Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

In every fourth post-conflict country a new constitution is written, but the effect of these post-conflict constitution-making processes on peace remains understudied. Constitution-making has become a corner stone of peacebuilding efforts in post-conflict societies and is widely supported by international actors. It is often seen as a main component of a political transition necessary in states that have experienced internal warfare. This is because a successful constitution-making process establishes a new and potentially permanent governance framework that regulates access to power. However, systematic analyses of the effect of post-conflict constitution-making on peace have been lacking. This Briefing Paper presents new, empirical evidence showing that post-conflict constitution-making can contribute to peace.
Countries emerging from conflict often adopt new constitutions in order to signal a clear break with the past regime and to reform the institutions that are often seen as at least partially responsible for conflict having erupted in the first place. Post-conflict constitution-making has taken place in highly diverse settings – ranging from the aftermath of civil war, as in Nepal or South Africa, to interethnic clashes or electoral violence, as in Kyrgyzstan or Kenya. And in the current peace talks around Syria the question of writing a new constitution also plays a prominent role. Since academic evidence is lacking as to whether constitution-making can contribute to peace after civil war, it remains an open question whether efforts in this regard should be pursued by international actors.
This Briefing Paper presents evidence that writing a new constitution positively influences post-conflict countries’ prospects for peace (for the full analysis see Fiedler, 2019). It summarises innovative, statistical research on post-conflict constitution-making, conducted by the DIE project “Supporting Sustainable Peace”. Based on an analysis of 236 post-conflict episodes between 1946 and 2010, two main results with clear policy implications emerge:

• Writing a new constitution reduces the risk of conflict recurrence. The analysis shows a statistically significant and robust association between writing a new constitution after experiencing violent conflict and sustaining peace. International efforts to support post-conflict constitution-making are hence well-founded. The theoretical argument behind the relationship suggests that it is important that constitution-making processes enable an extensive inter-elite dialogue that helps build trust in the post-conflict period.
• Post-conflict constitution-making processes that take longer are more beneficial for peace. This is likely because the trust-building effect of constitution-making only occurs when enough time enables bargaining and the development of a broad compromise. International actors frequently pressure post-conflict countries to go through these processes very quickly, in only a matter of months. The results question this approach, as very short constitution-making processes do not positively affect peace.

Maria Metzing, wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin im SOEP, hat ihre Dissertation an der Freien Universität Berlin erfolgreich verteidigt.

Die Doktorarbeit mit dem Titel "Essays on Inequality: Income Distribution, (Just) Taxation and Well-being" wurde von Prof. Dr. Carsten Schröder (DIW Berlin, Freie Universität Berlin) und Prof. Dr. Ronnie Schöb (Freie Universität Berlin) betreut. Wir gratulieren Maria herzlich zu ihrem Erfolg und wünschen ihr alles Gute für ihre weiter Karriere.

Kan partnerskaber løse alle verdens udfordringer?

Kan partnerskaber løse alle verdens udfordringer?

Ny hvidbog fra Norges blå regering kan med fordel inspirere en kommende rød regering i Danmark

Cortnie Anne Shupe, who worked at the Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) department, has successfully defended her dissertation at the Freie Universität Berlin.

The dissertation with the title "Household Finances and Labor Supply: The Role of Public Policies" was supervised by Prof. Dr. Carsten Schröder (Freie Universität Berlin, DIW Berlin) and Prof. David Neumark, PhD (University of California Irvine, Institute of Labor Economics).

We congratulate Cortnie on her success and wish her all the best for her future career.

Europæiske lande modarbejder hinanden i det kaotiske Libyen. Konsekvensen kan både blive mere uro og flere flygtninge i Europa, konstaterer seniorforsker Hans Lucht i Morgenavisen Jyllands-Posten

Europæiske lande modarbejder hinanden i det kaotiske Libyen. Konsekvensen kan både blive mere uro og flere flygtninge i Europa, konstaterer seniorforsker Hans Lucht i Morgenavisen Jyllands-Posten

Zusammenfassung:

Unterschiede in den Renteneinkommen zwischen den Geschlechtern sind in Europa teils riesig – In Deutschland große Unterschiede zwischen West und Ost – Länderübergreifender Zusammenhang zwischen Rentenlücken und geschlechtsspezifischen Unterschieden am Arbeitsmarkt – Bessere Aufteilung von Sorge- und Erwerbsarbeit, etwa durch Abschaffung des Ehegattensplittings, könnte Erwerbsbiografien von Frauen stärken und Rentenlücken verkleinern

Männer erhalten in fast allen untersuchten Ländern Europas höhere Renten als Frauen – auch wenn man die Gender Pension Gaps um Alter und Bildung bereinigt. Diese Rentenlücken variieren allerdings sehr stark: Während in Estland fast kein Gender Pension Gap zu erkennen ist, liegt er in Luxemburg mit knapp 74 Prozent am höchsten. Die Rentenlücke in Ostdeutschland ist nur knapp halb so groß wie die Lücke in Westdeutschland. In der Regel fallen die Lücken in den skandinavischen und osteuropäischen Ländern am geringsten aus.

