European Parliamentary Research Service Blog

Written by Aidan Christie with Rebecca Fredrick.

This week, Members hold their second March plenary session, this time in Brussels. The agenda is full, with debates scheduled on the rule of law in EU countries and on two environmental files – but the planned vote on measures to help ensure equal pay for equal work is likely to attract the most attention.

Before moving to the legislative work, on Wednesday, Parliament will hold a ceremony to commemorate the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement, which brought an end to three decades of violent conflict in Northern Ireland. The EU has done much to support the peace process, even before the Agreement was reached in 1998, in particular through targeting funding on measures to foster cross-community reconciliation and economic development. In the same spirit, the recently agreed Windsor Framework to facilitate the movement of goods between Great Britain and Northern Ireland under the UK’s EU withdrawal Agreement seeks to prevent the need for a hard border between Northern Ireland and Ireland, safeguarding both the all-island economy and the EU single market.

Parliament is also due to hear statements on Wednesday from the European Council and Commission on the conclusions of the 23-24 March European Council meeting.

A key moment of the second March plenary session will be Thursday’s vote on adoption of the provisional agreement on equal pay for equal work between men and women, reached after five long trilogue meetings. Despite the right to equal pay being enshrined in the EU Treaties since 1992, the gender pay gap currently sits at 12.7 %. The European Parliament has for years been calling for stronger measures on equal pay. If adopted, the present proposal would increase transparency around pay and access to justice for victims of pay discrimination. Notably, the legislation requires all companies – regardless of size – to make available to employees their criteria for determining remuneration as well as a breakdown of remuneration in the company. The burden of proof on pay-related issues will shift from worker to employer, and companies with over 100 employees will be obliged to publish their gender pay gap, and to conduct a joint assessment with their employees if it exceeds 5 %.

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Following the equal pay debate, Members are set to debate a European Commission statement on its third annual rule of law report on Thursday morning, and subsequently vote on a motion for a resolution on the report, tabled by the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE). This year, the Commission took into account Parliament’s call for the inclusion in the report of specific recommendations directed at each Member State. While the LIBE motion acknowledges this addition, it expresses concern that many of the recommendations lack specificity. Additionally, it calls on the Commission to address in their entirety other requests which Parliament has previously made, namely, establishing an advisory panel of independent experts, including fundamental rights in the scope of the report, and providing implementation deadlines for country-specific recommendations.

Turning to the environment, in a joint debate scheduled for Wednesday afternoon Members are due to discuss two reports tabled by the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety (ENVI), with the aim of fixing Parliament’s position for trilogue negotiations with the Council. The reports concern proposals that aim to bring existing legislation into alignment with EU climate goals and with the Montreal Protocol.

The proposed revision of the Ozone Regulation would update current rules on ozone-depleting substances (ODS) to reduce administrative burden, facilitate monitoring, and further reduce ODS emissions. Parliament seeks to establish a rolling review mechanism by which the Commission would be required to assess every 2.5 years (beginning in January 2025) the availability of alternatives to ODS prohibited by the Montreal Protocol but whose use is permitted in the EU in certain applications. The ultimate aim is to phase out such exemptions. The second proposed regulation concerns fluorinated greenhouse gases (F-gases), a particularly strong – although non-ozone-depleting – category of greenhouse gases (GHG). EU rules on F-gases have been in place since 2006 and have led to significant reductions in GHG emissions. However, in light of the EU’s goals of 55 % GHG reductions by 2030 and climate neutrality by 2050, Parliament is pushing further. Among the ENVI committee’s proposed changes to the Commission’s proposal are a prohibition on the use of F-gases in sectors where alternatives are technologically and economically feasible, steeper product phase-down trajectories, firmer deadlines after which certain F-gases will not be allowed to be placed on the market, and the introduction of minimum fines for non-compliance.

Before the end of the Wednesday evening sitting, Members are expected to debate a provisional agreement, endorsed by the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection (IMCO), on the proposed regulation on general product safety. If adopted, the regulation would replace existing legislation which has become less effective as a result of digitalisation, supply chain evolution and changes in consumer behaviour. The text agreed in trilogue has taken into account Parliament’s demand that product safety assessments must consider the consumers targeted (for example, children and older people), as well as its stance on consumers’ right to remedy in the event of a product recall.

• Plenary session agenda
• Review of the F-gas Regulation
• Revision of the Ozone Regulation
• EU general product safety regulation
• Equal pay for equal work between men and women
• European Commission’s third rule of law report
• The Windsor Framework
• EU cohesion policy support to 25 years of peace in Northern Ireland
• Outcome of the meetings of EU leaders of 23-24 March 2023

Written by Andrés García with Clemens Weichert.

Investigative journalists recently brought to light extensive spying operations in Europe, using the powerful Pegasus spyware. European Union governments and the European institutions set up their own investigations have been seeking ways to improve data protection in the EU. On 2 March 2023 the European Parliament’s Panel for the Future of Science and Technology (STOA) brought together experts on cybersecurity and data protection during a workshop entitled ‘Pegasus affair: the end of privacy and cybersecurity?’.

STOA Vice-Chair Ivo Hristov (S&D; Bulgaria) set the scene by describing the new technologies that make it possible for private and state actors to monitor private communications. These technologies endanger individual rights and challenge democracy by infringing on citizens’ privacy in a way they cannot defend themselves against as individuals. The EU has therefore undertaken to regulate and restrict the use of spyware.

Moderating the workshop, Fanny Hidvegi (Europe Policy and Advocacy Director at Accessnow), highlighted that members of marginalised communities fall disproportionately victim to spyware attacks, meaning that those affected often belong to the most vulnerable groups in society. Although Pegasus is not unique, it constitutes an egregious example of commercially available spyware that can be used both against institutions and private individuals, even granting retroactive access to data stored on a phone. It poses an unprecedented threat to the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). She then introduced the workshop discussion panels: the first on threats and challenges posed by software like Pegasus, and the second on the future of spyware legislation.

On the first panel, Professor Bart Preneel presented the technological aspects of the case and its effects on international politics. To protect citizens’ digital privacy, the EU will need strong supervision of its digital sector, as well as considerable investment to keep pace with developments in the United States and China. Civil rights activist Chloé Berthélémy (European Digital Rights, EDRi) then took the floor to advocate EU use of its market power to ban this ‘market of vulnerability’. This would set an important precedent on the international stage.

Fanny Hidvegi introduced the second panel with a reminder that reform of the E-Privacy Directive is long blocked by disagreements between EU governments about the extent of national security exemptions. This, she argued, is a political rather than legal issue. European Data Protection Supervisor, Wojciech Wiewiórowski took the floor to push for a European solution, within the framework of the Treaties. He pointed out that the exceptions currently in place allow EU Member States to justify extensive spying operations by invoking national security. In the future, these exceptions should be revised, if European legislation is to have an impact on EU countries’ operations in the digital field. The rule of law is key in this debate, the Supervisor argued, since European legislation is worthless if Member States’ secret services do not follow their own laws.

Olivier Micol, Head of Unit for Data Protection at the European Commission, pointed out that, even though spyware can be bought and sold privately, using it for illegal purposes is already punishable. Not only private companies, but also ‘if you work for law enforcement, for criminal purposes, the EU law applies; and with EU law you have all the checks and balances, the oversight up to the European Court of Justice’. In a similar vein, Member States cannot simply claim to act in the interest of national security in their spying operations; they have to prove it to profit from legal exceptions.

Opinions differed on the topic of a general ban on spyware. On the one hand, it poses a severe interference in people’s rights and freedoms; on the other hand, if banned in Europe, spyware may be bought and sold on the black market and to foreign governments. Some speakers advocated tighter regulation of both the scope and capabilities of spyware, as well as its use, with Mr Wiewiórowski highlighting the need for certain spying operations to counter Russian cyberattacks

The open discussion touched on topics such as the outsized influence that a few large corporations play in the sector, and the dangers and possibilities of cloud storage services. Mr Wiewiórowski took the opportunity to launch a plea for European citizens not to normalise spying and not to get used to being spied upon, but rather to see it as the infringement on individual rights it is.

With the work of the European Parliament’s Committee of Inquiry to investigate the use of Pegasus and equivalent surveillance spyware (PEGA) coming to an end, these conclusions will inform future European Parliament debate. This STOA workshop, and the work of the PEGA committee, aim at taking further steps to protecting EU citizens’ privacy.

A webstream of the event is available on our website. Your opinion counts for us. To let us know what you think, get in touch via and follow us on Twitter at @EP_ScienceTech.

Written by Annastiina Papunen and Rebecca Torpey.

Discussions at the European Council meeting of 23 March concentrated on Europe’s long-term strategy for economic competitiveness, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, and energy. Other topics mentioned in the European Council conclusions include migration, the donors’ conference in support of the victims of the recent earthquake in Türkiye and Syria, the agreement on the path to normalisation of relations between Kosovo[1] and Serbia, the sentencing of Belarusian democratic opposition leaders, and the Windsor Framework aimed at resetting EU-UK relations.

With recent turbulence in the banking sector as the backdrop, EU leaders discussed the situation in the euro area during a Euro Summit meeting in inclusive format on 24 March, issuing a short statement underling their commitment to close coordination of economic policies.

In addition, the new President of Cyprus, Nikos Christodoulides, outlined his proposal aimed at relaunching negotiations on the Cyprus issue. While not formally on the agenda nor discussed in the meeting itself, according to the Commission President, EU leaders also raised and commented – on the margins of the meeting – on the last-minute opposition by a group of Member States, led by Germany, to the politically agreed phasing out of vehicles with combustion engines by 2035.

1. General aspects

The European Council meeting, which lasted just one day, started with the customary address from the President of the European Parliament, Roberta Metsola. Her remarks focused on the need to strengthen EU solidarity with Ukraine and on measures aimed at boosting investment and EU economic competitiveness. She stressed that the EU ‘must continue to act in unison and deliver on more Europe where it matters’. As indicated in the President, Charles Michel’s, invitation letter, the UN Secretary-General, António Guterres, joined the European Council as guest for a joint discussion on key geopolitical issues and global challenges, in particular food security.

Ahead of the meeting, on 22 March. Charles Michel and Commission President Ursula von der Leyen met with the European social partners (i.e. European employers’ and trade union organisations) for the tripartite social summit, discussing the challenges to the EU’s competitiveness.

The 23 March European Council meeting was the third in a row to finish within one calendar day. While the December 2022 meeting was planned as a one day event from the start, the February and March meetings were both initially planned to stretch over two calendar days. Also worth mentioning, a new indicative Leaders’ agenda for the coming months in 2023 was published ahead of this latest meeting. Whilst originally aimed at providing a concrete work programme to guide EU action in the medium term, and offer an overview of EU leaders’ meetings for a period of at least a year, this document has become shorter and shorter since its inception in 2017.

2. European Council meeting Competitiveness, single market and the economy

The European Council outlined a number of challenges facing the EU economy, and discussed ways of ensuring long-term economic prosperity and competiveness in the context of shifting geopolitical dynamics. EU leaders underlined the need for a comprehensive approach covering the single market, industrial, agricultural and trade policies, which would aim at increasing the productivity and competitiveness of the EU’s economic base. To be able to assess the progress achieved in the medium term, the Council has been tasked, with the input of the Commission, with providing an annual report to the European Council. At the same time, EU leaders invited the Council and Commission to provide a report in advance of the June European Council meeting to take stock of work carried out to facilitate financing, make energy affordable, reduce strategic dependencies, develop skills, and prepare the EU economic, industrial and technological base for the twin transitions.

The single market, arguably one of the EU’s biggest success stories, is celebrating its 30th anniversary. Based on the Commission’s ‘the Single Market at 30’ communication, EU leaders took stock of the achievements and remaining challenges. The recent years of polycrisis have exposed Europe’s vulnerabilities, which EU leaders are keen on fixing. They thus reiterated their long-term goal of completing the single market, in particular the digital and services markets, as well as their call for the full enforcement of single market rules and the removal of existing barriers. Accounting for 99 % of EU companies and more than half of EU gross domestic product (GDP), SMEs are to receive ‘special focus’ in the efforts to further strengthen the single market.

The long- and short-term performance and competitiveness of the EU economy has been a regular item on EU leaders’ agenda lately, as a result of a series of crises requiring strong economic answers at EU level. At its December 2022 meeting, the European Council asked the Commission to deliver ‘in early 2023, a strategy at EU level to boost competitiveness and productivity’. This is noteworthy insofar as the EU had developed similar growth strategies in the past, namely the Lisbon strategy and the Europe 2020 strategy, both of which were the subject of thorough preparation processes and stakeholder involvement. However, this approach was not taken forward after 2020.

Following the Commission’s communication ‘Long-term competitiveness of the EU looking beyond 2030′, EU leaders are calling for measures in six areas: i) regulatory environment, ii) investment, iii) research and innovation, iv) digitalisation, v) skills, and vi) circularity. They reiterated their call for a simpler regulatory environment and reduced administrative burdens for EU businesses. EU leaders also highlighted possible tools to support simplification efforts, in particular the use of digital solutions, the easing of reporting requirements, the introduction of competitiveness checks for legislative proposals, regulatory convergence, and the removal of barriers for cross-border business.

Providing support to EU companies in their investment needs was addressed at previous meetings. But this time around, EU leaders set a deadline for the co-legislators: to finalise work on the legislative proposals aimed at completing the capital markets union before the 2024 European elections. Flexibility in the use of current EU funding and the need to mobilise all available EU funds to support strategic sectors was underlined. In that context, EU leaders took note of the Commission’s plan to make a proposal for a European sovereignty fund before summer 2023. Furthermore, ‘secure, stable and sustainable supply chains’ were discussed in response to heavy disruption during the COVID crisis and current geopolitical tensions. Improving connectivity and infrastructure for both transport and energy was also mentioned under the investment heading.

EU leaders also took a strong stance in support of innovation, and stated that public and private research and development investment, which in 2021 stood at 2.27 % of GDP, should be increased to meet the 3 % target. They also want to get innovative products and services, especially those with high growth potential, onto the market quicker, and indicated that regulatory sandboxes could be used for that purpose. EU leaders also underlined the opportunities offered by data, and the necessity of the EU staying in the forefront of key digital technologies, such as artificial intelligence, quantum computing, microelectronics and web 4.0. Cybersecurity was also mentioned; that reference is partly linked to the current geopolitical situation and also partly to the rapid development of new technologies, which make organising attacks on key actors and infrastructure easier than before.

