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Nikki accueille du 21 au 30 Août 2026, la 3ᵉ édition de la Foire Régionale de l'Artisanat du Bénin, Zone Nord. La cérémonie de lancement a été faite par la Ministre des Petites et Moyennes Entreprises et de la promotion de l'Emploi, en charge de la Formation professionnelle, Awaou Baco.
75 exposants prennent part à Nikki à la 3e édition de la Foire Régionale de l'Artisanat du Bénin, Zone Nord. L'évènement est organisé par le Ministère des Petites et Moyennes Entreprises et de la promotion de l'Emploi, à travers le Fonds de Développement de l'Artisanat (FDA), en collaboration avec la CMA-Benin. L'objectif est de favoriser la promotion et la commercialisation des produits artisanaux.
« Depuis trois ans maintenant, beaucoup de talents ont été dénichés grâce à la tenue des Foires régionales. Ensemble, nous allons poursuivre dans cette dynamique », a déclaré Lucie Katagnan, représentant le Président de la CMA-BENIN. Pour la ministre Awaou Baco, « cette Foire est une belle occasion de mettre en lumière le talent, le savoir-faire et le génie créateur de nos artisanes et artisans ». « Saisissez cette opportunité. Montrez ce que vous savez faire. Osez innover et osez allez plus loin », a-t-elle ajouté.
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By Kizito Makoye
DAR ES SALAAM, Tanzania, Aug 24 2026 (IPS)
For pastoralists in Arvaikheer — a village in Mongolia’s dry central plains — rain can determine whether there is enough grass for cattle to roam, whether waterholes are replenished and whether families make it through another dry season. But as climate change makes rainfall increasingly unpredictable, even a wet season may no longer provide water and pasture needed to sustain people and livestock.
The challenges being experienced across Mongolia’s drylands are at the centre of discussions at the 17th session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD COP17) in Ulaanbaatar, where governments are devising measures to tackle menacing drought, desertification and land degradation.
It is against this backdrop that the Global Environment Facility (GEF) has announced plans for a new $140 million initiative aimed at helping countries prepare for drought, strengthen resilience in drylands and reduce the growing risks to ecosystems, food security, water availability, livelihoods and health.
The Drylands and Drought Management Integrated Program will be implemented during the GEF-9 investment cycle from 2026 to 2030. It responds to requests from parties to the UNCCD for the GEF to give greater priority to financing programs related to drought resilience.
The program will focus on helping countries and communities better prepare for, monitor, assess, mitigate and respond to the cascading impacts of drought.
“Investing in healthy land and healthy people means investing in food security, climate resilience, biodiversity, water, jobs, and peace,” said the GEF Interim CEO and Chairperson, Claude Gascon, in a statement. “Through this new integrated program, we will support countries in moving from crisis response toward proactive drought resilience.”
The announcement comes as negotiators at COP17 are discussing an array of measures to tackle drought and land degradation, including financing, private-sector engagement, capacity-building and support for rangelands and pastoralists.
Participants in traditional dress take part in a cultural presentation during the 17th session of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD COP17) in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. Credit: Anastasia Rodopoulou/ENB-IISD
Rangelands Under Pressure
Rangelands have emerged as a major focus of the Ulaanbaatar talks.
Delegates have been discussing policies and investments for their sustainable management while recognising the importance of rangelands and pastoralist communities in addressing food insecurity, desertification, land degradation, drought, biodiversity loss and climate change.
For pastoralists, the effects of changing rainfall patterns are already devastating.
After rain, parched rangelands can quickly turn green, water sources refill and livestock gain access to fresh pasture. But the COP17 discussions have highlighted how climate change is altering these life-sustaining rains, making them more erratic and intense and reducing their effectiveness through increased runoff.
Land degradation can increase risks to human health, contribute to forced migration and intensify conflicts over scarce resources. It is also closely linked to climate change, biodiversity loss, poverty and food insecurity.
The GEF’s new program, therefore, comes at a time when drought is increasingly treated as a development and livelihood challenge rather than solely as an environmental emergency.
Aftermath of a rain storm at the 17th session of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD COP17) in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. Credit: Anastasia Rodopoulou/ENB-IISD
Financing Remains a Challenge
But international commitments to increase investment in drylands will face a litmus test to ensure that money reaches communities managing these landscapes.
During an open dialogue at COP17, civil society participants highlighted barriers to accessing funds as one of the challenges facing pastoralist communities, alongside pressures such as mining.
Participants called for better connections between financing and market mechanisms and the diverse local economies of pastoralists. They also urged governments and institutions to integrate targets for land degradation neutrality with pastoralist-designed and community-led initiatives.
That emphasis on local participation is significant for the GEF, which says that under GEF-9, 20 percent of resources across its family of funds are expected to directly benefit Indigenous Peoples and local communities.