In an interview with FRANCE 24 in The Hague, IPI President Terje Rød-Larsen discussed the stalled Israeli-Palestinian peace process, and also shared his thoughts on the merits of the Trump administration’s plans for peace between Israelis and Palestinians.

On Friday, June 21st, IPI is hosting a speaker series event featuring Mr. Pierre Krähenbühl, Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East.

Remarks will begin at 10:15am PST / 1:15pm EST

Appointed by the secretary-general in November 2013, Pierre Krähenbühl became commissioner-general of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees on March 30, 2014. As commissioner-general, he serves at the level of under-secretary-general. A Swiss national, Mr. Krähenbühl has nearly 30 years of experience in humanitarian, human rights and development work.

Prior to joining UNRWA, Mr. Krähenbühl served as director of Operations at the International Committee of the Red Cross from July 2002 to January 2014, responsible for the conduct, management, and supervision of 12,000 ICRC staff working in 80 countries. In this position, he directly oversaw that organization’s response to conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Colombia and Libya, among others. He led senior-level negotiations with a range of governments, armed forces, and other groups to secure access to conflict-affected populations.

Mr. Krähenbühl’s experience also includes diverse and demanding field assignments in places experiencing profound social change and armed conflict, including El Salvador, Peru, and Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The event will be moderated by Dr. Adam Lupel, vice president of IPI.

Verdensmål og global orden

Verdensmål og global orden

Mila Staneva, who worked at the Education and Family Department, has successfully defended her dissertation at the Freie Universität Berlin.

The dissertation with the title “Employment alongside Bachelor’s Studies in Germany. Implications for Education Outcomes, the School-to-Work Transition, and Social Inequality” was supervised by Prof. Dr. Heike Solga (WZB Berlin, Freie Universität Berlin) and Prof. Dr. C. Katharina Spieß (DIW Berlin, Freie Universität Berlin).
We congratulate Mila on her success and wish her all the best for her future career!

Ny podcast om de politiske beslutninger, der dannede grundlag for Danmarks deltagelse i krigen i Kosovo

The definition of peace has shifted in the United Nations community from the absence of conflict to a more active, “positive peace.” Looking at peace from this perspective requires a shift in focus from identifying and combating the causes of wars to understanding the factors that foster peace and inclusivity. To view a holistic perspective of peace, it is necessary to explore the connections among culture, peace, security, and development.

The “culture of peace” recognizes the link between peace, development, and human rights. Defined in 1999, the term seeks to tackle the root causes of conflicts emphasizing the importance of dialogue, negotiation, and cooperation among individuals, groups, and nations.

On June 13, 2019, the first annual World Forum for the Culture of Peace took place in The Hague on “Peace Education for the Protection of Cultural Heritage.” It was organized by the Abdulaziz Saud Albabtain Cultural Foundation with support from IPI, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the University of Leiden, and the Carnegie Foundation.

High-level representatives from around the world discussed the importance of peace education for the protection of cultural heritage with a particular focus on Iraq, Yemen, and the Central African Republic. The day-long forum ended with “Messages for Peace” from global leaders including:

• María Fernanda Espinosa Garcés, President of the 73rd Session of the UN General Assembly (Video Message)
• Marzouq Al-Ghanim, President of the Kuwaiti National Assembly
• Abdulaziz Saud Albabtain, Chairman, Abdulaziz Saud Albabtain Cultural Foundation
• Faustin-Archange Touadera, President of the Central African Republic
• Marie-Louise Coleiro Preca, President Emeritus of Malta
• Abdullah Gül, Former President of Turkey
• Hassan Arfaoui, Representative of the President of Tunisia
• Laurence Konmla, Special Envoy of the President of Liberia
• Ammar al-Hakim, President of the Reform and Reconstruction Alliance of Iraq

In Session III of the forum, IPI President Terje Rød-Larsen moderated a panel on Promoting the Culture of Peace through Education.

Other Attendees Included:

• Joke Brandt, Representative of the Dutch Government and the Secretary-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
• Erik de Baedts, President, Peace Palace / Carnegie Foundation
• Prince Turki Alfaisal Alsaud
• George Vella, President of Malta
• Haris Silajdžiž, Former President of Bosnia and Herzegovina
• Yousef bin Ahmad Al-Othaimeen, Secretary-General, Organization of Islamic Cooperation
• Taieb Baccouche, Secretary-General of the Arab Maghreb Union and Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Tunisia
• Khaled al-Yamani, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Yemen
• Peter Maurer, President, International Committee of the Red Cross
• Hilal Al Sayer, President of the Red Crescent Society, Kuwait
• Leoluca Orlando, Mayor of Palermo
• Shaikh Mohammed Sabah Al-Salem Al-Sabah, Former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Kuwait
• Ali Al-Shukri, Representative of President of Iraq
• Shaikha Mai bint Mohammed Al-Khalifa, President, Bahrain Authority for Culture and Antiquities, Kingdom of Bahrain
• Abdullah Lamlas, Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research, Government of Kurdistan Region, Iraq
• Yusuf Goran, Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research, Government of Kurdistan Region, Iraq
• Michael Frendo, Speaker Emeritus of the Parliament of Malta and former Minister of Foreign Affairs
• Hamed Al-Azemi, Minister of Education of the State of Kuwait
• Madame Sylvie Baipo Temon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Central Republic of Africa
• Tokia Saïfi, Member of the European Parliament
• Moukadas Noure, Minister of Education of the Central African Republic
• Mounir Bouchenaki, Advisor to UNESCO for Cultural Heritage
• Abdulqawi Ahmed Yusuf, President of the International Court of Justice
• Carl Stolker, President of the University of Leiden

