President John Dramani Mahama of Ghana addressing the UN General Assembly last September. Credit: UN Photo
By Kester Kenn Klomegah
MOSCOW, Jan 8 2026 (IPS)
Squeezed between import substitution and dependency syndrome, a condition characterized by a set of associated economic symptoms—that is rules and regulations—majority of African countries are shifting from United States and Europe to an incoherent alternative bilateral partnerships with Russia, China and the Global South.
By forging new partnerships, for instance with Russia, these African countries rather create conspicuous economic dependency at the expense of strengthening their own local production, attainable by supporting local farmers under state budget. Import-centric partnership ties and lack of diversification make these African countries committed to import-dependent structures. It invariably compounds domestic production challenges. Needless to say that Africa has huge arable land and human resources to ensure food security.
A classical example that readily comes to mind is Ghana, and other West African countries. With rapidly accelerating economic policy, Ghana’s President John Dramani Mahama ordered the suspension of U.S. chicken and agricultural products, reaffirming swift measures for transforming local agriculture considered as grounds for ensuring sustainable food security and economic growth and, simultaneously, for driving job creation.
President Mahama, in early December 2025, while observing Agricultural Day, urged Ghanaians to take up farming, highlighting the guarantee and state support needed for affordable credit and modern tools to boost food security. According to Mahama, Ghana spends $3bn yearly on basic food imports from abroad.
The government decision highlights the importance of leveraging unto local agriculture technology and innovation. Creating opportunities to unlock the full potential of depending on available resources within the new transformative policy strategy which aims at boosting local productivity. President Mahama’s special initiatives are the 24-Hour Economy and the Big Push Agenda. One of the pillars focuses on Grow 24 – modernising agriculture.
Despite remarkable commendations for new set of economic recovery, Ghana’s demand for agricultural products is still high, and this time making a smooth shift to Russia whose poultry meat and wheat currently became the main driver of exports to African countries. And Ghana, noticeably, accepts large quantity (tonnes) of poultry from Russia’s Rostov region into the country, according to several media reports. The supplies include grains, but also vegetable oils, meat and dairy products, fish and finished food products have significant potential for Africa.
The Agriculture Ministry’s Agroexport Department acknowledges Russia exports chicken to Ghana, with Ghanaian importers sourcing Russian poultry products, especially frozen cuts, to meet significant local demand that far outstrips domestic production, even after Ghana lifted a temporary 2020 avian flu-related ban on Russian poultry.
Moreover, monitoring and basic research indicated Russian producers are actively increasing poultry exports to various African countries, thus boosting trade, although Ghana still struggles to balance imports with local industry needs.
A few details indicate the following:
* Significant Market: In any case, Ghana is a key African market for Russian poultry, with exports seeing substantial growth in recent years, alongside Angola, Benin, Cote d’Voire, Nigeria and Sierra Leone.
* Demand-Driven: Ghana’s large gap between domestic poultry production and national demand necessitates significant imports, creating opportunities for foreign suppliers like Russia.
* Major Exporters: Russia poultry companies are focused on increasing generally their African exports, with Ghana being a major destination. The basic question: to remain as import dependency or strive at attaining food sufficiency?
* Product Focus: Exports typically include frozen chicken cuts (legs and meat) very vital for supplementing local supply. But as the geopolitical dynamics shift, Ghana and other importing African countries have to review partnerships, particularly with Russia.
Despite the fact that challenges persist, Russia strongly remains as a notable supplier to Ghana, even under the supervision of John Mahama’s administration, dealing as a friendly ally, both have the vision for multipolar trade architecture, ultimately fulfilling a critical role in meeting majority of African countries’ large consumer demand for poultry products, and with Russia’s trade actively expanding and Ghana’s preparedness to spend on such imports from the state budget.
Following two high-profile Russia–Africa summits, cooperation in the area of food security emerged as a key theme. Moscow pledged to boost agricultural exports to the continent—especially grain, poultry, and fertilisers—while African leaders welcomed the prospect of improved food supplies.