EU leaders reiterated their February 2023 call for the development of skills to address a number of challenges facing the EU economy, including demography, labour shortages and specific challenges linked to the twin digital and green transitions. Von der Leyen described skills as the ‘make it or break it of the single market and our economic success’. EU leaders also asked for work to be taken forward on the Commission’s net zero industry act proposal, which aims at helping EU industries move towards clean-tech and clean-energy, as well as on the critical raw materials act, designed to secure the provision of the much needed raw materials for digital and green transitions. The circular economy could also contribute to making EU industry more sustainable and to reducing dependencies and materials costs.

As anticipated, the European Council held a strategic discussion on trade, with some EU leaders stressing the importance of trade in achieving strategic goals, spreading EU values and boosting the economy. While EU leaders took note of the temporary crisis and transition framework for State aid, the challenge will however be to get all 27 on the same page in terms of negotiating, agreeing and ratifying trade agreements with strategic partners, notably for agreements aimed at ensuring access to critical raw materials. 

Finally, EU leaders discussed the European Semester. In the process of developing national reform programmes and stability or convergence programmes, Member States are required to take into account the priorities of the 2023 annual sustainable growth survey. EU leaders also endorsed the draft Council recommendation on euro-area economic policy as well as the 14 March Council conclusions on the economic governance review.

Main message of the President of the European Parliament: On competitiveness, Roberta Metsola highlighted that ‘the European Union’s twin transition can happen, with the commitment of our people, but only if we create favourable conditions for that transition to occur. We need to explain that going green will pay-off for people, businesses and their families.’

Ukraine

EU leaders took stock of the situation in Ukraine, adopting lengthy conclusions, largely reiterating previous messages, including the Union’s ‘resolute condemnation of Russia’s war of aggression’, support for Ukraine’s independence and territorial integrity, and support for President Zelenskyy’s peace plan. Volodymyr Zelenskyy addressed EU leaders by video-link once again, stressing that the supply of military aid was a fight against the clock, recalling the importance of each hour on the battlefield, and saluting the Polish and Slovak decisions on supplying MiG fighter jets to Ukraine. 

EU leaders focussed on accountability, military assistance, sanctions and food security, among a wider range of Ukraine-related topics flagged up in the EPRS outlook. They condemned child deportation and took note of the arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court against Vladimir Putin and Maria Lvova-Belova in connection with this war crime. President von der Leyen called the Ukrainian child abductions a ‘horrible reminder of the darkest times of our history’. She stressed that 16 200 children have been deported, of whom only 300 had returned, and announced that the Commission would, together with Poland, organise a conference to launch an international cooperation process to establish the ‘whereabouts’ of these children.

Artillery ammunition was central to the military assistance debate. EU leaders welcomed the Council’s agreement to provide 1 million rounds of artillery ammunition to Ukraine through the European Peace Facility over the next 12 months. Von der Leyen stressed that European ammunition-production capacities need ramping up, and that the Commission would put forward a specific legal proposal, exploring the possible use of the EU budget for that purpose. As regards sanctions, the focus was on ensuring implementation and countering their circumvention. Whilst further sanctions could be envisaged, EU leaders stressed their commitment ‘to continue working on the oil price cap together with partners’. On food security, EU leaders noted the extension of the UN Black Sea Grain Initiative and stressed the importance of the EU Solidarity Lanes in allowing Ukraine to export its grain. Von der Leyen noted that €56 million to date had been allocated to help EU farmers in frontline countries cope with internal market distortions resulting from the war.

Main message of the President of the European Parliament: President Metsola stressed that the joint procurement of ammunition agreement ‘represents a landmark moment’. She praised Moldova’s resilience, and called for support to democratic forces in Georgia.

Energy

Energy was less prominent in the debate than at previous meetings. EU leaders took stock of actions taken to achieve the energy-related objectives set out in earlier conclusions, in particular reducing prices, decreasing demand, enhancing security of supply, and phasing out Russian fossil fuels. They also considered restocking efforts in view of the upcoming winter, urged the co-legislators to agree quickly on proposals that would speed up the green transition, and called for work on the proposal on the internal electricity market design revision to be finalised by the end of 2023.  

Migration

The Swedish Council Presidency and the Commission briefed EU leaders on progress in the implementation of the 9 February 2023 European Council conclusions on migration. EU leaders called for speedy progress and reiterated their previous commitment to ‘revert to the matter on a regular basis’. As Michel noted, the next progress report is due for the June 2023 meeting.

Main message of the President of the European Parliament: President Metsola indicated that the European Parliament would play its part, but asked EU leaders to deliver on the proposed regulations on asylum and migration management, and on crisis and force majeure.

3. Euro Summit

The Euro Summit convened in inclusive format, for only the second time since December 2021. Both European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde and Eurogroup President Paschal Donohoe were in attendance, to discuss the current issues impacting the euro area and ways of increasing euro stability and EMU resilience. EU leaders stated: ‘our economies entered 2023 on a healthier footing than previously expected, despite high inflation and energy prices’, and asked the Eurogroup to monitor developments. Ongoing work on economic governance was discussed, as was the need for strong EU economic architecture, which requires the completion of the capital markets union and banking union. Work on the latter is especially pertinent in the context of recent turbulence in the banking sector following the collapse of the Silicon Valley Bank and the Credit Suisse takeover.

Read the complete briefing on ‘Outcome of the meetings of EU leaders of 23-24 March 2023‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Citizens regularly comment to the European Parliament on the changing of the clocks. The clocks have gone forward recently, but how long will this periodic change continue?

The European Parliament voted to abolish seasonal time changes in 2019. However, the governments of EU countries have not yet been able to reach an agreement. 

Current situation

Under EU rules adopted in 2000, clocks in all EU countries are put forward by one hour on the last Sunday in March, and put back by one hour on the last Sunday in October.

However, a growing number of citizens have expressed a desire to stop these seasonal clock changes. In a resolution adopted in February 2018, the European Parliament called on the Commission to conduct a thorough assessment of the summer-time arrangements and, if necessary, to come up with a proposal for their revision.

Proposal to scrap changing the clock

In September 2018, following a public consultation, the European Commission put forward a legislative proposal to stop applying seasonal changes in EU countries.

This proposal was put forward for adoption under the ordinary legislative procedure, in which the European Parliament and the Council of the European Union, which represents EU countries, take decisions on an equal footing. 

European Parliament in favour of scrapping clock changes

In a legislative resolution of March 2019, the European Parliament supported the Commission proposal to discontinue seasonal changes of time. More information and links can be found in a press release. The video recording of the plenary debate can be watched here (start 19.42, end 20.49). 

Blocked since no agreement among EU countries

Under the initial proposal, the new rules were due to apply as from 1 April 2021. However, since EU countries have not been able to reach a position, the rules have yet to be updated. As a result, seasonal clocks changes continue twice a year.

You can find more information about this legislative procedure in the procedure file published by the European Parliament’s Legislative Observatory.

Question from Members of the European Parliament

Several Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have written parliamentary questions on this topic, for example a question to the European Commission in June 2022, entitled ‘Status of the seasonal time changes proposal and the outlook for its adoption’. In its reply from September 2022, the Commission underlines that any change is still blocked by EU countries.

Further information

• Discontinuing seasonal changes of time, European Parliamentary Research Service, Briefing, March 2019
• Directive discontinuing seasonal change of time, European Parliamentary Research Service, Legislative Train Schedule
• EU summer-time arrangements under Directive 2000/84/EC, Ex-post impact assessment study, European Parliamentary Research Service, October 2017
• Seasonal changes of time, European Parliament’s Legislative Observatory
• State of the Union 2018: Q&A on the Commission’s proposal to put an end to seasonal clock changes, European Commission
• Seasonal clock change in the EU, Mobility and Transport – European Commission

Keep sending your questions to the Citizens’ Enquiries Unit (Ask EP)! We reply in the EU language that you use to write to us.

Written by Etienne Bassot.

To say that the geo-political climate has been stormy since the beginning of this European Commission’s mandate would be an under-statement. COVID-19 emerged just as Ursula von der Leyen was starting her tenure as president, and the epidemic was declared a pandemic within her first 100 days. The year 2020 was marked by the outbreak of the pandemic, and 2021 by its continuing impact. The year 2022 will be remembered as the year Russia launched its war on Ukraine. These two major challenges – the pandemic and war on the European continent – combined with further major challenges such as climate change and many others, transformed the conditions in which the Commission had expected to navigate when it began its mandate and set its course in autumn 2019. The pandemic and the war are common threads throughout the different sections of this publication: they have affected all policies, sometimes forcing progress, at other times slowing it down, and at yet others imposing a change of course and the implementation of previously unanticipated measures. The overwhelming importance of the latest challenge, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, is reflected in the choice of photograph on the front cover: the Commission President speaking in the European Parliament’s plenary session in a key debate on the first anniversary of Russia’s invasion.

Against this backdrop, when assessing how the European Commission has delivered over the past 6 months against its commitments and announcements, it is striking how much the institutional throughput has remained steady. Previous editions of this EPRS analysis have already highlighted that neither the coronavirus pandemic nor the war on Ukraine had hindered progress on the main priorities. As the pandemic enters its fourth year and the war its second, the Commission’s pace and volume of delivery remains very close to the level of 6 months ago, when assessed on the eve of the 2022 State of the Union address.

The European Commission is sailing a steady course in terms of the number of new initiatives it is producing for each priority, balanced with the number of announced initiatives still to come. The co-legislators’ work on the legislative initiatives also continues to progress at a steady rate.

That the rate of progress has remained largely unchanged is to the credit of the European institutions: the Commission in tabling the initiatives, and the European Parliament and Council for their work on the legislative proposals, through to adoption. At a time when building compromise and reaching majorities is a challenge, as seen in the Member States of the European Union (EU) as well as in other democracies across the globe, this is an achievement worth noting, especially with just over a year to go before the next European elections.

This is an important achievement for the European institutions and all parties involved in EU policy-making, and it is also important for observers reading this EPRS assessment of the Commission’s delivery against the latter’s own announcements. Ultimately, it is important for citizens, who want to know what the EU is doing and how much of the programme they favoured when they elected their representatives in 2019 has been translated into legislation and action. It is also important for institutions in other countries in the world that look to the EU as an example. Among them is the Ukrainian Parliament, for whom this edition of our analysis, along with a selection of other EPRS publications, is exceptionally being translated into Ukrainian.

So the European Commission has delivered on its initial programme and successive updates. The question now is whether that is enough.

Surely but slowly? With just over a year to go before the European Parliament is dissolved for the elections, is it enough that two thirds of the initiatives announced have been submitted to the co‑legislators – in other words that one third are still to be tabled? Is it enough that only half of the initiatives submitted have been adopted – in other words, that most of the other half still require substantial work from the co-legislators to find agreement enabling their adoption?

This analysis monitors all six of the Commission’s priorities. It combines a two-page presentation of each priority and a single-page infographic (page 3) illustrating the degree of progress – both overall and under each of the six priorities.

According to this EPRS analysis, of the nearly 600 initiatives announced (597), two thirds (66 %, 379) have now been submitted and, in the case of the legislative proposals, the co-legislators have started work. It is worth noting that almost one in five of the Commission’s initiatives are non-legislative, for instance strategies, action plans and other communications. Of the 379 initiatives that have been submitted, half (50 %) have already been adopted (188) – by the legislators in the case of the legislative proposals, or simply by the Commission in the case of the non-legislative initiatives – while the vast majority of the other half are either proceeding normally through the legislative process (129, or 67 %) or are close to adoption (28, or 15 %). Conversely, a certain number are proceeding very slowly or are currently blocked (34, or 18 %).

With a focus on each of the six policy priorities, this assessment shows how the European Commission is performing in tabling the proposals and initiatives it has announced, and how the three institutions are progressing in negotiating and adopting legislation. The European Green Deal ranks highest in terms of the number of initiatives planned (148), but the executive has tabled only just over half of them (or 56 %), with fewer than a quarter being adopted by the co-legislators so far (24 %). The third priority, ‘An economy that works for people’, comes next (126), but more initiatives have been tabled (65 %) and a third of them adopted (30 %). The digital priority totals 103 initiatives planned, 55 % of which have already been submitted (57), and 28 adopted (27 %). For ‘A stronger Europe in the world’, an area with relatively few legislative initiatives by definition, and in contrast to the majority of the Commission’s priorities, almost nine out of ten (88 %) initiatives have already been tabled (see Section 4) and three in five adopted. A fair amount of work remains to be done for the other priorities: 40 % of the proposals have still to be submitted for ‘A Europe fit for the digital age’, 28 % for ‘Promoting our European way of life’ and 45 % for ‘A new push for democracy’ (see Sections 2, 5 and 6). This latter priority comes lowest in terms of number of initiatives announced (60).

This publication and the next will continue to monitor this Commission’s delivery in the final year of this legislative term, before the 2024 European elections. For more information on how the von der Leyen Commission’s agenda is proceeding, a proposal-by-proposal assessment is available on the European Parliament’s ‘Legislative Train Schedule‘ website, developed by EPRS.

A European Green Deal A Europe fit for the digital age An economy that works for people A stronger Europe in the world Promoting the European way of life A new push for European democracy

Read the complete in-depth analysis on ‘The six policy priorities of the von der Leyen Commission: State of play in spring 2023‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Stefano Spinaci and Mar Negreiro.

The European Youth Event will bring together thousands of young people in the European Parliament in Strasbourg, on 9 and 10 June 2023, to share ideas about the future of Europe. This introduction to one of the major topics to be discussed during the EYE event is one of 11 prepared by the Parliament’s Research Service (EPRS). It offers an overview of the main lines of EU action and policy in the area concerned, and aims to act as a starting point for discussions during the event. You can find them all on this link.

Driven by recent economic and other crises, the switch to digital has transformed the European Union (EU) economy and the jobs being created. Platform work and teleworking are among the most visible signs of the increasing digitalisation of work and the growing demand for innovative ways to address our work-life balance. You may already be among the millions of Europeans receiving income as a platform worker, or teleworking for your employer or as a freelancer. The EU is keen to address concerns about your rights as a worker, and has many relevant pieces of legislation and initiatives in the works. A fair digital transition can deliver benefits for society, and transform the EU economy to be fit for future challenges while staying aligned with European values.