Delegates at COP17 have also welcomed the Rangelands Flagship Initiative, a multi-partner global initiative led by Mongolia and the UNCCD. The initiative is built around three areas: knowledge, investment and institutions.
The GEF is supporting its development and coordination through the UNCCD COP17 Legacy Project, a $3.3 million GEF investment implemented by the International Union for Conservation of Nature. The project is leveraging an additional $8 million in co-financing from Mongolia and IUCN, according to the GEF.
The co-chair consults with the secretary during the Ulaanbaatar International Conference on Combating Desertification as delegates discuss strategies to strengthen global efforts to address land degradation, drought and desertification. Credit: Anastasia Dodopoulou/ENB-IISD
A Wider Investment Push
The new drought program is part of a broader expansion of environmental financing under GEF-9.
The investment cycle begins with an initial programming level of $3.9 billion and is designed to expand investments in nature-positive development, drought resilience and sustainable land management.
Four GEF-9 integrated programs are strongly aligned with UNCCD objectives and are expected to receive more than $800 million in GEF grant funding. They cover food systems, critical forest biomes, blue and green islands and drylands and drought management.
Drought resilience is also being given a more prominent place in the way GEF resources are allocated and measured.
The GEF-9 cycle includes a dedicated objective for implementing national drought plans, a drought vulnerability index in the formula used to calculate resource allocation to countries and new indicators to track improvements in drought resilience.
The approach reflects a growing recognition that drought can insidiously weaken ecosystems, livelihoods and food systems long before it becomes a full-blown crisis, leaving communities more exposed to the next shock.
From Crisis Response to Prevention
The GEF also plans to work with the Riyadh Global Drought Resilience Partnership, the Drought Resilience Investment Facility and other initiatives supporting resilience across drylands and rangelands.
During GEF-8, covering 2022 to 2026, the facility approved 50 projects across its family of funds supporting sustainable rangeland management and restoration and pastoralist livelihoods, with a total investment of more than $300 million.
The projects are at different stages of development and, according to the GEF, can complement the Rangelands Flagship Initiative and help take successful approaches to rangeland management and restoration to scale.
The new initiative also places a stronger emphasis on mobilising private capital.
Ten percent of total GEF-9 funding is allocated to a blended finance window, while the overall target is to use 25 percent of GEF resources to help mobilise private sector investment.
For countries vulnerable to drought, the challenge will be converting those financial commitments into practical investments that strengthen water security, restore degraded land and protect the livelihoods of communities dependent on drylands.
At COP17, where discussions on drought, rangelands, financing and pastoralist livelihoods are unfolding simultaneously, the GEF initiative offers a potentially significant new source of funding.
But the experience of pastoralist communities points to a broader question: whether global commitments and financing mechanisms can reach the people managing the land on the ground — and whether investments can arrive early enough to prevent drought from becoming a crisis.
IPS UN Bureau Report
Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
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Des perturbations dans la fourniture de l'eau potable sont annoncées dans plusieurs quartiers de l'arrondissement de Godomey. C'est à travers un communiqué de la Soneb rendu public ce lundi 24 août 2026.
La Société nationale des eaux du Bénin (SONEB) informe ses abonnés de perturbations sensibles dans la fourniture d'eau potable dans plusieurs quartiers de Godomey. La situation fait suite à une importante casse sur une conduite DN 355, causée par l'entreprise XINXING, chargée de l'asphaltage des rues à Godomey. Les perturbations peuvent se traduire par une baisse de pression, voire une absence d'eau aux robinets des abonnés.
Les quartiers de Godomey, Dékounbè, Hèdomey, Togbin, Lobozounkpa, Cocotomey et Cococodji, ainsi que leurs environs, sont concernés. Selon la Direction départementale Atlantique-Littoral de la SONEB, les équipes techniques sont déjà mobilisées pour procéder à la réparation de la conduite endommagée et rétablir la fourniture d'eau potable dans les meilleurs délais.
À l'occasion du 66e anniversaire de l'indépendance du Bénin, 66 personnalités béninoises ont été mises à travers la campagne « Hisse ton Drapeau ». La plateforme officielle de l'initiative présente ces figures comme des symboles de réussite et de fierté nationale.
Artistes, sportifs, entrepreneurs, chercheurs, universitaires, acteurs culturels ou encore figures publiques incarnent la réussite et la fierté du Bénin. Ils ont été identifiés lors de la campagne nationale "Hissse ton Drapeau" tenue du 12 juillet au 3 août 2026. Selon la plateforme officielle de l'initiative, la campagne a été organisée par le ministère du Tourisme et la SoLE SA.
Les citoyens ont été invités à afficher les couleurs nationales sur leurs maisons, véhicules ou lieux de travail et à participer à des défis sur les réseaux sociaux. Les 66 personnalités retenues reflètent la diversité des domaines dans lesquels des Béninois se distinguent au niveau national et international.