Nevertheless, do these African governments think of prioritising agricultural self-sufficiency. At a May 2025 meeting in St. Petersburg, Russia’s Economic Development Minister, Maxim Reshetnikov, underlined the fact that more than 40 Russian companies were keen to export animal products and agricultural goods to the African region.
Russia, eager to expand its economic footprint, sees large-scale agricultural exports as a key revenue generator. Estimates suggest the Russian government could earn over $15 billion annually from these agricultural exports to African continent.
Head of the Agroexport Federal Center, Ilya Ilyushin, speaking at the round table “Russia-Africa: A Strategic Partnership in Agriculture to Ensure Food Security,” which was held as part of the international conference on ensuring the food sovereignty of African countries in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) on Nov. 21, 2025, said: “We see significant potential in expanding supplies of Russian agricultural products to Africa.”
It mentioned that the Agriculture Ministry’s Agroexport Department, and the Union of Grain Exporters and Producers, exported over 32,000 tonnes of wheat and barley to Egypt totaling nearly $8 million during the first half of 2025, Kenya totaling over $119 million.
Interfax media reports referred to African countries whose markets are of interest for Russian producers and exporters. Despite existing difficulties, supplies of livestock products are also growing, this includes poultry meat, Ilyushin said. Exports of agricultural products from Russia to African countries have more than doubled, and third quarter of 2025 reached almost $7 billion.
The key buyers of Russian grain on the continent are Egypt, Algeria, Kenya, Libya, Tunisia, Nigeria, Morocco, South Africa, Tanzania and Sudan, he said. According to him, Russia needs to expand the geography of supplies, increasing exports to other regions of the continent, increase supplies in West Africa to Benin, Cameroon, Ghana, Liberia and the French-speaking Sahelian States.
Of course, Russian exporters have nothing to complain. Africa’s dependency dilemma still persists. Therefore, Russia to continue expanding food exports to Africa explicitly reflects a calculated economic and geopolitical strategy. In the end of the analysis, the debate plays out prominently and also the primary message: Africa cannot afford to sacrifice food sovereignty for geopolitical solidarity.
With the above analysis, Russian exporters show readiness to explore and shape actionable strategies for harnessing Africa’s consumer market, including that of Ghana, and further to strengthen economic and trade cooperation and support its dynamic vision for sustainable development in the context of multipolar friendship and solidarity.
Kester Kenn Klomegah focuses on current geopolitical changes, foreign relations and economic development-related questions in Africa with external countries. Most of his well-resourced articles are reprinted in several reputable foreign media.
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Activists at a My body, My choice protest. Credit: Voicepk.net
By Zofeen Ebrahim
KARACHI, Pakistan, Jan 8 2026 (IPS)
As 2026 dawns, women in Pakistan are left grappling with a stark reality: rape and marital rape continue to be misinterpreted by judges in the country’s highest courts.
Earlier this month, Pakistan’s Supreme Court set aside a rape conviction, changing it to fornication (consensual sex out of marriage) – reducing a 20-year sentence to five years and slashing the fine from 500,000 rupees to 10,000 rupees, sparking fresh calls for better protections for Pakistani women.
“Such judgments do not give confidence to women to come out and report sexual violence perpetrated on them,” said Ayesha Farooq, chairperson of the government-notified Committee of the Anti-Rape Investigation and Trial Act, formed in 2021.
Despite protective legislation, 70 percent of gender-based violence incidents go unreported. Of those reported, the national conviction rate stands at just 5 percent, with some categories as low as 0.5 percent and domestic violence convictions at 1.3 percent.
Poor judgments may discourage survivors of sexual violence from reporting their cases to the authorities. Illustration: Kulsum Ebrahim/IPS
Senator Sherry Rehman highlighted the stark figures: in 2024, Islamabad had seven convictions out of 176 rape cases, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa one out of 258, Sindh none from 243 rape cases and Balochistan reported 21 rapes with no convictions.