Digital transition

The digital revolution is redefining the world at unprecedented speed, transforming our personal and working lives, and affecting many sectors of the economy. Digital technologies are changing how people connect and exchange information, and how businesses operate and interact with customers. Digitalisation is changing the way we work, breaking new ground for innovative work arrangements where people can provide services via online platforms. Spurred by the COVID-19 pandemic, a growing portion of the workforce are now working (partly) remotely, sometimes – but not always – by choice, as part of a wider trend to seek better work-life balance,.

Digitalisation, automation and increased use of artificial intelligence are driving the future of work, with new jobs appearing as others become obsolete. The growing use of industrial robots will bring further job automation to many workplaces. As the Organisation for Economic Co‑operation and Development points out, although the digital transformation may create many new opportunities, it will also make a growing number of current workers’ tasks redundant and will require substantial restructuring of workplaces. In parallel, on the labour market, non-standard forms of employment are on the rise, with atypical work patterns progressively replacing traditional full-time and part-time employment. These trends may make job losses and employment changes a more frequent occurrence for many workers, increasing the need for income- and re-deployment support.

Platform work

The growth of the platform economy presents new job opportunities, but also new challenges linked to the de-structuring of the work relationship between workers and companies. In platform work, tasks are offered, assigned and performed through an online platform, often functioning across borders and time zones. Online platform work allows workers to carry out tasks (for example, data entry, writing and editing, creative and multimedia work) on their electronic devices from any suitable location. On‑location platform work involves workers carrying out tasks in a specific physical location (for example, food delivery and transportation services), although they are still matched with their customers online.

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Accept YouTube Content Improving the working conditions of platform workers

EU employment law does not set rules on the working conditions and social rights of platform workers, who often fall into non-standard forms of employment. Even if you work mostly for one employer, as a platform worker you will likely be classified as ‘self-employed’, rather than as an employee. The situation also differs depending on which EU country you live in. As a result, many people working through digital labour platforms are in a precarious situation, facing poor working conditions and inadequate access to social protection. Platform workers often receive vague information about their working conditions, and may not be covered by national social security systems in cases of sickness, accident, redundancy or retirement. Some argue that businesses that save on social contribution costs by employing platform workers are competing unfairly, damaging the social safety net for everyone. Another concern is the digital control exercised by platforms (and other employers) over workers, using algorithms to assign tasks, and also to monitor, supervise, evaluate and impose sanctions. Often, such employers control every aspect of the work, without giving employees rights to employment benefits such as paid sick leave, annual leave or pensions.

Teleworking

A more recent – and massive – trend in the digital transition is teleworking. Previously used primarily by freelancers, teleworking underwent significant expansion during the COVID‑19 pandemic. The result was an unprecedented social experiment: according to one survey, 37 % of the EU population was teleworking in April 2020, compared with 5 % in 2017. During the pandemic, telework ensured continuity for many sectors and saved many people’s jobs. However, the rise of teleworking has accentuated existing digital divides between, for example, people whose jobs can and cannot be done remotely, workers with higher and lower digital skill levels, and between people living in rural and urban areas. While this new way of working can be welcome to workers trying to balance home and work life, it can also have undesirable effects on workers in terms of both workload and stress levels. New technologies enable workers to work anytime and anywhere, and this hyper-connectivity can lead to or exacerbate anxiety, fatigue, sleep deprivation, technology or work addiction, isolation, and burnout – symptoms referred to collectively as ‘technostress‘. Another problem is the tracking of employee presence and performance during working hours through digital software and applications. Such monitoring raises questions about how to balance legitimate business interests and the digital privacy of employees.

What is the EU doing?

Platform workers. In December 2021, the European Commission published a proposal for a new law to improve the working conditions of platform workers. The law aims to ensure people are granted the correct employment status, thus increasing access to workers’ benefits and rights. It also seeks to ensure transparency in the algorithms that platforms use to manage their workers. If adopted, the legislation should enhance transparency, traceability and awareness of developments in platform work, and improve enforcement of the applicable rules for everyone working through platforms, including those operating across EU national borders. The proposal is currently under discussion in the Parliament and the Council.

Teleworkers. In January 2021, the European Parliament called on the Commission to put forward a legislative proposal securing workers the right to disconnect. The aim is to improve worker health and work‑life balance by setting minimum requirements to limit the use of digital tools for professional purposes outside standard working hours. In June 2021, European Council conclusions on telework called on EU countries to consider developing national action plans to address the opportunities and risks relating to telework – including taking into account the issues teleworking poses to gender equality. They also recommended that countries establish or reinforce initiatives to strengthen workplace health and safety standards and inspections in view of the risks arising from telework.

Digital skills. The EU has developed a range of policies and initiatives to increase citizens’ digital skills. The new European skills agenda, adopted in July 2020, includes actions that will support the green and digital transitions. The agenda will also support individuals in their lifelong learning pathways by promoting upskilling, reskilling and increased recognition of skills by employers. The aims of the digital education action plan (2021-2027) include updating the European digital competence framework to include artificial intelligence and data-related skills, developing a European digital skills certificate, and creating a European digital education hub.

The way forward

Innovation will continue to speed up the process of digitalisation of our society and economy. An increasing number of connected devices, new kinds of digital interaction and new business models will drive the future of work. A 2021 European Commission communication suggests ways to harness the benefits of digitalisation, such as greater flexibility, while guaranteeing fair working conditions and respect for workers’ rights. EU national governments, regional and local authorities and social partners should work together to provide advice and guidance for platform workers, so that everyone has access to a clear set of rules that can be put in place across the EU.

Written by Costica Dumbrava.

The effective management of the EU’s external borders is a prerequisite for creating the EU area of freedom, security and justice. In response to an unprecedented influx of refugees and immigrants into Europe in the 2015-2016 period, the EU took steps to strengthen the management of its external borders, and to reform the common European asylum system.

Several major challenges have affected the EU’s external borders in recent years. The COVID-19 pandemic pushed Member States to adopt extraordinary border measures, including temporary restrictions of non-essential travel into the EU. The pandemic also affected efforts to implement key EU measures aiming to strengthen the external borders, including the strengthening of Frontex and the expansion of EU-wide information systems for borders and security. Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine generated a new wave of refugees and revealed new vulnerabilities concerning EU borders. In the aftermath of the pandemic, the surge in the number of asylum seekers and irregular migrants has put new pressure on the EU’s external borders. Attempts by third countries to instrumentalise irregular migrants in order to put pressure on the EU has meanwhile created additional hurdles.

Faced with these multiple and overlapping challenges, the EU has intensified its efforts to reform its migration and asylum policies, notably by slowly working through the proposals included in the new pact on migration and asylum. It has also continued to implement measures that have already been agreed on to make up for delays caused by the pandemic.

This briefing discusses key recent trends and figures and provides an overview of EU policy developments relating to the management of the EU’s external borders.

Read the complete briefing on ‘The EU’s external borders: Key trends and developments‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Luisa Antunes

On 17 February 2023, a STOA delegation made up of two Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), Christian EHLER (EPP, Germany) and Ivo HRISTOV (S&D, Bulgaria), visited Science City Bahrenfeld, in Hamburg. The visit aimed to showcase the city’s science and research capabilities, and its contribution to the European Union’s research and innovation landscape. The delegation visited several institutions, including Universität Hamburg, DESY (Deutsches Elektronen-Synchrotron), CSSB (Centre for Structural Systems Biology), and start-up labs.

The day started with a welcome to HARBOR, the Hamburg Advanced Research Centre for Bioorganic Chemistry, by Prof. Dr Arwen Pearson. Then Prof. Dr Hauke Heekeren and a representative from DESY spoke about their institutions’ roles as central players in Science City Hamburg Bahrenfeld.

The delegation then visited Light & Schools, where Prof. Dr Erika Garutti and Prof. Dr Klaus Sengstock welcomed the MEPs. The STOA delegation was given an overview of the physics programme at Universität Hamburg’s School Lab. Dr Eva Gümbel, State Councillor for Science, Research and Gender Equality, then formally welcomed the delegation to Hamburg.

The afternoon session began with a visit to CSSB, where the delegation was received by Prof. Dr Kay Grünewald, who gave a presentation on investigating the molecular mechanisms of infections. A lunch at CSSB was attended by guests from the University, DESY, BWFGB – the Hamburg state authority for science, research, equality and districts, and others, including CSSB and European XFEL (X-Ray Free-Electron Laser Facility).

The STOA delegation then took a tour of DESY’s PETRA III, receiving a short introduction to the facility before visiting the P11 beamline for molecular infection research and the P03 beamline for experiments with sustainable materials and energy. The delegation was also briefed on PETRA IV, a new era for the facility.

The visit concluded with a trip to Start-up Labs Bahrenfeld, an incubator for deep-tech start-ups. Science City Hamburg Bahrenfeld was presented as a driver for innovation. The STOA delegation held informal discussions and met with young entrepreneurs and start-up founders, as well as key scientists and European Research Council (ERC) grant-holders.

The visit was also an opportunity to establish collaboration with the institutions, with a view to supporting cutting-edge research, fostering the development of highly skilled researchers, and driving progress in fields ranging from physics and mathematics to molecular biology and infectious diseases. In this context, Christian Ehler gave an overview of the various financing tools available through Horizon Europe, which will help support a new era of scientific discovery and innovation across Europe.

Horizon Europe is the European Union’s framework programme for research and innovation for the 2021-2027 period, and it represents one of the most significant investments in research and innovation ever made by the EU. With a budget of over €95 billion, Horizon Europe provides a wide range of financing tools that can support collaborative research projects across Europe.  

One of the most significant financing tools available through Horizon Europe is the European Research Council (ERC), which provides funding for innovative, high-risk research projects. The ERC is an independent organisation that operates under the auspices of the European Commission, and it supports cutting-edge research in a wide range of fields, from physics and mathematics to social sciences and humanities.

Another key financing tool under Horizon Europe is the Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions (MSCA), which support the training and career development of researchers at all stages of their careers. MSCA provide funding for individual fellowships, research networks, and doctoral training programmes, and aim to foster the development of highly skilled and mobile researchers across Europe.

By establishing connections between the European Parliament and Science City Hamburg Bahrenfeld, we can ensure that these funding opportunities are accessible to researchers across Europe and that they are effectively leveraged to support the next generation of scientific leaders and the most innovative and ambitious research projects across Europe. Promoting research partnerships with industry, supporting research infrastructure development and promoting international cooperation will be essential to ensuring the EU’s scientific leadership worldwide. In conclusion, the visit was an excellent opportunity for the European Parliament delegation to learn about Science City Hamburg Bahrenfeld’s research infrastructure and its contribution to research and innovation in the EU. The importance of establishing collaborations between the European Parliament and Science City Hamburg Bahrenfeld cannot be overstated. Through these collaborations, we can leverage the strengths of EU’s cutting-edge research, foster the development of highly skilled researchers, and drive progress in fields ranging from physics and mathematics to social sciences and humanities. With the financing tools available through Horizon Europe, these collaborations can help to support a new era of scientific discovery and innovation across Europe. The STOA delegation greatly appreciated the warm welcome and hospitality extended to them by the institutions they visited.  

Written by Marcin Grajewski.

The recent launches of artificial intelligence (AI) tools capable of generating direct textual answers to questions, notably the chatbot ChatGPT, and the development of general-purpose AI technologies, are expected to revolutionise the application of AI in society and the economy. New AI tools in general offer massive potential for developments in industry, agriculture, health, education and other areas. However, many scientists and politicians are calling for the establishment of a legal and ethical framework to avoid potentially detrimental impacts from the use of such technologies.

The EU’s approach to artificial intelligence centres on excellence and trust, aimed at boosting research and industrial capacity while ensuring safety and fundamental rights. In 2021, the European Commission proposed the AI Act to regulate this area, but that regulation is still being debated. According to European Parliament recommendations from May 2022, AI has huge potential to boost capital and labour productivity, innovation, growth and job creation. However, its development could also pave the way for potential mass surveillance and other detrimental impacts on fundamental rights and values.

This note gathers links to the recent publications and commentaries from many international think tanks on artificial Intelligence.

Artificial Intelligence Index Report 2022
Stanford University, 2023

AI inventions: Policy options and a path forward
Brookings Institution, March 2023

A high-level view of the impact of AI on the workforce
Bruegel, March 2023

Artificial intelligence adoption in the public sector: A case study
Bruegel, March 2023

Artificial intelligence: How to get the most from the labour-productivity boost
Bruegel, March 2023

The convergence of new technologies endangering human agency
Friends of Europe, March 2023

Artificial intelligence, diplomacy and democracy: from divergence to convergence
Friends of Europe, March 2023

The end of privacy? From danger to democracy to endangered personal autonomy
Friends of Europe, March 2023

Challenges to U.S. national security and competitiveness posed by AI
Rand Corporation, March 2023

Artificial intelligence and cities: The global race to regulate algorithms
Barcelona Centre for International Affairs, February 2023

NIST’s AI risk management framework plants a flag in the AI debate
Brookings Institution, February 2023

Early thoughts on regulating generative AI like ChatGPT
Brookings Institution, February 2023

Artificial Intelligence and automation in retail
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, February 2023

Software-defined defence: Algorithms at war
International Institute for Strategic Studies, February 2023

Global technology trends: What to watch for in 2023
Real Instituto Elcano, February 2023

Europe against the machine
European Centre for International Political Economy, January 2023

Towards strengthening the Transatlantic tech diplomacy: Trustworthy AI in the EU-U.S. Trade and Technology Council
Transatlantic Technology and Trade Forum, January 2023

Artificial Intelligence for sustainable finance
Centre for European Policy Studies, December 2022

The Artificial Intelligence Act and the skills crisis
Lisbon Council, December 2022

Artificial Intelligence: Threats and opportunities for Europeans
Wilfried Martens Centre, December 2022

Strategic partnership for a secure and digital Europe
European
European Centre for International Political Economy, November 2022

From post-truth to post-reality: The future of disinformation
Friends of Europe, November 2022

Help where it’s most needed: How leading administrations are aiding citizens
Lisbon Council, November 2022

The Artificial Intelligence and cybersecurity nexus: Taking stock of the European Union’s approach
Carnegie Europe, September 2022

Reconciling the AI value chain with the EU’s Artificial Intelligence act
Centre for European Policy Studies, September 2022

Refugee protection in the artificial intelligence era
Chatham House, September 2022

The EU’s attempt to regulate open-source AI is counterproductive
Brookings Institution, August 2022

The importance of international norms in Artificial Intelligence ethics
Council on Foreign Relations, August 2022

Artificial Intelligence and democratic values: Next steps for the United States
Council on Foreign Relations, August 2022

The impact of artificial intelligence on the nature and quality of jobs
Bruegel, July 2022

Intelligence is dead: Long live Artificial Intelligence
Chatham House, July 2022

Artificial Intelligence’s environmental costs and promise
Council on Foreign Relations, July 2022

Role of Artificial Intelligence in intra-sectoral wage inequality in an open economy: A finite change approach
IfO Institute, July 2022

6 ways AI is helping us learn more about our past – and future
World Economic Forum, July 2022

Artificial Intelligence White Paper
Center for Security and Emerging Technology, June 2022

La transition numérique: L’UE dans la quatrième révolution industrielle
Confrontations Europe, June 2022

International competition over artificial intelligence
International Institute for Strategic Studies, June 2022

Read this briefing on ‘Artificial intelligence‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Tarja Laaninen and Magdalena Pasikowska-Schnass.