Parmi elles figurent notamment la chanteuse Angélique Kidjo, l'acteur Djimon Hounsou, l'artiste plasticien Romuald Hazoumè, l'ancien footballeur Stéphane Sessègnon, le musicien Wally Badarou, l'économiste et universitaire Leonard Wantchekon, la cheffe Georgiana Viou, le basketteur Ian Mahinmi ainsi que l'entrepreneur Bertin Nahum.
La sélection comprend également plusieurs figures de la scène musicale béninoise, dont Vano Baby, Blaaz, Sagbohan Danialou, Richard Flash, Fanicko, Pépé Oleka, Zeynab Habib, Nel Oliver.
La liste fait aussi une place aux chercheurs, entrepreneurs et acteurs de l'innovation.
Des personnalités issues de différents secteurs complètent cette sélection, notamment Marie-Élise Gbèdo, Paulin J. Hountondji, Eugène Zoumenou, Sandra Idossou, Huguette Gnacadja Bokpè, Maryse Lokossou et Mohamed Salifou.
À travers les « 66 Visages », l'initiative met en avant des parcours considérés comme représentatifs de la réussite béninoise et invite à célébrer celles et ceux qui contribuent, chacun dans son domaine, au rayonnement du pays.
Voici les 66 personnalités retenues
Angélique Kidjo
Djimon Hounsou
Romuald Hazoumè
Stéphane Sessègnon
Wally Badarou
Leonard Wantchekon
Georgiana Viou
Ian Mahinmi
Bertin Nahum
Steve Mounié
Vano Baby
Blaaz
Sagbohan Danialou
Marie-Cécile Zinsou
Richard Flash
Ignace Don Metok
Vincent Ahéhéhinou
Madara
OPA
Lionel Talon
Charly d'Almeida
Dominique Zinkpè
Tchif
Gilles Louèkè
Florent Couao-Zotti
Samuel Dossou Aworet
Gilles Kounou
Odile Ahouanwanou
Noélie Yarigo
Coffi Codjia
Pipi Wobaho
Edgar Yves Jr.
Marie-Élise Gbèdo
Conceptia Ouinsou
Sidikou Karimou
Fanicko
Pépé Oleka
Nel Oliver
Zeynab Habib
Karelle Vignon Vullierme
Fabroni Bill Yoclounon
Sylvestre Amoussou
Francois Okioh
Bella Agossou
Paulin J. Hountondji
Godfrey Nzamujo
Jean-Hugues Houinsou
Richard Odjrado
Senam Beheton
Claude Borna
Général Bertin Bada
Capitaine Elvire Toupe
Ihsane Adjanonhoun
Nafissath Radji
Amir Alli
Lolo Andoche
William Akle
Kalamoulaï
Sakinatou Harouna
Huguette Gnacadja Bokpè
Bertille Guèdègbé Marcos
Maryse Lokossou
Pamella N'ze Asseko
Sandra Idossou
Mohamed Salifou
Prof Eugène Zoumenou
Les membres du gouvernement Wadagni sont attendus ce lundi 24 août 2026 pour la reprise des activités.
Après une période de congés entamée le 1er août dernier, le chef de l'État et les membres du gouvernement reprennent le travail ce lundi. Durant cette période de congés, le fonctionnement de l'administration publique s'est poursuivi normalement afin d'assurer la continuité du service public. Les dossiers urgents ont également fait l'objet d'un suivi pour éviter toute interruption dans la gestion des affaires de l'État.
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By CIVICUS
Aug 24 2026 (IPS)
CIVICUS discusses the rapid erosion of civic space in Ecuador with Gabriela Panchana, an activist, communicator and founder of the En Voz Alta and Rumbo Plural digital platforms.
Gabriela Panchana
Gabriela faces legal proceedings as a result of her online activism. Her experience is part of a growing pattern where activists and journalists face criminalisation and harassment against a backdrop of widespread impunity. In June, anti-corruption activist Monika Silva Koniuszek, who’d investigated the president’s family businesses, was murdered.How did the legal proceedings against you start, and what stage are they at?
The current proceedings began with a thread I posted on Twitter/X on 9 June, in which I asked the US Embassy in Quito to help shed light on the murder of Monika Silva Koniuszek, a Polish human rights defender based in Ecuador who had handed over documentation on alleged drug-trafficking networks to the embassy and the US Drug Enforcement Administration. Someone accused me of speaking ‘solely out of financial self-interest’. I replied, and as a result I was charged with a fourth-class offence, which is the least serious category of criminal offences.
The proceedings were riddled with irregularities. They were exceptionally swift and involved several different judges, while observers were barred from attending. On 27 July, I was sentenced to 30 days’ imprisonment and ordered to issue a public apology. I applied to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) for interim measures. On 14 August, I received notification of the written judgment. We lodged appeals before the three-working-day deadline expired. Meanwhile, not a single person has been arrested in connection with the murder of Monika Silva.