Nida Aly, Executive Director of AGHS, said, “I have never felt so disappointed in our judiciary. Judges have failed as a gender-competent forum and lost credibility.”
The Supreme Court case involved a survivor who, in 2015, was raped at gunpoint while relieving herself in the woods. She reported the incident seven months later; DNA tests confirmed the accused as the father of her child. The trial court convicted him, and the Lahore High Court upheld the verdict. Yet at the Supreme Court, two of three judges reclassified the act as fornication, citing the complainant’s silence, lack of resistance, and absence of physical marks. Section 496-B of the Penal Code prescribes five years’ imprisonment and a Rs10,000 fine for fornication.
This reasoning drew sharp criticism from the National Commission on the Status of Women, which said consent cannot be inferred from silence, delayed reporting, or lack of resistance, and urged courts to recognise the realities of trauma, fear, coercion, and power imbalances in sexual violence cases.
Ironically, after the recasting of the case, the woman was exempted from punishment.
She was reminded of another case of rape in 2024, where a woman accused her brother’s friend of rape.
“The same judge converted the conviction of rape into fornication – along with arguments like “the woman showed no resistance; there were no marks of violence” and there was a two-day delay in reporting to the police.
Justice Ayesha Malik’s dissenting note arguing there was no “standardised” rulebook response by the victim emphasised consent.
Jamshed M. Kazi, Country Representative, UN Women Pakistan, said such cases resonate far beyond the courtroom. “The language used and the conclusions reached shape not only legal precedent but also social attitudes, survivor confidence, and public trust in justice.”
He added, “For survivors of sexual violence, judgements can leave lasting marks on the lives of women and girls, affecting how their experiences are believed and remembered, and may discourage reporting, reinforcing silence, fear, or self-doubt among survivors.”
Another case saw the Lahore High Court dismiss rape complaints against a husband because he was still legally married, even though he raped the woman at gunpoint. The judge, while maintaining the conduct of the man to be “immoral” and “inappropriate under religious or social norms”, said it was not a crime since the marriage continued to exist legally at the time of the incident.
“The judge focused on the validity of the marriage and completely disregarded the woman’s claim of non-consent and being subjected to forced sex at gunpoint,” pointed out Aly.
While there is no explicit provision criminalising marital rape, the Protection of Women (Criminal Law Amendment) Act, 2006 removed marriage as a defence to rape. When the definition of rape was substantially revised under the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2021, no marital exemption was reintroduced.
Between 1979 and 2006, Maliha Zia, Director, Gender, Inclusion & Development at the Karachi-based Legal Aid Society, explained, marriage operated as a defence to rape because the law defined rape as sexual intercourse by a man with a woman “who is not his wife” under specified circumstances. The deliberate removal of the words “not his wife” in 2006 therefore eliminated marriage as a defence, a position that has remained unchanged since.
“The 2006 Protection of Women Act was an important step; it corrected major injustices by separating rape from zina (unlawful sexual intercourse – including adultery and fornication),” said Dr Sharmila Faruqui, a member of the National Assembly. “But it stopped short of clearly saying that lack of consent within marriage is also rape and that silence has allowed old assumptions to survive.”
Faruqui stressed the need for judicial sensitisation, particularly at senior levels, but noted that judges are ultimately bound by the law. “When the law is unclear, even well-intentioned interpretations can go wrong,” she said. She called for legislative clarity—through a penal code amendment or another carefully considered route—emphasising that consent, grounded in dignity and equality, must remain central regardless of marital status. “Marriage was never meant to be a license for violence.”
This was endorsed by Zia, who has been among the trainers of judges who hear GBV cases. “Much work needs to be done to constantly sensitise the justice sector on women’s experiences and the trauma they go through due to sexual violence. “Many work on the assumption that the woman is most likely lying, especially if she didn’t fight or run or report straight away,” she added.