The European Youth Event will bring together thousands of young people in the European Parliament in Strasbourg, on 9 and 10 June 2023, to share ideas about the future of Europe. This introduction to one of the major topics to be discussed during the EYE event is one of 11 prepared by the Parliament’s Research Service (EPRS). It offers an overview of the main lines of EU action and policy in the area concerned, and aims to act as a starting point for discussions during the event. You can find them all on this link.

Each EU member country is responsible for its own cultural policy. However, under the EU Treaties, the EU is obliged to support their efforts to preserve cultural diversity and cultural heritage. One pillar of our democracy – an independent media – plays an important role in our culture. It helps to shape public opinion and hold those in power to account. Innovative proposals to boost media freedom and pluralism in the EU are expected in 2023.

Culture is a European issue

Culture – from artistic output to customs, language and religion – plays a fundamental role in human life as a source of identity. It also makes a significant contribution to the EU economy. The arts, culture and creative sectors accounted for 4.4 % of EU gross domestic product in 2019. In 2021, the culture sector employed 3.6 % of the total EU workforce, with twice as many self-employed people as the EU average.

Each EU country decides its own cultural policy. However, under the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU, the EU must support (including financially), supplement and coordinate EU countries’ efforts to preserve cultural diversity and cultural heritage across the EU. This support aims at helping the culture and creative sectors face challenges including increasing digitisation, market fragmentation along language barriers, global competition, and difficult access to funding for micro-, small and medium-sized enterprises.

The EU supports culture through a variety of initiatives, including the European Capitals of Culture scheme and various prizes in film, architecture, literature and music. The Music Moves Europe Awards, a prize for popular and contemporary music, are co-organised by the Eurosonic and Reeperbahn Music Festivals. Previous winners of the European Border Breakers Awards include Stromae, Dua Lipa and Adele, among many other young European talents. The Creative Europe and Horizon Europe programmes, and the New European Bauhaus initiative offer funding or support for cultural projects. In addition, regional policy funds support cultural events, cultural tourism, regeneration of cultural sites, preservation of cultural heritage, and cultural and creative sector businesses. They help local and regional authorities support their cultural life and community participation, make their regions more attractive to visitors and investors, and help regional economies do better, thanks to well-developed culture and creative sectors.

Digitisation has transformed every aspect of the cultural sector: creation, production, dissemination/distribution, exhibition/reception, and consumption/participation. Culture and artistic creation have gone digital, and technology has given rise to new art forms, including video games. Technology is key to democratic access to these cultural goods and services. Digital content travels faster than traditional media, and increases and potentially diversifies the cultural works on offer. However, while it empowers public access, digitisation nevertheless favours dominant players in the market. It can also widen the gap between privileged groups and the individuals, social groups, regions and countries who have less easy access to the internet or equipment, or who have lower levels of digital skills.

A wealth of digital cultural content is available online for free, for a fee, or in pirated versions. This abundance of cultural content and the various ways to consult it online bring new challenges to attract our attention and direct it to specific content, monetise content, and ensure creators get fair pay for their work.

Algorithms that steer us to content that is similar to what we have already consumed, or that others have liked, can seem to be the only way to navigate the profusion of online content from all over the world. However, such algorithm-driven (social) media services, can lead to us becoming vulnerable to deliberate disinformation. Boosting our media literacy is an important counter to such negative effects. The use of algorithms also means audiences may not get the same opportunities or information. It can lead to a lack of diversity in the audiovisual content we consume, and undermine local content. Moreover, when linguistic minorities do not feature online or do not promote their language, there is a risk of ‘digital extinction’, because algorithms do not have enough good quality data to feature the content. On the other hand, the internet can be a powerful tool for language revitalisation connecting diaspora communities. Creation supported by artificial intelligence also raises concerns regarding European artists’ digital skills, and copyright issues.

Media – Watchdog or politicians’ ‘poodle’?

To make sound political choices, we often turn to the media for information. However, the media play other important roles – providing independent analysis of what is happening in the world, and acting as the ‘watchdogs’ of our democracies by holding our representatives to account.  

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Accept YouTube Content European media freedom act [Policy podcast]

Media freedom and pluralism are part of the rights and principles enshrined in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights and in the European Convention on Human Rights. The Audiovisual Media Services Directive provides EU-wide media content standards for both traditional television broadcasts and on-demand services, as well as for video-sharing platforms.

With the 2024 European elections on the horizon, in 2023 the EU is set to adopt new laws to protect media freedom and pluralism in our democracies. These include a proposal, known as the anti-SLAPPs directive, to protect journalists, as well as anyone else exercising their right to freedom of expression, from abusive lawsuits. A particular form of harassment, strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs) are used primarily to stop journalists and human rights defenders reporting on matters of public interest, such as corruption. The proposed law provides the courts and people targeted by SLAPPs with the tools to fight back against baseless or abusive court proceedings. The European Commission’s proposal is currently under discussion in Parliament and the Council.

The proposed European media freedom act aims at protecting our independent media from the threat of government pressure, such as being forced to repeat propaganda or spy on journalists. The proposed law is under discussion in the Parliament and the Council. If adopted, the media freedom act would set rules protecting media pluralism and independence in the EU, including safeguards against political interference in editorial decisions. It would also address transparency in media ownership. To ensure that media outlets that provide government-friendly views are not subsidised covertly, public authorities would have to inform us of their advertising expenditure. The EU rules would better protect journalistic sources, and spying on journalists would become more difficult.

These new proposed laws are part of the ongoing European democracy action plan, designed to empower citizens and build resilient democracies across the EU, by promoting free and fair elections, strengthening media freedom and countering disinformation.

Written by Anita Orav.

The European Youth Event will bring together thousands of young people in the European Parliament in Strasbourg, on 9 and 10 June 2023, to share ideas about the future of Europe. This introduction to one of the major topics to be discussed during the EYE event is one of 11 prepared by the Parliament’s Research Service (EPRS). It offers an overview of the main lines of EU action and policy in the area concerned, and aims to act as a starting point for discussions during the event. You can find them all on this link.

The European Union shares responsibility for migration policy with the national governments of its member countries, who have agreed on common standards on legal migration and receiving asylum-seekers in a fair and dignified manner. However, the EU is still in the process of reforming its asylum and migration policy.

Migration to the EU

Migration to Europe from non-EU countries has been substantial over recent decades, as Europe was historically considered a continent of relative economic prosperity and political stability. In January 2021, 23.7 million nationals of non-EU countries were resident in the EU, representing 5.3 % of the total EU population. Most migrants, approximately 2.25‑3 million per year, arrive in the EU through legal channels. However, wars and instability in neighbouring countries have also forced people to leave their countries; increasing arrivals of migrants through irregular channels as people continue to flee countries such as Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq and Venezuela. After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, a new wave of displaced people reached the EU seeking protection.

Legal migration and labour market

Many people arrive in the EU to work, study, or join family members. The EU legal migration framework covers these movements of non-EU (or ‘third-country’) nationals. Legal migration is part of a balanced common EU migration policy, which aims to benefit migrants, their countries of origin and the countries of destination. Welcoming migrant workers can also be beneficial to the EU’s economy, not least because the European population is ageing and its economy increasingly depends on high-skilled jobs. The EU is in the process of reforming the legal migration framework, which should reduce the incentive to use irregular channels.

Seeking international protection in the EU

International protection – asylum – is a fundamental right and an international obligation, as recognised in the 1951 Geneva Convention on the protection of refugees, which currently binds 149 states globally, including all EU countries. The principle of non-refoulement, which prohibits returning refugees to a country where their life or freedom is at risk, is a key element.

In the EU – an area of freedom of movement without internal borders – national authorities share the international responsibility for receiving asylum-seekers in a fair and dignified manner. While EU countries are in charge of processing asylum applications in accordance with their national laws, together they have set common EU standards under the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). Within this system, the central element is the Dublin Regulation, which establishes the country responsible for processing an asylum application. By default, it is the first country in the EU which the person entered. Understandably, after increased refugee flows in 2015‑2016, countries at the EU’s external borders became overburdened, straining their national asylum systems and resulting in poor conditions for asylum-seekers and lower recognition of asylum claims. Consequently, many asylum-seekers travelled on to other EU countries, where they believed they would find better conditions and a higher chance of a successful application. This created a situation where only a few of the 27 EU countries received the bulk of all asylum applications. Taking action to overcome these problems is all the more important as the numbers of asylum-seekers are growing again: in 2022, EU+ countries (27 European Union Member States, plus Norway and Switzerland) received some 966 000 applications for asylum, up more than 50 % from 2021, and the largest number since 2016.

Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the EU – for the first time ever – activated the Temporary Protection Directive to help people fleeing the war. This support includes direct humanitarian aid, emergency civil protection assistance, support at the border, as well as a clear legal status for Ukrainians in the EU. The measures also allow national authorities to manage the influx of people and reduce the immediate impact on their asylum systems. According to data from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), by February 2023, more than 4.8 million refugees from Ukraine had registered for temporary protection or similar national protection schemes in Europe. This is a higher number than all the inhabitants of the city of Rome in Italy, for example. Europeans’ readiness to welcome Ukrainians can be seen as one way of showing resistance to Putin’s tactics. Interactive infographic: Protecting irregular migrant children Irregular migration

In addition to asylum-seekers, the migratory flows include irregular migrants – those trying to escape poverty in their country or to find better prospects for the future. After a relative fall in the number of people trying to cross the EU’s external borders irregularly in recent years, the numbers began to climb again after 2021. According to Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, about 330 000 irregular entries were detected at the EU’s external borders in 2022, the highest number since 2016.

Attempts to enter the EU irregularly by sea often have tragic consequences for migrants. According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), 26 085 people have gone missing in the Mediterranean Sea since 2014. In 2022, on average five people died per day trying to cross the Mediterranean Sea to reach Europe. Thanks to EU operations, between 2015 and 2022, 632 455 people were rescued in the Mediterranean and western African routes. Moreover, civil society search and rescue (SAR) vessels have rescued a significant number of migrants in distress at sea, despite experiencing difficulties in disembarking the migrants in safe ports.

The mixed flows of asylum-seekers and irregular migrants also complicate border authorities’ work: while asylum-seekers must be allowed entry at the borders to seek protection, irregular migrants who do not have the right to enter and stay in the EU should be returned to their country of origin or transit. According to Eurostat, only about one third of the people who receive a return decision leave the EU. Of the 4 million people ordered to leave in 2013‑2021, only 1.3 million left.

The EU has taken resolute steps to strengthen its external borders. In 2019, the European Border and Coast Guard was established, and the architecture of EU-wide information systems for border management and security was revised and expanded. Efforts to develop European integrated border management and to reform the Schengen rules are ongoing.

Ongoing asylum and migration reform

After the arrival of unprecedented numbers of asylum-seekers and irregular migrants in the EU in 2015‑2016, the European Commission proposed a package of reforms to the Common European Asylum System. In June 2018, the European Parliament and the Council of the EU reached broad agreement on several proposals. However, EU governments did not all agree and the reform stalled due to continued disagreement on how to apply the principle of solidarity in practice and to share asylum responsibilities fairly. In September 2020, the European Commission sought to revive the reform by putting forward a new pact on migration and asylum offering a comprehensive approach aimed at strengthening and integrating key EU policies on migration, asylum and border management. The pact builds on and amends the previous reform proposals. Discussions are still ongoing. The European Parliament has continued to call for the respect of the principle of non-refoulement, condemning reports of pushbacks at different EU borders, and insisting on the need to guarantee decent reception conditions for people seeking international protection in the EU. In September 2022, the European Parliament and the forthcoming rotating presidencies of the Council agreed on a joint roadmap to adopt the pending legislative proposals on asylum and migration management by February 2024.

Written by Liselotte Jensen with Sara Catharina Svensson.

The European Youth Event will bring together thousands of young people in the European Parliament in Strasbourg, on 9 and 10 June 2023, to share ideas about the future of Europe. This introduction to one of the major topics to be discussed during the EYE event is one of 11 prepared by the Parliament’s Research Service (EPRS). It offers an overview of the main lines of EU action and policy in the area concerned, and aims to act as a starting point for discussions during the event. You can find them all on this link.

The effects of climate change are increasingly apparent, with rising temperatures, more frequent and intense natural disasters, and shifting weather patterns. These changes are primarily caused by human activities, such as burning fossil fuels and deforestation. This notes sets out briefly some of the causes and consequences of climate change and the action the European Union is taking to address it.

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Accept YouTube Content New rules for better air quality Facing the reality of climate change

Climate change – long-term shifts in temperatures and weather patterns – has been occurring for decades. The primary cause of climate change is the release of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere. These gases, which include carbon dioxide (CO2), methane (CH4), and nitrous oxide (N2O), trap heat from the sun and act as a blanket over the planet, leading to global warming and climate change.

The majority of CO2 emissions come from burning fossil fuels such as oil, gas, and coal. We use these fossil fuels in industry, in transport, to generate electricity and to keep warm. Another potent greenhouse gas, methane, mainly comes from cattle farming and rice cultivation, as well as from coal, oil and gas production. Forests can help absorb CO2, but deforestation and other changes in the way we use the land can also increase greenhouse gases in the atmosphere.