The UN Security Council is expected to renew the mandate of the United Nations–African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) in June 2019. As Sudan undergoes an uncertain political transition and security gains in Darfur remain tenuous, these negotiations represent a critical moment to reflect upon the Security Council’s strategic engagement in the country.

In this context, the International Peace Institute (IPI), the Stimson Center, and Security Council Report organized a workshop on May 23, 2019, to discuss UNAMID’s mandate and political strategy. This workshop provided a forum for member states, UN stakeholders, and outside experts to share their assessments of the situation in Darfur. The discussion was intended to help the Security Council make more informed decisions with respect to the strategic orientation, prioritization, and sequencing of the mission’s mandate and actions on the ground.

The workshop focused on the evolving political and security situation in Darfur, the implications of Sudan’s ongoing national political transition for the Darfur region, divisions within the international community, and the challenges facing the mission’s drawdown and reconfiguration. Among the recommendations emerging from the discussion were for the mandate to provide UNAMID the flexibility to maneuver, consolidate recent gains, and articulate a clear political strategy that prioritizes long-term peacebuilding and development.

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With a collective responsibility for 80% of global greenhouse gas emissions, while representing 80% of global wealth, it is imperative that the countries of the G20 throw their weight behind the implementation of both the Paris Climate Agree-ment and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Develop¬ment. In the past, the G20 has demonstrated that it can do that. The G20 Summit in November 2015 in Antalya, Turkey, provided strong support for the climate agreement signed a month later at the UN Climate Change Conference (COP21) in Paris. In 2016 in Hangzhou, China, the G20 adopted an Action Plan on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Develop¬ment and committed to “further align its work” with the 2030 Agenda. Even though both agendas have emerged in the multilateral context of the United Nations system, the G20 is expected to exert strong political leadership to address global climate change and to achieve sustainable development.
Yet, since 2017 the G20 has struggled to provide such leadership, as support for multilateral commitments, especially those involving ambitious climate actions, appears to be fading. Crucially, opposition to strong multilateral climate policy in the US and Brazil resorts to outright climate denialism at the highest levels of government. These developments are challenging the G20, and BRICS and the G7 for that matter, to sustain support for multilateral commitments on climate and sustainable development. The rise of populist and unilaterally minded parties in European club members may further the risk of side-lining climate and sustainability-related issues in the G20 process. This does not bode well at a time when the G20’s support could be a vital ingredient for the success of the United Nations’ summits on climate action and sustainable development, both scheduled to convene in New York in September 2019 – less than three months after the Osaka G20 Summit in Japan.
Following our analysis, we identify four ways forward that should be conducive to harnessing the G20’s economic weight and political clout to push more ambitious global action towards climate-friendly sustainable development, in spite of apparent discrepancies between domestic agendas and global understandings:

1. Strive for strong political declarations in support of the multilateral commitments on climate and sustainable development. Yet, focus at the same time on advancing specific issue-centred initiatives that are palatable to domestic audiences and compatible with the objectives of the Paris Agreement and 2030 Agenda, without framing them as “climate policy” or “sustainability policy”.
2. Embrace non-state and subnational actors as strategic partners to safeguard continuity in times of antagonistic member governments and volatile policies, as well as to build capacities and strengthen implementation of pertinent policies. The so-called G20 Engagement Groups representing business, labour, civil society, women and think tanks are key partners in this respect.
3. G20 workstreams should strive to co-produce specific climate- and sustainability-related initiatives across G20 workstreams as a means to overcome policy silos and to increase ownership and uptake beyond the “usual suspects”.
4. The Think20 (T20) should concentrate – rather than further expand – pertinent expertise and policy advice to leverage crosscutting action by G20 workstreams. Furthermore, detaching its working approach from the official G20 calendar could improve its ability to inform strategic agenda setting.

Danmarks udviklingssamarbejde har forandret sig markant over de senere år. Nedskæringer, omprioriteringer og kortsigtede interesser har stået i vejen for tydelige strategiske retninger og langsigtede mål. Dette DIIS Policy Brief opridser ti nødvendige skridt for at få udviklingspolitikken og -bistanden tilbage på et konstruktivt spor.