, sustainable development and public health. The ministerial declaration on debt was also supported. This includes reforms around initiatives supporting low and middle income countries facing debt challenges.

Thirdly, the Ubuntu Legacy Initiative was launched. This is designed to fund cross-border infrastructure in Africa. It was also agreed that an Ubuntu Commission will be set up to encourage research and dialogue on dealing cooperatively with global challenges. Ubuntu can be explained with reference to the isiZulu saying ‘umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu’ which means ‘a person is a person through other people.’ It entails an ethics of care, compassion and cooperation.

Lastly, South Africa succeeded in delivering an effective, efficient and constructive G20 year. This is no small feat. It required the country to organise more than 130 meetings of G20 working groups, task forces and ministerial meetings, in addition to the leaders’ summit.

Is this only a good news story?

It is inevitable that any complex, multifaceted and voluntary process involving participants with strong and contrasting views will not be an unqualified success.

This, without doubt, is the case with South Africa’s G20 year. The environment was complicated by a number of factors:

• • the wars in Gaza, Ukraine and Sudan

 

• • the actions of the US and some of its allies to undermine the international community’s efforts to address the intertwined challenges of climate, biodiversity, energy, poverty, inequality, food insecurity, debt, technology and development, and

 

• trade wars initiated by Trump imposing tariffs on trading partners.

These factors meant that getting the diverse membership of the G20 to reach agreement on a broad range of complex issues would be extremely difficult. In fact, it would only be possible to do so at a high level of abstraction.

Unfortunately, this proved to be the case. The result is that the G20 Leaders’ Declaration largely boils down to a set of general statements that are almost totally devoid of commitments for which states can be held accountable. Such general statements are not uncommon in the diplomatic statements issued at the end of high-level multilateral meetings. However, this is an extreme example.

The leaders expressed their support for a number of voluntary principles on issues such as disaster relief, artificial intelligence, critical minerals and debt. They also expressed support for the work of organisations like the multilateral development banks and the International Monetary Fund, and for some specific South African led initiatives like the review of the G20 itself.

However, there are no time frames or deliverables attached to these expressions of support.

What needs to be done to make the declaration effective?

The G20 is a voluntary association with no binding authority. The declaration’s efficacy therefore ultimately depends on all the G20’s stakeholders both taking – and advocating – for action on the issues raised in it.

These stakeholders include states and non-state actors like international organisations, businesses and civil society organisations.

The value of the declaration is how both the state and non-state actors use it to advocate for action. That can be in future G20 meetings as well as other regional and international forums.

How can the declaration be used to lead to action?

One of the biggest challenges facing African countries is debt. Over 20 are either in debt distress or at high risk of debt distress. Many African countries are being forced to choose between servicing their debts and investing in the development and climate resilience of their own populations.

The challenge that this creates for African states is exacerbated by their limited access to affordable, predictable and sustainable sources of development finance.

This means that African countries are unlikely to gain a sustainable path to reaching their development and climate goals without substantial action on debt and development finance. The Leaders’ Declaration, in paragraphs 14-22, clearly recognises the challenge. Key elements include:

• • the endorsement of

the statement

• their finance minister and central bank governors made on debt sustainability

 

• • a reiteration of the support for the

Common Framework

• for dealing with low-income countries in debt distress. The framework establishes a process for dealing with the official and commercial debt. But the process has proven to be too slow and cumbersome.

 

• • a commitment to working with the

Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable

to explore better ways to meet the needs of debtor countries in distress and their creditors. This roundtable establishes an informal mechanism that brings together creditors and debtors and other stakeholders in sovereign debt to discuss ways to improve restructuring processes.

But these will be just empty words unless the endorsements are turned into action.

There are three actions that stakeholders can take.

First, African leaders can form a regional borrowers’ forum to discuss the debt issue and share information on their experiences dealing with creditors and on developing common African positions on development finance and debt. This would build on the work done by:

• • the African Expert Panel appointed by South African president Cyril Ramaphosa, and

 

• the African finance ministers under the auspices of the African Union and the UN Economic Commission on Africa.

They can also use this forum to engage in open discussions with African non-state actors.

Second, African non-state actors can develop strategies for holding the leaders accountable if they fail to follow up on the declaration. And they can hold creditors accountable for their actions in their negotiations with African debtors in distress.

Third, African non-state actors should initiate a review of how the IMF needs to reform its operational policies and practices. Africa has eloquently advocated for greater African voice and vote in IMF governance. The next step should be to explore how the substantial changes that have taken place in the scope of IMF operations can be translated into operational practices. These include the macroeconomic impacts of climate, gender and inequality.

Daniel D. Bradlow is Professor/Senior Research Fellow, Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship, University of Pretoria

IPS UN Bureau

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

Berlin’s refusal to address its dysfunctional power market comes at the cost of Europe’s entire electrical grid

December 2-án szervezik meg Érsekújvárban a GivingTuesday jótékonysági gyűjtést. Ez a nagylelkűség, az adakozás és az önkéntesség ünnepe.