A growing concern is the possibility of reaching climate tipping points. These are critical points beyond which a significant change or effect takes place in a system, with irreversible and often cascading impacts. Every six years, more than 200 scientists from around the world come together to produce a comprehensive report – based on research undertaken by thousands of scientists since the previous report was published – that gives an up-to-date picture of our understanding of climate change. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), warned in its latest report that, unless we take drastic measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, global warming will likely exceed 1.5 degree Celsius (°C) within 20 years and 2°C before 2100. The IPCC working groups identify 15 potential tipping points around the world, including changes in permafrost, which releases significant amounts of greenhouse gases when melting; ice sheets destabilising, triggering sea-level rise; and changing global monsoon patterns, causing floods or droughts.

Other researchers have determined that seven such tipping points are likely to occur at 1.5°C of global warming – and we may already have reached five of them. The collapse of the West-Antarctic and Greenland ice sheets, and subsequent sea level rise, is of particular concern for Europe, where more than a third of the European population lives in coastal regions. Such impending collapses are two of the tipping points that researchers believe may already be in motion. Others increasingly at risk of happening are the dieback of the most southern of the northern hemisphere forests and the thawing of permafrost. To avoid reaching these tipping points and having to pay the costs of the damage they will wreak, it is crucial that we reinforce efforts to limit global warming.

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Accept YouTube Content Fitfor55: a new energy system How will climate change affect us?

Even if we manage to slash emissions, the world is still likely to reach 1.5°C of warming within the next 20 years. This means that the impacts of climate change will become increasingly severe, with more frequent and intense extreme weather events. Heatwaves are particularly dangerous and deadly, especially for vulnerable populations such as children, older people and those with chronic health conditions. Droughts and crops lost to bad weather can lead to food shortages and economic instability. Extreme weather such as storms, floods, droughts and heatwaves can damage buildings and infrastructure, as well as disrupt transport and supply chains. Wildfires and a lack of fresh water are particularly damaging to ecosystems and wildlife. Rising sea levels are another major concern, as they can cause coastal flooding, erosion, and destroy homes and natural habitats.

Climate change will cost billions of euros and damage all our economic sectors. Adapting to the new conditions and making them less damaging by upgrading buildings, roads, railways and pipelines, developing new technologies, and changing our lifestyles will also cost (a lot of) money. The overall impact on the global economy is expected to be negative, with some regions and industries hit harder than others.

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Accept YouTube Content EU Climate Action: Responding to the global emergency What is the European Union doing about climate change?

The European Green Deal is the EU’s strategy for our society to reach climate neutrality by 2050 (i.e. emissions of greenhouse gases must not exceed removals). The programme sets out actions to be taken related to the climate, environment and the economy, such as improving our food systems, protecting biodiversity and boosting the circular economy. One important part of the Green Deal was the adoption of the European Climate Law in June 2021. Under this law, the EU is legally obliged to become climate neutral by 2050 and to reduce its net greenhouse gas emissions by 55 % by 2030, compared to what its emissions were in 1990.

To make sure that we meet our 2030 target, the European Commission proposed the ‘fit for 55‘ package. This package revises and updates existing laws so they meet climate targets and introduces new laws and strategies. These include ambitious changes to the three main elements of EU climate action: the EU Emissions Trading System Directive (EU ETS), the Effort-sharing Regulation, and the Land Use, Land-use Change and Forestry (LULUCF) Regulation.

The Emissions Trading System is the world’s first (and biggest) carbon market. In the EU, permitted emissions ceilings are set for some industries, such as power plants and energy-intensive industrial installations (which are responsible for about 40 % of the EU’s total domestic greenhouse gas emissions). Based on the ‘polluter pays’ principle, businesses covered by the EU ETS have to buy allowances on the ETS market through auctions. Each emissions allowance entitles the holder to emit one tonne of CO2. Since 2012, the EU ETS also covers aviation emissions generated by flights within and between EU countries and also some partner countries outside the EU.

The Effort-sharing Regulation sets specific national emissions reduction targets for sectors not included in the EU ETS: transport, buildings, agriculture, small industrial installations, waste treatment, energy supply and product use. These emissions currently account for almost 60 % of the EU’s total domestic emissions.

The EU’s natural carbon sinks absorb CO2, helping to reduce its concentration in the atmosphere. The LULUCF Regulation aims at increasing this absorption, for example by restoring wetlands and bogs, planting new forests and halting deforestation. After a downward trend over the past decade, in terms of the amount of carbon removed by forest and agricultural land (and land where use has changed to, or from, one of these uses), specific targets per Member State will ensure an increase in carbon removals by 2030.

The ‘fit for 55’ package also includes other initiatives to reduce emissions from transport and buildings and increase our use of renewable energy. It sets up a new carbon border adjustment mechanism to ensure that producers of imported goods also pay for the pollution they cause.

The primary EU funds to support the transition to a greener economy will be the EU budget, with 30 % of its funding earmarked for climate action, and the Next Generation EU fund – created to assist the recovery from the effects of the COVID‑19 pandemic. The Just Transition Fund aims at helping regions most affected by the transition away from fossil fuels. Finally, the Social Climate Fund (part of the ‘fit for 55’ package) should go some way towards helping the most vulnerable households, micro-businesses and transport users meet the costs of moving to cleaner buildings and vehicles.

In February 2021, the European Commission adopted the new EU climate change adaptation strategy. The strategy aims to boost capacity to minimise and adapt to the impacts of climate change. It focuses on increasing knowledge and anticipating the effects of climate change, and developing policy to equip the EU to respond to a changing world. Adaptation actions include more green spaces and trees in urban areas, which can absorb intense rainfall and provide a cooling effect during heatwaves. For agriculture, changing crops to more heat and drought-resistant types can help reduce crop losses. Sharing knowledge on successful ways to adapt makes it easier to implement such measures in time.

Interactive infographic: Climate action

Written by Marketa Pape.

The European Youth Event will bring together thousands of young people in the European Parliament in Strasbourg, on 9 and 10 June 2023, to share ideas about the future of Europe. This introduction to one of the major topics to be discussed during the EYE event is one of 11 prepared by the Parliament’s Research Service (EPRS). It offers an overview of the main lines of EU action and policy in the area concerned, and aims to act as a starting point for discussions during the event. You can find them all on this link.

Inequality, broadly understood as a difference in social status, wealth, or opportunity between people or groups, has always been present in our societies to some extent. However, over the past 30 years, income and wealth inequalities have increased dramatically worldwide. Tackling inequality and redistributing wealth is mainly the responsibility of national governments. The European Union is helping them to narrow the gap.

A widening gap

The benefits of economic growth have not been shared fairly, and the gap between rich and poor has widened. The causes of this growing inequality are multiple, including globalisation, technological change, taxation policy and economic crises. Inequality can take many forms: between people with different social and cultural backgrounds, or gender and generations, as well as between regions and countries. Inequalities affect our access to life opportunities, such as education, employment, a career and financial resources. When such inequalities accumulate, they can lead to social exclusion (meaning people cannot afford to take part in society). As one of the principles underpinning the EU is to provide opportunities for all without discrimination, EU policy covering education, employment and financial resources seeks to reduce inequalities by ensuring equal access to high-quality education, public goods and services, finance and entrepreneurship.

Wealth, in particular, is very unequally distributed. Even before the COVID‑19 pandemic, income inequalities were at their highest levels in 30 years in many countries – with the top 10 % of the population earning ten times more than the bottom 10 %. In the EU, every fifth person was at risk of poverty or social exclusion in 2021. The risk was higher for women, young people under 18, people with dependent children and those with disabilities. As the pandemic further increased this gap, particularly affecting young people, the need to tackle inequalities is evident.

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Accept YouTube Content Bridging Europe’s digital divide Principles to build on

The EU has a duty to combat social exclusion and discrimination; to promote social justice, equality between women and men, and solidarity between generations; and to protect children’s rights. Based on EU-wide objectives, the EU supports and complements national policies on social inclusion and protection, to ensure everyone has decent living and working conditions. However, national governments decide social policies, education and taxation. The EU can only define minimum standards and provide guidance, coordination and funding.

The United Nations’ sustainable development goals for 2030 (especially those related to ending poverty and reducing inequalities) and the EU’s 2000 Charter of Fundamental Rights (given a status equivalent to the EU Treaties in 2009), oblige EU governments and institutions to uphold a number of social and welfare rights when implementing EU law.

The European Pillar of Social Rights has guided EU policies aiming at enhancing social justice since 2017. It sets 20 principles that include education, training and learning throughout life. They also set standards on providing equal opportunities, active support when seeking employment, social protection, wages and the right to adequate minimum income. Importantly, they set out guidance for national governments to ensure the rights of the 87 million people in the EU with a disability. All EU countries agreed to implement the guidance, with the responsibility to ensure compliance shared between EU institutions, national, regional and local authorities, social partners and civil society. An action plan sets targets to achieve by 2030. Some 78 % of 20‑64 year‑olds should be in employment, and 60% of adults participating in training. A third aim is to lift 15 million people – including 5 million children – out of poverty or social exclusion.

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Accept YouTube Content Évolution de la pauvreté dans l’Union européenne Changing the game

The EU helps prevent or reduce inequalities in many ways. To ensure equal opportunities from the start, it promotes access to high quality and inclusive education, including early childhood education and care, as well as to training and lifelong learning. In parallel, it seeks to return the teaching professions to their place at the heart of our education systems.

EU rules make it easier for us to work in another EU country and protect your social security rights when you move within Europe. For instance, you can work in another EU country without needing a permit and be treated the same as a national in terms of access to employment, working conditions, taxes and social advantages. EU rules coordinate national social security systems. If you fall ill or are injured anywhere in Europe and carry the European health insurance card, you are entitled to the necessary treatment.

All EU countries also have to follow agreed minimum EU standards covering health and safety at work. These ensure protection against discrimination and set rules for employing young people, part-time work and working hours. Men and women have the right to equal treatment at work, which includes maternity, paternity and parental leave. Recent rules seek to ensure that, where EU countries have established minimum wages, regular reviews reflect the rising cost of living, and that women are fairly represented on company boards. New rules are being discussed to ensure that men and women receive equal pay for equal work and that those working for digital platforms, for instance in food delivery, are treated correctly.

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Accept YouTube Content Chronicles: Care work in the EU Recent EU developments

With the European Green Deal strategy, the EU wants to decarbonise the economy and make it more digital and inclusive. While this is expected to improve our health and wellbeing and create jobs, the transition to a greener economy also poses risks. Among these, jobs will be lost in carbon-intensive industries such as coal-burning power plants, energy will cost more and living standards could be affected. New EU funding seeks to address these concerns, but greater effort is necessary for a just transition to a less polluting economy, such as adapting school curricula to new skills and helping workers train for environmentally and economically sustainable jobs.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, many people expected the EU to act, while in fact it had little power to do so. As the crisis unfolded, EU countries agreed to EU-wide measures led by the European Commission. While not explicitly targeting inequality, the steps taken – such as the joint procurement of vaccines and the adoption of the SURE programme to protect jobs and incomes affected by the pandemic – helped lessen or prevent further inequalities between EU citizens and countries. Thanks to measures like SURE, unemployment grew less than during the 2008 economic and financial crisis, despite a much larger fall in gross domestic product (GDP). However, the pandemic increased inequalities in terms of access to quality health services and due to whether or not people could work from home.

To help national economies recover from the pandemic, the EU set up a vast recovery programme – Next Generation EU. Governments had each to prepare their national recovery and resilience plans based on a set of criteria and get EU approval. Among other things, the European Commission advised them to prioritise support for young people who wanted to study science and technology, or pursue further education and apprenticeships, as well as to offer loans and grants to young entrepreneurs. Recommended measures included offering employment to those with disabilities, or living in rural, remote or disadvantaged areas, as well as ensuring all children have access to education. To receive the funding, governments have to carry out the reforms promised and the investment outlined in their national plan.

In an EU-wide 2022 survey on fairness, inequality and inter-generational mobility, more EU citizens agreed rather than disagreed that, overall, most of the things that happen in their lives are fair and that they have equal opportunities like everyone else in their country.

Nevertheless, while much EU policy seeks to tackle income inequality, it does not address wealth inequality and wealth concentrated among a small group of people. However, the EU has made efforts to ensure greater tax transparency regarding multinational companies and to prevent tax avoidance.

Simple solutions cannot resolve inequality overnight. There is potential for the EU to do more in several areas. As we look beyond growth as the lead measure of our economies, a more equal distribution of wealth is key.

Written by Krisztina Binder.

The European Youth Event will bring together thousands of young people in the European Parliament in Strasbourg, on 9 and 10 June 2023, to share ideas about the future of Europe. This introduction to one of the major topics to be discussed during the EYE event is one of 11 prepared by the Parliament’s Research Service (EPRS). It offers an overview of the main lines of EU action and policy in the area concerned, and aims to act as a starting point for discussions during the event. You can find them all on this link.

Education and training help us acquire the knowledge and skills we need to get the job we want. To ensure everyone has access to quality and inclusive education, the European Union aims to create a European education area by 2025. The EU also helps EU countries to promote key skills and competences, for instance on digital education.

Why action is needed

According to the European Commission, even before the pandemic, 77 % of companies struggled to find employees with the required skills. A quarter of the EU’s small and medium-sized enterprises saw the lack of skilled and experienced staff as their greatest concern. It is estimated that about 46 % of European adults could benefit from learning new skills or refreshing ones they once had but have forgotten. While this high percentage is partially due to people leaving education at a young age, the risks of skill loss and skill obsolescence also extend to those with higher levels of education. In the future, 90 % of jobs in all sectors will need some form of digital skills, yet 35 % of today’s workers do not possess them. There is also a significant shortage of women in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) studies and careers. Women accounted for only 19.1 % of information and communications technology (ICT) specialists employed in 2021, and only 31.3 % of students enrolled in STEM studies in 2020.  

European Year of Skills 2023

The objective of the Year of Skills is to promote investment in training and converting existing skills to adapt them to new needs across the EU. It involves actors across society, from local authorities to trade unions and companies. The focus is on matching people’s aspirations and skill-sets with labour market opportunities, thus enabling more people, particularly women and young people, to get a job. The 2023 European Year of Skills is expected to support the achievement of the EU targets to have at least 60 % of adults participating in training each year, and an employment rate of at least 78 % by 2030. It also aims to contribute to the EU’s 2030 digital targets – whereby 80 % of adults would have at least basic digital skills and there would be 20 million information and communications technology specialists working.