To its credit, Pakistan, under the anti-rape act of 2021 special courts were notified to look into gender-based violence cases. To date there are 174 such courts. Unfortunately, these courts are not exclusively handling GBV cases, said Zia. But even with this limitation, rape case convictions in Sindh rose to 17 percent in 2025, from 5 percent in 2020, when such courts did not exist. “Imagine how much better it could be!” According to her, in districts where there is a high caseload of GBV, courts should be exclusive, not necessarily more.
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Written by Anna Flynn.
The EU and China account for nearly 30 % of global trade. The EU has defined China as a ‘partner, competitor, and systemic rival.’
One of the key, current challenges is that, following the announcement of United States’ tariffs, China announced new export controls on their rare earth elements in April and October 2025. A second package was suspended until November 2026.
At the 25th EU-China Summit in Beijing, marking 50 years of diplomatic relations, the partners discussed trade, climate change, and Russia, against an ongoing backdrop of huge geopolitical shifts.
During the July 2025 summit, the EU urged China to lift its restrictions. China’s rare earth elements are difficult to source elsewhere, and simultaneously play an imperative role in the EU’s digital, defence, and green industries. According to the European Central Bank, 80 % of European firms are three intermediaries away from rare earth element producers; highlighting the value of these materials to the EU economy.
The EU’s plan to address this vulnerable, yet vital supply, is the Critical Raw Materials Act. The aim of this regulation (among other things) is to diversify the EU’s imports, support strategic projects, and strengthen EU monitoring of supply risks.
In July 2025, Parliament adopted a resolution urging the Commission to speed up the process of implementing the Critical Raw Materials Act, condemning China’s actions as unjustified and coercive.
Moreover, The EU’s trade deficit with China (€308.4 billion in 2024), is expected to rise.
Meanwhile, China’s relationship with Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) is growing, in direct competition with the EU’s objective to diversify critical raw material sources. Latin America produces large amounts of lithium and copper. By 2030, the EU’s demand for lithium is expected to increase 12-fold. Chinese companies have purchased half of the world’s largest lithium mines, and China is Latin America’s second largest trading partner today.
Nevertheless, in a joint statement following the EU-China summit, both parties reiterated that major economies should bolster climate efforts. They agreed to cooperate and lead a green transition.
A couple of months afterwards, ahead of COP30, China submitted its nationally determined contribution (NDC), or climate targets, for 2035. China’s share of global emissions increased from 9 % in 1990 to 17 % in 2024, and this is the first time that it has agreed to an absolute greenhouse gas emissions reduction.
An additional source of contention is China’s involvement with Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine. At the summit, the EU stressed China’s responsibility to uphold world order and to refrain from supporting Russia’s military agenda. At the end of October 2025, the EU’s 19th package of sanctions was adopted against Russia, including sanctions on 12 entities located in China that are supporting Russia’s military and industrial complex.
This bilateral relationship will continue to carry far-reaching importance.
Links to EPRS publicationsLe Kosovo n'a pas de secteur agroalimentaire performant, mais des producteurs se lancent dans l'aventure de la transformation et de la commercialisation directe. Lait, fromage, pickles, miel et volaille : les alternatives locales à l'import existent.
- Articles / Kosovo, Economie, Courrier des Balkans, AgricultureLe Kosovo n'a pas de secteur agroalimentaire performant, mais des producteurs se lancent dans l'aventure de la transformation et de la commercialisation directe. Lait, fromage, pickles, miel et volaille : les alternatives locales à l'import existent.
- Articles / Kosovo, Une - Diaporama, Une - Diaporama - En premier, Economie, Courrier des Balkans, AgricultureL'actualité dans le secteur de la sécurité oblige les futurs élus du peuple à l'Assemblée nationale à prendre des initiatives en vue de préserver l'intégrité du territoire national, de lutter contre la criminalité à l'intérieur du pays et au niveau des zones transfrontalières.
En dehors des lois qu'il faudra voter pour densifier la législation en matière de sécurité et de défense, les députés FCBE initieront des lois pour prendre complètement en charge les familles des agents des forces de sécurité et de défense appelés au front contre le terrorisme.