:

Gouvernement, organisations d'employeurs et de travailleurs ont, aux côtés de l'OIT, validé les conclusions de la revue nationale des cadres juridiques du travail et de la protection sociale liés au travail domestique. Cette validation constitue une avancée majeure dans les efforts conjoints visant à renforcer la reconnaissance, la protection et la dignité des travailleuses et travailleurs domestiques au Bénin .

Un secteur clé, mais encore informel
Le travail domestique représente une source essentielle d'emploi, notamment pour les femmes et les jeunes, mais il demeure informel au Bénin. Les personnes exerçant dans ce secteur font souvent face à une absence de couverture sociale, à des conditions précaires et à un risque élevé d'abus, du fait d'une reconnaissance juridique limitée.
Dans le cadre du projet « Travail domestique décent au Bénin » (TRADOM) », mis en œuvre par l'OIT avec l'appui de ses partenaires nationaux, une revue approfondie du cadre législatif et réglementaire a été conduite. Cette étude met en lumière les avancées déjà présentes dans le droit béninois, mais aussi les insuffisances normatives et institutionnelles à combler pour garantir un travail réellement décent dans ce secteur.

Des convergences notables avec les normes internationales
Adoptée en 2011, la Convention (n°189) de l'OIT sur les travailleuses et travailleurs domestiques constitue la référence mondiale pour la reconnaissance du travail domestique comme une profession à part entière.
L'analyse du droit béninois révèle plusieurs points de convergence avec cette convention.
L'article 8 de l'arrêté n°026/MFPTRA/DC/SGM/DT/SRT du 14 avril 1998 fixant les conditions générales d'emploi des employés de maison en République du Bénin, garantit par exemple un repos hebdomadaire de 48 heures, dont 24 heures consécutives le dimanche — soit une protection supérieure aux 24 heures minimales prévues par la Convention n°189.
De même, le décret n°2011-029 du 31 janvier 2011 fixant la liste des travaux dangereux pour les enfants en République du Bénin, fixe à 18 ans l'âge minimum pour exercer des travaux domestiques dangereux, conformément aux standards internationaux de protection de l'enfance et en convergence avec l'article 4 de la Convention N°189.
Ces convergences démontrent que, même sans ratification formelle, le Bénin dispose déjà d'un socle juridique aligné sur plusieurs principes de la Convention n°189. Toutefois, des lacunes importantes subsistent en matière de sécurité sociale, de prévention des abus et d'égalité de traitement avec les autres salariés.

Un cadre juridique à moderniser
Au Bénin, l'arrêté n°26/MFPTRAIDC/SGM/SRT du 14 avril 1998 qui encadre les conditions générales d'emploi des employés de maison, constitue, à ce jour, la principale référence juridique nationale en matière de travail domestique.
Malheureusement ce texte fonctionne en marge du droit du travail général, ce qui crée une forme de dualité juridique. Les employés de maison apparaissent ainsi comme des travailleurs à statut réduit, bénéficiant de droits moins robustes que ceux reconnus aux autres salariés.
Par ailleurs, les dispositions de l'arrêté, bien qu'innovantes à leur époque, ne répondent plus aux exigences actuelles en matière de travail décent. Elles ne prennent pas en compte l'essentiel des standards internationaux, notamment ceux de la Convention n°189 de l'OIT, que le Bénin n'a pas encore ratifiée. L'absence de référence à la sécurité sociale, à la protection contre les abus particulièrement pour les travailleuses domestiques ou à des mécanismes de contrôle efficaces limite fortement la portée du texte.

|

Des recommandations pour l'avenir
Les participants à la validation ont souligné plusieurs axes prioritaires de réforme :
1. Actualiser et harmoniser l'arrêté n°026 avec les standards internationaux, pour y intégrer des dispositions sur la sécurité sociale, la prévention des abus, la protection de la maternité et la lutte contre les violences basées sur le genre.
2. Ratifier la Convention n°189 de l'OIT, afin de doter le Bénin d'un socle légal plus fort, en cohérence avec l'article 147 de la Constitution qui confère aux traités ratifiés une autorité supérieure à celle des lois.
3. Renforcer les capacités de l'inspection du travail et développer des mécanismes de contrôle adaptés aux particularités du travail effectué au domicile privé.
4. Favoriser l'inclusion des travailleurs domestiques dans les régimes de protection sociale (CNSS, ARCH) à travers des mesures incitatives telles que des réductions fiscales, des subventions partielles de cotisation ou la simplification des procédures d'affiliation.
La revue du cadre juridique menée dans le cadre du projet TRADOM offre aujourd'hui une feuille de route claire pour avancer vers un travail domestique formalisé. Son adoption et sa mise en œuvre effective pourraient constituer une étape déterminante pour la justice sociale, la dignité au travail et l'inclusion économique des travailleuses et travailleurs domestiques au Bénin.

|

Health advocates say ‘sin taxes’ have huge potential but warn there is no silver bullet

TASR: Összesen 16 közlekedési baleset és 79 káresemény történt a múlt héten Nagyszombat megye útjain. Két balesetnél az alkohol is közrejátszott – tájékoztatott a közösségi hálón a Nagyszombati Kerületi Rendőrkapitányság.