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Accept YouTube Content Lifelong Learning Skills development through education and training?

All EU citizens have the right to quality and inclusive education, training and lifelong learning opportunities. These enable us to maintain and acquire new skills, participate fully in society and successfully navigate a fast-changing labour market.

Responsibility for organising education systems and the content of teaching lies with the national governments of EU countries. However, the EU supplements and supports these national efforts and encourages exchange and cooperation between countries. As cooperation continues to evolve, the European Commission’s vision of establishing a European education area by 2025 aims at improving access to quality education, with opportunities to learn throughout our lives, and ensuring we can study anywhere in the EU.

Several initiatives under the European education area umbrella are already under way. A recommendation on blended learning in schools helps EU countries address the consequences of the pandemic on learners, teachers, trainers and schools and to develop a long-term effective, inclusive and engaging approach to blended learning in primary and secondary education. The aim is to help schools to be more flexible and inclusive of a broad range of pedagogical methods, technological tools, learner needs and changing circumstances. An initiative on learning for environmental sustainability encourages EU countries to support education specific to sustainable development and to the green transition towards a more sustainable society – skills currently in high demand. Another initiative, the 2022 European strategy for universities, states that higher education providers should better adapt to rapidly evolving demand for skills on the job market – including to help equip students and adult learners with digital and sustainability skills. An initiative to develop a scheme to certify the learning outcomes of short-term learning experiences, for instance a short course or training session, aims to offer flexible learning opportunities for a wider range of people to develop or update their knowledge. Taking a new approach to lifelong learning, the individual learning accounts initiative recommends that EU countries put people of working age in charge of a budget, to spend on training of their choice, to improve their skills and employability. Other initiatives are being set up, for instance, on graduate tracking, to improve the link between graduates’ skills and competences and the job market.

Promoting learning for digital and language skills

Boosting digital skills is a particular focus of the EU’s digital education action plan. Among the actions lined up, the plan includes the creation of a European digital skills certificate recognised across the EU. It also sets up digital opportunity traineeships, which would provide, for instance, university and vocational education and training (VET) students and recent graduates to boost their digital skills. And the plan encourages women’s participation in STEM studies and careers through, for example, training in digital and sustainable entrepreneurship skills for young women.

Improving language skills also helps us widen our experience and qualifications, perhaps by moving to study in another country and learning throughout our lives. Projects aimed at helping young people to study or carry out a traineeship in another country are just an example of the wide range of projects supported by the Erasmus+ programme, which, since its creation in 1987, has involved nearly 13 million people. The European Solidarity Corps programme helps young people take part in projects that benefit communities, and develop their skills and competences at the same time.

Written by Branislav Stanicek.

The European Youth Event will bring together thousands of young people in the European Parliament in Strasbourg, on 9 and 10 June 2023, to share ideas about the future of Europe. This introduction to one of the major topics to be discussed during the EYE event is one of 11 prepared by the Parliament’s Research Service (EPRS). It offers an overview of the main lines of EU action and policy in the area concerned, and aims to act as a starting point for discussions during the event. You can find them all on this link.

The European Union is a peace project – aimed at safeguarding peace, upholding the principles of international law and promoting European values through its common foreign and security policy (CFSP). The recent geopolitical shifts, including Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the COVID‑19 pandemic, and climate and technology challenges, all allow the EU to demonstrate its capacity to act swiftly and in unison. While CFSP decisions are currently made by unanimity among EU member countries represented in the Council, there is a debate on moving to qualified majority in some areas.

Background

Robert Schuman declared in May 1950 that ‘world peace cannot be safeguarded without the making of creative efforts proportionate to the dangers which threaten it’. With international relations and peace endangered in many places today, these creative efforts are needed more than ever. The EU’s common foreign and security policy was established with the Treaty on European Union in 1993.

In 1997, the Treaty of Amsterdam improved the decision-making process, including by allowing for constructive abstention (allowing an EU country to choose to abstain without blocking an initiative) and qualified majority voting (today, a vote passes if 55 % of EU countries representing at least 65 % of the total EU population vote in favour). In 1999, the European Council established the role of the High Representative for the CFSP to represent the EU in its foreign relations. Since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the High Representative is also a Vice-President of the European Commission (HR/VP).

The current President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen declared the ambition to head a ‘geopolitical commission’ that ‘stabilises its neighbourhood, accelerates enlargement and champions multilateralism’. Consequently, the CFSP budget has been boosted under the 2021–2027 financial framework: external action has been allocated €98.4 billion, and security and defence €13.2 billion.

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Accept YouTube Content A Strategic Compass for the EU Stabilising the neighbourhood

In 2020, the HR/VP Josep Borrell noted that EU foreign policy should prioritise a response to the urgent call to stabilise its own neighbourhood, and that ‘Europe must learn quickly to speak the language of power’. Indeed the EU’s neighbourhood is marked by instability: in the south, long-term conflicts affect an ‘arc of crisis’, ranging from Libya through Syria and Türkiye, and from the threat of jihadist networks, to the challenges posed by Iran. Besides the war in Ukraine, which has signalled an unprecedented disruption of peace in Europe, the EU faces several conflicts on its eastern borders, in the Caucasus, and with autocratic regimes in Belarus and Russia. The EU’s answer to these crises includes new proposals, such as setting up a European political community.

Accelerating enlargement

The EU is not a static entity, and EU enlargement policy sets out the conditions for new countries to join the Union. In her State of the Union address in September 2022, Ursula von der Leyen confirmed EU enlargement is among her key political priorities. Proposals on reforming EU enlargement policy were presented in February 2020, aimed at boosting the process of welcoming new countries. European Council conclusions from June 2022 support the ‘gradual integration’ of new Member States.

In 2022, Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova requested to join the EU, and Member States endorsed their ‘European perspective’ on 23 June. Among the six Western Balkan countries, accession negotiations are under way with Albania, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia. Granted ‘candidate country’ status, Bosnia and Herzegovina has not yet opened accession negotiations. Kosovo is the least advanced in the process, with remaining sensitive issues, in particular, normalisation of relations with Serbia within the EU facilitated Belgrade-Pristina dialogue, the application of the 2013 Brussels Agreement with Serbia, and the establishment of an association/community of Serb-majority municipalities in Kosovo. Foreign interference particularly by Russia and China, also remain evident in the region.

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Accept YouTube Content EU response to the US Inflation Reduction Act Championing multilateralism

The EU has exclusive competence in trade policy, meaning that only the EU, rather than individual member countries, can conclude trade deals between the EU and global partners. In recent years, the EU has concluded bilateral trade agreements with Australia, Canada, Chile, Japan, New Zealand and the United Kingdom, as well as with the Mercosur South American trade bloc. Trade and technology engagement with key partners has taken new forms, such as the EU-US Trade and Technology Council created in 2021, and the agreement in June 2022 to launch the EU-India Trade and Technology Council. Engagement with Asia and the Indo-Pacific region features high on the EU agenda, with a plan of action agreed on a 2023‑2027 strategic partnership with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

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Accept YouTube Content Corporate sustainability due diligence Challenges ahead

The EU faces a key challenge in developing its common European foreign policy and ensuring that EU action in the world is strategic and coherent. Today, the Council must vote unanimously on foreign policy (with the exception of certain clearly defined cases that require only a qualified majority, e.g. the appointment of special representatives). The European Council’s Sibiu meeting in May 2019 supported the need to broaden the scope of qualified majority voting (under Article 31(3) TEU, the ‘passerelle clause’ – according to which the European Council may authorise the Council to act by qualified majority in certain cases in common foreign and security policy).

Even though international relations are increasingly fragmented, the balance of power between major actors such as the United States of America and the EU, Russia and China remains an important influence. The alliance between the EU and the US reflects our shared historical experience, common values and interests. However, the Trump administration’s ‘America First’ stance precipitated a move towards the development of EU strategic autonomy and strategic culture – ‘a common way of looking at the world, of defining threats and challenges’. Initiatives such as the new European Diplomatic Academy should help to foster a common EU diplomatic culture.

Putting EU enlargement policy into action also remains challenging. Since Croatia’s accession in 2013, no further new country has joined the EU. This decline in the enlargement project could be partly due to ‘enlargement fatigue’, both in hopeful accession countries as well as in EU countries, resulting in faltering public support. This could be particularly the case in Türkiye, as accession negotiations came to a standstill in June 2018, due to serious deficiencies in the country’s democratic institutions and the human rights situation, highlighted by the European Parliament.

Despite its relatively limited formal role in EU foreign policy, Parliament nevertheless influences the conduct of CFSP indirectly, through its budgetary powers, including holding the right to amend the draft CFSP budget. In addition, international agreements concluded by the EU in the CFSP field require Parliament to be consulted and Parliament to consent (Article 218 TEU). Through its parliamentary diplomacy, Parliament plays an important role in international relations worldwide. Following the conclusions of the Conference on the Future of Europe in 2022, the President of the European Parliament, Roberta Metsola, stressed the need for reform, including in foreign and security policy: ‘The last major reform took place a generation ago … It is time’. The proposals outlined by the conference will feed into discussions on the future of the EU’s external action in an increasingly challenging geopolitical environment.

Interactive infographic: Normandy index

Written by Sebastian Clapp.

The European Youth Event will bring together thousands of young people in the European Parliament in Strasbourg, on 9 and 10 June 2023, to share ideas about the future of Europe. This introduction to one of the major topics to be discussed during the EYE event is one of 11 prepared by the Parliament’s Research Service (EPRS). It offers an overview of the main lines of EU action and policy in the area concerned, and aims to act as a starting point for discussions during the event. You can find them all on this link.

When it comes to the international stage, European Union countries agree to work together for greater impact, especially on security and defence matters. A key component of the Union’s common foreign and security policy (CFSP) – the common security and defence policy (CSDP) – sets the framework for EU defence and crisis management. Faced with growing geopolitical uncertainty, the EU has made unprecedented progress on defence cooperation in recent years. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine provided renewed impetus to deepen this cooperation further, leading to a number of taboo-breaking proposals, such as the joint delivery of lethal weapons to Ukraine and a joint defence procurement fund.

Common security and defence policy

The EU first set out a common security and defence policy (CSDP) at the European Council meeting in Cologne in 1999. The CSDP is the EU’s main policy framework in the field of defence and crisis management and a key component of the Union’s common foreign and security policy (CFSP).

The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the European Commission (HR/VP – currently Josep Borrell) coordinates the CSDP. The HR/VP chairs the Foreign Affairs Council (FAC) – made up of foreign ministers from each EU country – which takes CSDP decisions by unanimity. The HR/VP also heads the EU’s ‘diplomatic service’ – the European External Action Service (EEAS) – and the European Defence Agency (EDA), which supports all EU member countries, except Denmark, in enhancing their defence capabilities through European cooperation. Finally, the European Council – made up of Heads of State or Government of all EU countries – sets the overall political direction and priorities of the CSDP. As with the FAC, all European Council decisions on CFSP must be taken unanimously. The Treaty on European Union (TEU) ‘enables Parliament to play a full role in the development of the CSDP’. The European Parliament scrutinises the CSDP and its budget, among other things. According to the TEU, the HR/VP must consult Parliament ‘regularly’ on the main aspects of the CSDP and inform it on developments in this area, ensuring that Parliament’s views are ‘duly taken into consideration’. The TEU also states that Parliament must hold debates on progress on CSDP implementation twice a year. Parliament has generally been very supportive of stronger EU defence integration and cooperation. Parliament’s Subcommittee on Security and Defence (SEDE) prepares an annual report on CSDP implementation, which covers a wide range of security and defence issues.

There has been unprecedented progress on EU defence cooperation since the adoption of the EU Global Strategy in 2016. Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) provides a framework to deepen defence cooperation between EU countries (except Malta and Denmark). The European Defence Fund (EDF) promotes cooperation between EU companies on defence research and capability development. The coordinated annual review on defence (CARD) identifies opportunities for increased cooperation. The European Commission now has a Directorate-General for Defence Industry and Space (DG DEFIS). In 2019, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced the advent of a ‘geopolitical Commission’, signalling the EU executive branch’s willingness to step up its role on defence. And in late 2021, European Council President Charles Michel dubbed 2022 the ‘year of European defence’.

All of these initiatives are ground-breaking moves towards a more sovereign EU able to defend itself, with the ultimate intention to create a fully fledged European defence union – a term now used openly by EU institutions. The European defence union concept is based on provisions in Article 42(2) of the Treaty on European Union, which states: ‘The common security and defence policy shall include the progressive framing of a common Union defence policy. This will lead to a common defence, when the European Council, acting unanimously, so decides. It shall in that case recommend to the Member States the adoption of such a decision in accordance with their respective constitutional requirements.’

Gender equality is a priority in all of the EU’s external policies, so the women, peace and security agenda is central to defence and security policy. Climate change exacerbates threats and is therefore another priority, addressed through initiatives such as the climate change and defence roadmap.

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Accept YouTube Content Working together to tackle common threats: The EU-NATO relationship A new era in defence policy – Versailles Declaration and the Strategic Compass

Russia’s decision to invade Ukraine in 2022 shattered long-held views that war was a thing of the past in Europe. Russia’s war on Ukraine has ‘unleashed the strongest push to strengthen Europe’s defence since the end of the Cold War’. In their March 2022 Versailles Declaration, EU leaders reiterated the EU’s commitment to ‘take more responsibility for its own security’, including by ‘investing more and better’ in defence capabilities. They stated that the EU will strengthen its defence industry and increase the EU’s ‘capacity to act autonomously’, although close cooperation between the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) will remain key to European security. Most significantly, the EU formally approved its Strategic Compass in March 2022. This ambitious plan to strengthen security and defence policy includes over 80 concrete actions, set to increase the EU’s ability to act, enhance its resilience, strengthen its defence capabilities and improve its partnerships and deadlines for concluding them.

One of the most significant elements of the Strategic Compass is the call for the development of an EU Rapid Deployment Capacity by 2025. This would consist of a modular force of up to 5 000 personnel, made up of modified EU battlegroups combining forces and capabilities from EU countries. EU battlegroups are multinational military units of up to 1 500 personnel, intended to respond rapidly to emerging crises outside the EU. While they have been operational since 2007, they have not yet been deployed in the field, due to a lack of political will and financial solidarity.