The harassment did not begin with this trial. Since December, four successive criminal cases have been brought against me. This has been accompanied by a coordinated campaign of online harassment and stigmatisation.
Added to this is digital surveillance. On 13 August, I received an official alert from Apple confirming that my phone had been the target of a mercenary spyware attack. The evidence is currently undergoing forensic analysis by international organisations. Given that this incident forms part of a pattern of judicial harassment and persecution against me, I have demanded the state investigate who authorised the spying and shed light on the public procurement of intelligence tools.
It’s important not to lose sight of the fact that Monika Silva handed over documentation to foreign authorities regarding networks operating in Ecuador, and now she’s dead. I have been convicted for calling for an investigation into her death. Any analysis that focuses solely on freedom of expression falls short. We must also ask what relationship exists between criminal structures and parts of the judicial system.
How else are people being criminalised for speaking out?
My case is not an anomaly. It’s the predictable application of a law designed for that purpose. Section 396.1 of the Criminal Code punishes expressions that ‘discredit or dishonour’, concepts subject to judicial discretion, with imprisonment. The fundamental problem is that it turns expression into a criminal matter.
Other cases confirm this pattern. In May, four habeas data applications – a legal remedy to demand the rectification or removal of information – resulted in rulings ordering various media outlets to remove content of public interest and issue public apologies, the same penalty that was imposed on me. In June, an investigative journalist announced he would stop covering one of the country’s biggest corruption cases after his wife was dismissed from a public job and his son lost his medical residency at a state hospital.
The wider picture is even more worrying. The IACHR’s Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression documented at least six murders of journalists and media professionals in 2025, as well as the use of administrative, legal and tax measures as reprisals.
Criminalisation is not limited to the press. Human rights defenders and social leaders face investigations and criminal proceedings because of their work.
What are the consequences of criminalisation?
The punishment is not just the sentence. It is the process itself. Even if I win on appeal, I have already lost months, resources and peace of mind, and I have been exposed to a campaign of digital lynching. There’s no need to convict many. It’s enough to convict one person quickly and in full view of everyone. Added to this is the nature of the punishment. Forced public apologies don’t provide redress for anyone. They force a person to say out loud the opposite of what they think. They serve as a deterrent. They seek to discipline others.
The impact of judicial persecution is uneven. I have been able to mount a professional defence and appeal to international bodies, but most of those who speak out don’t have these resources, and a fourth-class offence spells the end of their public participation. The categories of people covered by international mechanisms also leave many people unprotected. Those of us who carry out citizen oversight from our own platforms are neither civil society organisations nor the press, yet we face many of the same risks and have less support.
The most worrying thing is that the public debate has shifted from asking who killed Monika Silva to asking what Gabriela Panchana wrote. The judicial system took action in a matter of weeks against an opinion, while the murder investigation has been at a standstill for months. This asymmetry reveals the system’s priorities.
How has civil society responded, and what are its demands?
The response has been quicker and more coordinated than I expected. Fundamedios, an organisation that monitors attacks on freedom of expression, has issued three successive alerts about my case, and other organisations have supported this with statements, monitoring and advice. There’s a network that documents, challenges in court, publicises these attacks and understands how administrative restrictions, coordinated online harassment, legal proceedings, physical threats and stigmatisation combine to silence those of us who speak out.
The authorities must repeal paragraph 1 of article 396 of the Criminal Code and guarantee an independent judiciary, with transparent proceedings and hearings open to domestic and international observers. They must also establish a national protection mechanism for human rights defenders and journalists, and diligently investigate the murder of Monika Silva and threats against those who expose corruption and organised crime.
Official stigmatisation must cease. When those in power portray journalists and human rights defenders as enemies, it opens the door to all other forms of violence.
What international support is needed?
The first and most tangible step is the monitoring of ongoing cases. The presence of international observers at hearings, requests for information from the state and public monitoring of case files can change the behaviour of courts.
We also need existing international mechanisms, such as the IACHR and United Nations human rights experts, to be activated and maintained. But this requires constant monitoring.
Support must also be practical. Human rights defenders need resources for digital security, legal defence and psychosocial support. Criminal proceedings require lawyers, expert reports and time, all of which come at a cost.
It is also important to raise the profile of these cases. When a case receives public attention, those behind the reprisals pay a political price. A case nobody knows about carries no cost.
Finally, countries and organisations working with Ecuador on justice and security issues can exert pressure to ensure judicial independence is respected and expression is not criminalised. International solidarity must translate into advocacy, monitoring, resources and follow-up.
CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.
Ecuador has been placed on the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist, which identifies countries where a severe deterioration in the quality of civic space is taking place.
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