Written by Branislav Stanicek.

The Pact for the Mediterranean was announced in the Commission political guidelines for 2024-2029 and adopted on 16 October 2025. It is a new strategic framework proposed by the European Union (EU) to strengthen cooperation with southern Mediterranean partners and build a more integrated, stable, and prosperous Common Mediterranean Space. Launched on the 30th anniversary of the 1995 Barcelona Declaration, this Pact was presented as an ‘ambitious paradigm shift’ in Euro-Mediterranean relations – moving towards deeper integration based on co-ownership, co-creation and joint responsibility. The Pact sets out a comprehensive agenda across three interlinked pillars, each with actionable initiatives: people; sustainable and integrated economies; and security, preparedness and migration management.

By scaling up existing programmes and launching new joint initiatives, the Pact for the Mediterranean offers a blueprint to turn common challenges into shared opportunities. It calls on policymakers to unite their efforts in a spirit of partnership. By following through on these recommendations – investing in people, integrating economies, bolstering security, and collaborating across borders and tiers of government – the EU and its Mediterranean neighbours aim to co-create a future of peace, prosperity and stability for the region.

On 20 November, the Council approved conclusions on the Pact for the Mediterranean. A Pact for the Mediterranean ministerial meeting is scheduled for 28 November, in Barcelona, to launch the Pact formally and commemorate the 30th anniversary of the Barcelona Declaration. The meeting will also launch the Union for the Mediterranean Regional Forum.

Read the complete briefing on ‘The Pact for the Mediterranean: Co-creating a space of peace, prosperity and stability through a genuine partnership‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Zuckersüsse Kosenamen und witzigste Anspielungen – Ihr habt uns die Namen eurer Katzen zugeschickt. Von Oreo bis Gandalf gab es alles. Wir sagen danke und jööö!

Die Kandidatinnen und Kandidaten für die neue Staffel vom Dschungelcamp sind fix. Mit dabei ist auch eine Schweizerin: Influencerin und Reality-Star Ariele Hediger wagt sich in den australischen Dschungel.

Folytatódik Gútán a nagyszigeti közúti híd felújítása. Nyitra megye tájékoztatása szerint megkezdődött a munka második fázisa.

Ein Café in Aarau sorgt für Aufsehen: Kinder unter 14 Jahren sind nicht mehr willkommen. Die Betreiberin begründet das Verbot mit störendem Verhalten und blockierten Gängen. Die Reaktionen der Eltern fallen unterschiedlich aus. Die Empörung aber überwiegt.

La compagnie Royal Air Maroc (RAM) a annoncé, mardi 25 novembre, une grille de tarifs destinée aux supporteurs africains souhaitant vivre la Coupe d'Afrique des nations du 21 décembre 2025 au 18 janvier 2026 au Maroc.

Les prix des billets chez Royal Air Maroc sont revus à la baisse. C'est à l'occasion de la Coupe d'Afrique des nations prévue du 21 décembre 2025 au 18 janvier 2026 au Maroc. Pour absorber la forte demande qui s'annonce, la RAM déploiera plus de 660 vols additionnels vers les villes hôtes (Casablanca, Rabat, Tanger, Marrakech, Agadir et Fès. L'objectif est de garantir la mobilité des supporters, des équipes, des officiels et des médias durant tout le tournoi.

La compagnie a également dévoilé un nouvel appareil aux couleurs des Lions de l'Atlas, décoré avec les portraits de Hakimi, Bounou, Brahim Díaz, El Khannouss et En-Nesyri. Début novembre, un premier avion aux couleurs de la CAN avait déjà été présenté.

En avril dernier, la Confédération Africaine de Football (« CAF ») et Royal Air Maroc ont signé un partenariat stratégique. La compagnie aérienne nationale a reçu le statut de Partenaire Global Officiel pour les grandes compétitions africaines.

A l'EPP de Somé, une localité de l'arrondissement de Kpakpamè, dans la commune de Za-Kpota, un enseignant est décédé des suites d'un malaise, ce mercredi 26 novembre 2025, alors qu'il était en pleine séance d'explication avec ses apprenants.

Mercredi noir à l'EPP de Somé, commune de Za-Kpota, dans le département du Zou. L'Aspirant au métier d'enseignant (AME), de la classe de CM1/A, est mort ce mercredi 26 novembre 2025, des suites d'une crise. L'enseignant selon des sources concordantes, était en pleine séance d'explication avec ses apprenants lorsqu'il a fait un malaise. Conduit d'urgence à l'hôpital de Kpakpamè, il n'a pas survécu.
L'AME défunt apprend-on, est connu pour son professionnalisme et son dévouement au travail. Aux côtés de son directeur, il aurait toujours œuvré à l'amélioration des résultats à l'examen du CEP chaque année. Paix à son âme.

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

The military takeover comes as the West African nation was awaiting the results of Sunday's election.

Dimanche 23 novembre, le gouvernement gambien a révélé que M. Tchiroma Bakary était entré dans le pays 16 jours avant l'annonce, suscitant les critiques de l'opposition qui a dénoncé ce qu'elle a qualifié de secret et de manque de transparence.