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Accept YouTube Content A Strategic Compass for the EU Promoting peace and security in the world

A key part of EU action under the CSDP are its external missions and operations in peacekeeping, conflict prevention, and strengthening international security. The EU deployed its first CSDP mission in 2003, and has since undertaken over 37 missions and operations, ranging from peacekeeping and conflict prevention to strengthening international security. Almost 4 000 men and women participate in such missions today. As of February 2023, there were 21 ongoing CSDP missions (12 civilian and 9 military, located in Europe, Africa and Asia). The EU Military Assistance Mission Ukraine (EUMAM Ukraine) launched in November 2022, for example, aims at strengthening the capacity of the Ukrainian armed forces. It will train some 30 000 Ukrainian military personnel on EU territory.

European Peace Facility

For the first time in European Union history – and not without controversy – on 28 February 2022, EU countries agreed to finance the provision of lethal weapons to a country at war: Ukraine. The funding for the weapons will come from the European Peace Facility. The fund was set up to fund the common costs of military CSDP missions and operations, support peace-support operations led by international and regional organisations and to help partner countries and organisations build their capacity to survive in the modern world – including through the provision of lethal weapons. The equipment delivered to Ukraine so far ranges from Soviet-era tanks to protective equipment. In January 2023, EU countries, Norway, the United Kingdom and the United States together promised Ukraine over 100 Western-made main battle tanks. Poland has already delivered the first of them. Training for Ukrainian tank crews has also already begun.

Buying defence equipment together

The Russian invasion of Ukraine triggered another taboo-breaking proposal – to buy defence equipment using the EU budget. To reinforce Europe’s defence industry by buying equipment collectively, a new short-term funding instrument, the European Defence Industry Reinforcement through Common Procurement Act (EDIRPA), is under discussion. It should address the ‘most urgent and critical defence product needs, especially those revealed or exacerbated by the response to the Russian aggression against Ukraine’. Based on the EDIRPA proposal, the European Commission expects to put forward a further proposal for a law on a longer-term European defence investment programme (EDIP) in June 2023.

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Accept YouTube Content European defence industry reinforcement through common procurement act (EDIRPA) [Policy podcast]

Written by Silvia Kotanidis.

The European Youth Event will bring together thousands of young people in the European Parliament in Strasbourg, on 9 and 10 June 2023, to share ideas about the future of Europe. This introduction to one of the major topics to be discussed during the EYE event is one of 11 prepared by the Parliament’s Research Service (EPRS). It offers an overview of the main lines of EU action and policy in the area concerned, and aims to act as a starting point for discussions during the event. You can find them all on this link.

European elections are a crucial moment in our democracy, giving citizens a say in the political direction of the European Union. However, as they are sometimes considered ‘second order elections’, where national rather than European issues are the focus, the European Parliament is proactively seeking ways to make EU elections more visible. After declining ever since the first European elections in 1979, electoral turnout increased in the 2019 elections. At least three elements may affect the next elections to the European Parliament, due to take place in late spring of 2024, with consequences for the balance between EU institutions.  

Background

Elections to the European Parliament are governed, for the most part, by national laws. The 1976 Electoral Act (amended in 2002) sets only certain common basic principles. These include proportional representation, voting taking place in all countries during the same ‘electoral period’, a voluntary electoral threshold for candidates of not more than 5 % at national level, and rules precluding Members of the European Parliament from taking up other public offices or national functions. The legal basis for reforming EU electoral law is enshrined in Article 223 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), which makes it Parliament’s responsibility to propose the rules on EU elections, which are thereafter adopted unanimously by the Council (after Parliament has given consent).

The lead candidate, or Spitzenkandidaten, process

The first element to watch in the 2024 elections is how the results may affect the choice of the President of the European Commission. To give European citizens more of a say, the EU has tried out a new process – the lead candidate, or Spitzenkandidaten, process. However, it is not certain that this innovation will be repeated, after one successful, and one unsuccessful iteration, in 2014 and 2019 respectively. This process is intended to build a more democratic link between the European Parliament (the only EU institution directly elected by citizens) and the EU executive.

Commission Presidents are chosen by the European Council, acting by a qualified majority, and ‘taking into account the elections to the European Parliament’. The European Council proposes its candidate for President of the Commission to the European Parliament. Parliament then elects the Commission President by a majority of its component Members (Article 17(7) TEU). Under the, so far experimental, lead candidate process, European political parties agreed to propose their own candidates for the position of President of the Commission. The power to propose the final candidate for the Commission presidency would then go to the party winning the most votes in the European elections (or able to marshal a parliamentary majority around their own candidate).

Although criticised as a ‘power grab’ (because it seems to deprive the European Council of its role in proposing the candidate that Parliament then votes into the Commission presidency), ahead of the 2014 elections, the Parliament offered a more nuanced interpretation of the Spitzenkandidaten process in a 2013 resolution. The lead candidate process first took place in the 2014 European election campaign, under the motto ‘this time it’s different‘. The outcome was rather successful. The European People’s Party (EPP) gained the most votes, and the Parliament and Council accepted their lead candidate, Jean‑Claude Juncker (although not without resistance), who was voted into office in July 2014.

However, the lead candidate experience in the 2019 elections was less successful. Although almost all European political parties proposed a lead candidate, the European Council put forward a different candidate. As a result, a tiny majority of Parliament’s Members (383 votes in favour, 327 against, and 22 abstentions) elected Ursula von der Leyen as European Commission President in July 2019.

The role of European political parties in the Spitzenkandidaten process is vital. Each political party runs a selection process for its lead candidate, according to its own internal rules or political strategy. The process therefore enhances Parliament’s role in the choice of the person to fill the most important EU executive position. It will consequently be crucial for European parties to decide whether to agree to repeat this experiment a third time. With the 2024 elections approaching (although the exact dates have yet to be fixed), European parties should have taken their decision by summer 2023, i.e. in good time to select lead candidates in autumn 2023.

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Accept YouTube Content How can the EU counter radicalisation? Pending electoral reforms

Very much linked to the Spitzenkandidaten process, a second element to watch in the 2024 European elections is the pending electoral reform (contained in the draft legislative act adopted by Parliament on 3 May 2022). This reform, one of the many attempted over recent decades to ‘Europeanise’ the European elections (so that they are seen as a Europe-wide election, rather than a secondary chance to vote on national issues), would innovate in two respects. First, by addressing the current fragmentation into 27 different electoral systems, it would make electoral rules more uniform across the EU (for example, uniform minimum voting age, right to vote in third countries, 9 May as fixed election day). Next, by seeking to emancipate European elections from national debate and to bring European affairs closer to citizens, it would introduce a Union-wide constituency in which 28 Members of Parliament would be elected – not for a single country, but through transnational lists. Here, alternating candidates between small, medium-sized and large countries would ensure geographical balance. This Union-wide constituency would facilitate the lead candidate process, through a proposed political agreement between European political entities and an interinstitutional agreement between Parliament and European Council.

The EPP, Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) and the Renew Europe groups endorsed the proposals for European transnational lists combined with a lead candidate process in the January 2022 Our priorities for Europeans political agreement. The highly innovative character of these proposals and the constitutional procedures they would require mean they are unlikely to be in place before the 2024 European elections. Discussions on the proposal will surely continue during 2023, giving an indication of EU countries’ political appetite to take the long-awaited leap to making the European elections ‘more European’.

Conference on the Future of Europe

A third element to watch is the effect of the recent Conference on the Future of Europe, especially citizens’ involvement in what was considered a true exercise of participatory democracy. Held from April 2021 to May 2022, this citizen-led debate helped increase interest in European affairs (and it is hoped will increase electoral turnout), as well as producing concrete results on the role of European elections. Citizens’ panel Recommendation 16 suggests harmonised electoral conditions. Conference Proposal 38(4) proposes giving citizens a greater say on who is elected President of the Commission, either via a direct election or through the lead candidate process. While the European Parliament, European Commission and European Council must consider these forward looking and innovative suggestions before they can be implemented, they represent a clear indication of the desire to make European elections key to European democracy.

Written by Laurence Amand-Eeckhout and Tarja Laaninen.

The European Youth Event will bring together thousands of young people in the European Parliament in Strasbourg, on 9 and 10 June 2023, to share ideas about the future of Europe. This introduction to one of the major topics to be discussed during the EYE event is one of 11 prepared by the Parliament’s Research Service (EPRS). It offers an overview of the main lines of EU action and policy in the area concerned, and aims to act as a starting point for discussions during the event. You can find them all on this link.

Despite the wide range of health benefits gained from participating in physical activity, nearly half of Europeans do not exercise. A recent Eurobarometer survey, published in September 2022, found that 45 % of European adults never exercise. A healthy lifestyle is vital to personal and public health, and public health policy has taken centre stage in European Union policymaking since the COVID‑19 pandemic. In the wake of the crisis, the EU has renewed its focus on addressing cross-border health emergencies and is working towards building a European Health Union.

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Accept YouTube Content European health union: Safeguarding EU citizens’ health Health Background

National governments are responsible for organising and delivering healthcare services to citizens, whereas the European Union’s role is mainly one of coordination and support. EU-level public health policy aims at protecting and improving peoples’ health, ensuring equal access to modern and efficient healthcare, and equipping EU countries to better prevent and address serious cross-border health threats, such as the COVID‑19 pandemic. The EU also funds research projects on prevention, diagnosis, new treatments and care.

The EU adopts legislation and makes recommendations to countries on public health topics, ranging from medicines, medical devices and clinical trials, to tobacco, promotion of good health and patients’ rights.

Two EU agencies support national governments on health issues: the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC), which assesses and monitors emerging disease threats, and the European Medicines Agency (EMA), which evaluates the quality, safety and efficiency of medicines.

What is the EU doing – and why?

Drawing lessons from the COVID‑19 crisis, the EU has begun building a European Health Union, to improve EU capacity in prevention, preparedness, surveillance, risk assessment, early warning, and response in the face of medical emergencies. To do this, the EU has reinforced the ECDC and the EMA. It has created new rules on serious cross-border threats to health. There is new legislation regulating the supply of medical countermeasures (products used to face serious health threats such as antibiotics, tests and equipment, personal protective equipment, and vaccines) in the event of a public health emergency. The EU also created the European Health Emergency Preparedness and Response Authority (HERA). Additionally, a new law enabling stronger cooperation between EU countries on assessment of new health technology should ensure patients have better access to innovative medicines and medical devices.

The EU also focuses on long-term health priorities: cancer, non-communicable diseases, antimicrobial-resistant infections, health and safety at work, mental health disorders, and digital health. Health promotion and disease prevention are also essential – particularly regarding the serious impact of drugs, alcohol and tobacco use on our health. As part of building a stronger European Health Union, the EU is also reviewing its pharmaceutical legislation. Shortages of certain medicines are a growing threat to public health in Europe, and making medicines available and affordable for everyone is a real challenge.

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Accept YouTube Content Fighting antibiotic resistance Sport Background

A Eurobarometer survey from September 2022 showed that up to 45 % of Europeans never exercise or play sports. Respondents aged 15‑24 years are the most likely to exercise or play sport with some regularity (54 %). This proportion decreases with age, from 42 % among 25‑39 year-olds, to 32 % in the group aged 40‑54 and 21 % among those aged 55 and over.

While responsibility for sports policy lies primarily with national governments and sports organisations, the EU does play a role. Since 2009, the EU has been responsible for fostering cooperation and managing initiatives in support of physical activity and sport across Europe. The EU allocates funding for sports under a dedicated budget in the Erasmus+ programme, and finances numerous sports projects and networks.

Decisions taken by the EU institutions can have a major impact on professional athletes’ careers. The best-known case is the European Court of Justice Bosman ruling (1995), which eliminated transfer fees for footballers whose contracts had ended, and banned restrictions on how many players from other Member States could sign to play for clubs in EU countries.

What is the EU doing – and why?

Given the positive health effects of physical activity, getting more people to participate in sport is an EU priority. The European Week of Sport, held every September across Europe, seeks to engage more Europeans – from children to pensioners – in sports and physical exercise. The EU supports the idea that taking part in sports can improve general wellbeing, as well as providing significant economic benefits across the Union, and can help overcome wider societal issues such as racism, social exclusion and gender inequality.

Examples of EU action include initiatives to enhance young athletes’ wellbeing and help athletes combine their sporting careers with work or education. The EU promotes quality coaching, works to raise youth awareness of the dangers of doping, and to improve the governance of sports organisations.

The 2021-2024 EU work plan for sport guides those working towards cooperation between EU institutions, national authorities and sports stakeholders. One of its priorities is investment in sport and health-enhancing physical activity, including the creation of sports opportunities for all ages. The plan also aims at helping the sports sector recover from the COVID-19 pandemic. The EU plans to increase the proportion of women in leadership positions and coaching. The plan promotes equal conditions for all athletes, and seeks to enhance media coverage of women in sport.

At the annual EU Sport Forum in June 2022, a Youth Ideas Lab was launched under the umbrella of the HealthyLifestyle4All initiative (a European Year of Youth 2022 initiative). The goal of the Youth Labs was to give young people a voice in developing innovative proposals related to increasing young people’s participation in and access to physical activity, and ensuring a healthy lifestyle through sport for all generations.

Written by David de Groot.

The European Youth Event will bring together thousands of young people in the European Parliament in Strasbourg, on 9 and 10 June 2023, to share ideas about the future of Europe. This introduction to one of the major topics to be discussed during the EYE event is one of 11 prepared by the Parliament’s Research Service (EPRS). It offers an overview of the main lines of EU action and policy in the area concerned, and aims to act as a starting point for discussions during the event. You can find them all on this link.

The Treaty of Maastricht, which entered into force 30 years ago, officially established European Union citizenship. Since then, everyone who holds the nationality of an EU country is also an EU citizen. Union citizenship means EU citizens enjoy the same treatment in law irrespective of their nationality throughout all EU countries. This includes rights to move and live and vote anywhere in EU territory.

EU citizenship

Article 20 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) states ‘Citizenship of the Union is hereby established. Every person holding the nationality of a Member State shall be a citizen of the Union. Citizenship of the Union shall be additional to and not replace national citizenship’. As nationals of EU countries, therefore, our EU citizenship is the fundamental status granting us rights in all EU countries. These rights are granted under the EU Treaties and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights.

Freedom to move and live anywhere in the EU

As an EU citizen, you have the right to move and live with your family in another EU country – whether they are EU citizens themselves or third-country (non-EU) nationals – for holidays, shopping trips, work, study or to retire. EU citizenship also allows you to live in one EU country and work across the border in another. The EU has adopted legislation to make all of this easier.