Lors des votes du budget, un point d'honneur sera accordé à l'octroi de moyens aux forces de défense et de sécurité.
La création d'une force unique de sécurité intérieure sous tutelle du Ministère de l'Interieur et de la Sécurité Publique fusionnant la police et la gendarmerie pour améliorer la qualité du service de la Police Républicaine continue de nourrir des frustrations dans le rang des agents. Pour régler cette situation, des lois visant à améliorer les statuts et conditions de travail du personnel de la Police Républicaine et de l'armée en général doivent être votées pour accroître la performance des agents. Il faudra renforcer la sécurité au niveau des parcs touristiques et surtout voter des lois pour doter en permanence les Forces de défense et de sécurité de moyens adéquats pour leurs missions.
Béninoises et Béninois
Chères populations.
L' UP le Renouveau, a fait de la sécurisation des biens et des personnes ainsi que de la défense de l'intégrité de notre territoire , une préoccupation centrale. Notre conviction, c'est qu'il n' y a point de développement, si les préoccupations relatives à la Défense et à la Sécurité, ne sont pas traitées convenablement et efficacement. Or, il y a encore quelques années, la tranquillité de nos braves et paisibles populations, était perturbée, voire éprouvée, par une situation d'insécurité quasi généralisée caractérisée par des braquages, des cambriolages, et autres actes de grand comme de petit banditisme perpétré par des hors la loi. Il fallait agir et très vite. La solution devrait être structurelle et durable. Elle nécessitait une réforme profonde de la sécurité qui fait appel à des mesures législatives. L" UP le Renouveau, a pris ses responsabilités, et a joué un rôle déterminant et decisif avec sa majorité à l' Assemblée Nationale, pour l'avènement de la loi qui a consacré la création d'une force unique de sécurité intérieure par la fusion des forces existantes , la mise en commun de leurs moyens matériels et logistiques ainsi que la mutualisation de leurs ressources humaines. Les résultats au bout de quelques mois étaient visibles. Plus de protection, et de sérénité apportées à nos populations sur l'ensemble du territoire national et élimination progressive des pratiques anormales jadis imputables à nos forces de l'ordre le long des corridors. Le monde entier a témoigné de la suppression sur nos routes des postes de contrôle non pertinents qui ont contribué pendant des années à entraver la libre circulation des personnes et des biens. L'UEMOA a même décerné des lauriers à notre pays pour être devenu figure de modèle dans un espace communautaire où les tracasseries routières ne font qu' exacerber les conditions de vie de nos populations. Pour en arriver là, il a fallu la réforme de la sécurité. Il a fallu la création de la Police Républicaine. Il a fallu une loi. Il a fallu aussi que l'UP le Renouveau soit majoritaire à l'Assemblée Nationale. C'est à la reconduction et à au renforcement de cette majorité que nous vous appelons le 11 janvier 2026.
La réforme a touché aussi le secteur de la défense. Par des lois pertinentes et en solutions sur mesure, nous avons courageusement réformé les Forces Armées béninoises. Par la loi, l' UP le Renouveau a surcout accru l'engagement et la motivation des personnels de nos forces de défense et de sécurité, en veillant à ce qu' aucun soldat, aucun agent de police, blessé ou qui consent le sacrifice suprême, en défendant l'intégrité du territoire, notre patrie et ses valeurs, ne soit ni abandonné, ni oublié. L' UP le Renouveau, a en effet, avec sa majorité, œuvré à l'adoption de la loi, portant régime de prise en charge des victimes des missions commandées et de leurs ayant droits. C'est notre réponse législative de soutien aux familles de chaque enfant du Bénin qui tombe au front, dans un contexte de guerre contre le terrorisme.
L' UP le Renouveau, s'engage à continuer d'explorer toutes mesures législatives nécessaires au service de notre sécurité collective et de la défense de notre patrie.
Le 11 janvier prochain, votons tous UP le Renouveau