EU citizenship law mostly concerns EU citizens and their family members living in an EU country of which they do not have the nationality. However, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) also considers that EU citizenship protects us, under certain circumstances, against measures countries take that could deprive EU citizens of their rights in their own country. For example, national authorities may not refuse to grant a residence or work permit to a third-country national parent of an EU citizen child, if this means that the child would have to leave the EU – as that would be considered a violation of the child’s right of residence as an EU citizen.

Electoral rights

As an EU citizen residing in an EU country, you are entitled to vote and to stand as a candidate in that country in the European Parliament elections. These take place every five years, with the next elections expected in May 2024. Many EU countries allow their nationals to vote in European elections from abroad. Because you are only allowed to vote in the European elections in one place, however, individuals living in another EU state must then decide in which country they want to participate in the election. Furthermore, as an EU citizen you have the right to vote and stand as a candidate in municipal elections in the EU country in which you live.

The legislation on electoral rights dates from the 1990s. Updated proposals concerning voting in European elections in the Member State of residence and municipal elections are currently being considered.

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Accept YouTube Content Heading towards 2024 European elections (Ten issues to watch in 2023) Protection overseas

When visiting a non-EU country, things do not always go as planned, and you might need the help of an embassy or consulate. However, what happens if the EU country of which you are a national does not have an embassy or consulate in that country? Will you remain ‘unrepresented‘? In such cases, we have the right, as EU citizens, to ask for help from an embassy or consulate of any other EU Member State located in that non-EU country. They must assist you under the same conditions as they assist their own nationals.

Right to petition the European Parliament

As an EU citizen, you have the right to submit a petition to the European Parliament, individually or with others, on any matter within the European Union’s fields of activity that directly affects you.

The European Parliament’s Committee on Petitions acts as a bridge between EU citizens and the EU institutions, and is responsible for considering and following up on your petition.

Right to good administration and access to documents

EU citizens have the right to have their affairs handled impartially, fairly and within a reasonable time by EU institutions and bodies. Known as the right to good administration, it also sets out that you may write to the EU institutions in any of the official EU languages and must receive an answer in the same language.

Additionally, as an EU citizen, you have a right to access to documents held by the EU institutions.

Right to refer to the European Ombudsman

If you think that an EU institution or an EU agency has treated you unfairly, as an EU citizen you are entitled to refer your case to the European Ombudsman. The European Ombudsman is an independent and impartial body that holds the EU’s institutions and agencies to account, and promotes good administration. The Ombudsman helps people, businesses, and organisations facing problems with the EU’s administration by investigating complaints about maladministration by EU institutions and bodies.

Protection against losing EU citizenship

Considering that many of our essential rights come from our EU citizenship, losing EU citizenship can have devastating consequences on personal and professional life. However, whether there is an implicit right to retain EU citizenship once you have it, is still an open-ended question.

The Court of Justice of the EU has held on multiple occasions that it is for each EU country, having due regard to EU law, to lay down the conditions for the acquisition and loss of nationality. According to the Court, in situations where a person stands to lose their nationality, EU Member State authorities and courts must make an individual assessment of the consequences the resultant loss of EU citizenship would have on that person. There might also be a duty for EU countries to help people recover their nationality and thus EU citizenship.

A notable exception to this is, when a country decides to leave the European Union. In such cases, nationals of that country lose EU citizenship and all associated rights, unless they have the nationality of another Member State.

Written by Suzana Anghel and Ralf Drachenberg.

Europe’s long-term strategy for the competitiveness of its economy, notably regarding investment, innovation and trade, will be at the centre of the European Council meeting on 23 and 24 March 2023. EU leaders will of course address Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, and consider the multidimensional (political, financial, economic, humanitarian and military) assistance the EU and its Member States have been providing to Ukraine, particularly joint ammunition procurement. Regarding energy policy, EU leaders will continue their work on reducing energy demand, ensuring security of energy supply and lowering energy prices. Following up on the special European Council meeting in February, EU leaders will examine implementation of their conclusions on migration, in particular regarding external border management and returns. The European Council may also welcome the recent agreement in principle on the Windsor Framework, which will outline how the Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol will function, notably as regards customs procedures. The European Council meeting will be followed by a Euro Summit meeting on 24 March.

1. General aspects

During the first-ever appearance of a European Council president at a pre-European Council debate in plenary, on 15 March 2023, Charles Michel outlined the main agenda points of the forthcoming European Council meeting planned for 23 and 24 March. As noted in an EPRS analysis of the interaction between the European Council and the European Parliament, until now, the president of the former had only appeared before Parliament to report on the conclusions of a meeting of the institution. As for the agenda of the March European Council meeting, Charles Michel indicated that the EU’s economic future would be a central topic. When speaking of Europe’s competitiveness, Michel devoted some attention to the EU’s relations with China, without however indicating if EU leaders were to consider the subject again in March 2023 or later in the year.

The Indicative Leaders’ Agenda 2022, which offered an overview of EU leaders’ meetings and topics for the year, expired in December 2022, and has still not been updated. It remains to be seen whether the European Council President, Charles Michel, will use this European Council meeting as the occasion to present a new document covering 2023.

2. European Council meeting Ukraine

On 24 February, EU leaders will discuss the situation in Ukraine for the 10th time since the start of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. They will most probably condemn once again the unjustified and illegal war waged by Russia, reaffirm the EU’s support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and recall Ukraine’s European path. EU leaders could also reiterate their support for the Ukraine peace formula put forward by the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who could, as is now the tradition, again address the European Council. President Michel underlined that the peace plan was based on the United Nations (UN) Charter principles, while recalling that the UN General Assembly had adopted (with 141 votes in favour, 7 votes against, and 32 abstentions) a resolution calling for an end to the war in Ukraine.

EU leaders will most probably consider the multidimensional (political, financial, economic, humanitarian and military) assistance the EU and its Member States have been providing to Ukraine. Regarding political support, as stressed by President Michel, unity is key. EU leaders could take stock of progress on the implementation of the €18 billion worth of financial assistance granted to Ukraine for 2023. They will most probably consider the growing need for humanitarian aid as well. Through its civil protection mechanism, the EU has so far provided 82 000 tonnes of material assistance, including power generators, medical equipment and temporary shelter units, to Ukraine.

The debate will very likely focus on military assistance. As highlighted by President Michel, Ukraine urgently needs ammunition, as it is facing up to 50 000 Russian artillery shells per day. This requires a rapid ramping up of military support, in particular through joint ammunition procurement, and also strengthening the EU’s security and defence, an aspect EU leaders might also consider. The High Representative/Vice President of the European Commission, Josep Borrell, stressed that the coming weeks would be ‘critical’, and proposed increasing the European Peace Facility by €2 billion. This proposal was first considered by ministers of defence at their informal meeting in Stockholm on 7 and 8 March 2023; the European Council could welcome an agreement that was reached during the Foreign Affairs Council meeting of 20 February. The Council has also discussed the first year of implementation of the Strategic Compass; as required by the Compass, the results will most probably be presented to EU leaders.

At their special meeting of 9 February 2023, EU leaders expressed support for the establishment in The Hague of an international centre for the prosecution of the crime of aggression in Ukraine. In the meantime, an agreement has been signed – a development the European Council is likely to welcome. EU leaders have repeatedly expressed their support for the work of the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. The Court could open war crime cases in which several crimes, including the abduction of Ukrainian children, could be examined. EU leaders have several times called on Russia to return abducted Ukrainian children. According to estimates, nearly 14 000 Ukrainian children have been abducted and deported to Russia to date. EU leaders are again expected to take stock of efforts made to identify legal options allowing for the use of Russia’s frozen assets to support Ukraine’s reconstruction. 

Although no new sanctions are expected, EU leaders could take stock of the implementation of existing sanctions and call for closer coordination with partners, in particular the United States (US). Back in May 2022, EU leaders had welcomed the European Commission’s proposal to criminalise, on the basis of Article 83 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU, the violation of EU sanctions. In the meantime, the European Commission has presented a proposal for a directive, which is currently being examined by the co-legislators, while the European Economic and Social Committee has presented its opinion.

EU leaders might once again condemn the support Iran and Belarus are providing to Russia in its aggression against Ukraine. They could also consider the destabilisation attempts targeting Moldova and express EU support to help strengthen the country’s resilience. Food security remains an issue of concern, and EU leaders could welcome the Black Sea Grain initiative’s extension for an additional 60 days.

Competitiveness, single market and the economy

The EU single market turned 30 this year, and EU leaders are expected to take stock of its degree of completion based on the ‘The Single Market at 30’ communication. Deepening and strengthening the single market was a core priority for EU leaders even before the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine crisis; given the current situation, it is more essential than ever.

Increased use of state subsidies by global competitors, in particular the US with its Inflation Reduction Act, has ignited the discussion on the topic in recent months, which is relevant in relation to both EU global competitiveness and competiveness within the single market. The last European Council meeting agreed to work on relaxing the State aid regime in a targeted and temporary manner. However, a group of countries remain concerned that the relaxation of State aid controls may result in an uneven playing field, and weaken the single market. In that context, the European Council is likely to discuss the temporary crisis and transition framework adopted by the Commission on 9 March 2023.

According to President Michel, the EU’s long-term strategy to ensure the EU economy’s competitiveness will be at the centre of discussions at the March meeting. In this context, Michel has highlighted three areas on which the EU needs to work: i) investment, ii) innovation, and iii) trade. The Versailles Declaration signalled the importance of a robust EU trade policy to respond effectively to ‘growing instability, strategic competition and security threats’. Indeed, recent European Council conclusions have highlighted the crucial importance of trade policy as a means of allowing the EU to access new strategic markets and ensure access to critical materials to secure value chains. At the March European Council meeting, EU leaders are thus likely to hold a discussion on EU trade policy, as well as on ways to contribute to the EU’s strategic goals.

Talks will continue on ways to make EU industry more competitive and future-proof in the current global situation. EU leaders will most probably discuss the EU Green Deal industrial plan, which was put forward shortly before the special meeting of 9 February 2023 as a European response to the US Inflation Reduction Act. Based on the guidance EU leaders gave at that meeting, the Commission has published two key pillars of the industrial plan: the net-zero industry act and the European critical raw materials act. To facilitate business access to funding and in turn boost investment, EU leaders are expected to take stock of progress made in completing the capital markets union. Greater ambition and effort to establish a genuine capital markets union – as a means of ‘channelling Europe’s savings into growth’ – was also the subject of a recent joint op-ed signed by the presidents of the European Council, European Commission, Eurogroup, European Central Bank and European Investment Bank.

The reform of the EU economic governance framework, last discussed on 9 February 2023, is likely to feature on the agenda again. EU leaders are expected to endorse the Ecofin Council conclusions of 14 March and ask the Commission to put forward the related legislative proposals.

As part of the regular annual European Semester process, EU leaders will look at the 2023 annual sustainable growth survey, the priority areas of which should feature in the national recovery and resilience plans. EU leaders are also expected to endorse the draft Council recommendation on euro-area economic policy.

Energy

In line with their previous conclusions on energy, EU leaders are expected to consider: i) the reduction of energy demand; ii) security of supply; and iii) lower prices. They will most probably stress again the importance of phasing out dependency on Russian fossil fuels and accelerating the decarbonisation of energy systems in the EU.

In view of replenishing stocks for winter 2023/2024, EU leaders could insist on stronger coordination of gas purchases and full use of the EU energy platform mechanism for joint gas purchases, AggregateEU. Through this mechanism, Member States can engage voluntarily in joint purchases, with a mandatory minimum aggregation of demand equivalent to 15 % of storage facilities’ filling needs in each Member State. EU leaders could call on the Commission to continue assessing the consequences of implementing the emergency energy measures put in place in 2022, and discuss their possible extension.

On 16 March 2023, the Commission presented its proposal for electricity market reform, which EU leaders are likely to debate in a context of persisting national sensitivities. In a joint letter of 13 February, a group of seven Member States expressed concern about a sweeping reform of the current system, and called for a ‘prudent’ approach promoting the green transition and keeping energy affordable. Other countries, such as France and Spain, have repeatedly called for an in-depth reform that should be implemented rapidly.

Migration

In the context of a 64 % increase in irregular border crossings in 2022 compared with the previous year, and the resulting pressure at the EU’s external borders, EU leaders held an in-depth debate on migration during their meeting of 9 February 2023. The conclusions put emphasis on three areas: i) external action; ii) returns and readmissions; and iii) protection of external borders. The European Council will now take stock of how these conclusions have been implemented.

Justice and home affairs (JHA) ministers discussed the internal and external aspects of migration on 10 March 2023. On that occasion, the Swedish Presidency of the Council presented an overview of the state of play of all current legislative files on JHA issues, including migration-related files such as the Eurodac recast, the proposed regulation on asylum and migration management, and the Asylum Procedures Directive reform.

EU leaders are expected to examine the Commission’s new initiatives on effective European integrated border management and returns, in particular a communication on the strategic framework for European integrated border management (EIBM) and a recommendation to Member States on the mutual recognition of return decisions and expedite returns.

The President of the European Parliament, Roberta Metsola, is expected to reiterate to EU leaders her plenary message on migration, in which, in particular, she urged the EU to take a ‘more ambitious stance on migration’.

Other items

EU leaders could follow up on their commitment to provide further assistance to Türkiye and Syria following the deadly earthquake of 6 February 2023, and welcome the results of the Donors’ Conference of 20 March 2023. They could also consider the situation in Georgia in light of recent street protests, and recall the importance of maintaining the country’s EU path, in line with most Georgians’ aspirations.

3. Euro Summit

The European Council meeting will be followed by a Euro Summit, following nine months without any meeting of the euro-area countries’ leaders, even though such meetings are supposed to take place at least twice a year. This summit will be only the second since December 2021. Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and other urgent issues have dominated EU leaders’ agenda and taken precedence. At this meeting, EU leaders are expected to consider the results of the Eurogroup meeting of 13 March 2023 and focus, in particular, on fiscal guidance for 2024; inflation, which lately has been significantly higher than the European Central Bank’s 2% target; as well as on plans to develop a digital euro. The collapse of the Silicon Valley Bank in the US and the possible effects on the EU economy may also be discussed.

Read this briefing on ‘Outlook for the meetings of EU leaders on 23-24 March 2023‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.