Canru Pataxo with his toddler son at the People’s March for Climate held in the COP30 host city, Belém, Brazil. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
By Tanka Dhakal
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 15 2025 (IPS)
In the scorching heat and humidity, Canru Pataxo marched with his one-year-old son firmly held in his arms.
Pataxo was one of the thousands of Indigenous people and activists who protested in Belém on Saturday to express their anger and pressure world leaders. He attended the protest in the host city of the UN Climate Conference with his son, as it was his child’s future that he was fighting for.
“The importance of having my son here is to show him that I need to protect the future,” he said while trying to protect his son’s face from the sun. “He is my future; he is the future of my people.”
Pataxo is indigenous to the world’s biggest carbon-capturing forest, the Amazon. While world leaders and negotiators decide the future of climate action from COP30 negotiation rooms, people on the front line of climate change impacts and activists marched to pressure negotiators to act now.
“I believe that much more still needs to be done. The conference is not yet enough to guarantee my son’s future,” Pataxo said. “His future still depends on what countries do for our environment.”
The climate negotiations are heading toward their final week. Indigenous communities and climate activists demand climate justice for people, not for corporations. After COP26 in Glasgow, the host city also saw the largest march by the people. Armed with placards and symbols of a burning Earth, they denounced fossil fuel industries, government inaction, and corporate lobbying.
“I think that’s what’s exciting about this COP, that civil disobedience is allowed,” said Timi Moloto, a climate activist from South Africa. “It’s vital that we don’t put limits on how Indigenous people achieve our liberation.”
In a recent Emissions Gap Report, the UN Environment Program warned that the world is on track to exceed the 1.5°C temperature mark within the next decade and called for urgent action.
Indigenous people in traditional attire at the People’s March for Climate held in the COP30 host city, Belém, Brazil. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
Thousands of people marched at the People’s March for Climate held in the COP30 host city, Belém, Brazil, demanding climate action. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
Protesters at the People’s March for Climate held in the COP30 host city, Belém, Brazil, in symbolic costumes depicting pollution caused by fossil fuel. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
A young activist chanting at the People’s March for Climate held in the COP30 host city, Belém, Brazil. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
An Indigenous participant with elaborate feather headdresses at the People’s March for Climate held in the COP30 host city, Belém, Brazil. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
People walked several kilometers during the People’s March for Climate, held in the COP30 host city Belém, Brazil, without thinking about the heat. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
Fossil fuel phaseout is one of the major demands by the activist community at the People’s March for Climate held in the COP30 host city, Belém, Brazil, but at the COP more than 1600 fossil fuel lobbyists are participating. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
A group of Indigenous people at the People’s March for Climate held in the COP30 host city, Belém, Brazil. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
A protester wearing a mask at the People’s March for Climate held in the COP30 host city, Belém, Brazil. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
This photo essay is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.
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Excerpt:
Melody Areola from Nigeria leads a protest at COP30 in Brazil. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
By Tanka Dhakal
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 14 2025 (IPS)
Farmer and climate activist from Nigeria, Melody Areola, is beating the heat in Belém and voicing farmers’ rights in climate discussions. As the UN Climate Conference, COP30, in Brazil approaches the end of its first week, activists like Melody are making their voices louder.
Ignoring the humidity-fueled heat on Wednesday evening, she chanted slogans and addressed the crowd of activists and participants. “No Farmer, No Food,” she said loudly, with the group echoing her chants.
“Every international agreement should be about and centered around people,” she says.
Indigenous activists want recognition of their land. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
Activists voice concerns about the planet at COP30. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
Palestinian rights activist says there can be no climate justice without Palestinian liberation. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
Protests at the gate inconvenienced delegates. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
Activists hail from various parts of the world, yet they consistently convey the same message: the foundation of a just transition cannot be based on lies and false solutions. They are calling out fossil fuel industries and demanding climate justice with human rights, food security based on local knowledge, and support for locally based solutions.
“Just transition relies on real solutions from people on the ground,” said Nona Chai, Program Coordinator at the Just Transition Alliance. “We need to move away from fossil fuels and industrial agriculture.”
After a few years of constrained protests at COPs, Belém is preparing for a large protest on Saturday.
In the Blue Zone’s main hallway, a group of youth activists staged a silent protest on Wednesday. With their mouths taped they carried placards with slogans such as ‘Adaptation Justice Now,’ ‘We Demand Public Grants-Based Adaptation Finance Now,’ and ‘Public Property, No Trespassing.’
Faith-based protest groups demonstrated with long blue cloths as a “River of Hope” to showcase the cry of the earth. “It’s a moral call for action to the leaders here,” said Laura Morales of the Laudato Si’ Movement.
Ana Sanchez, a community organizer, is actively participating in different protests and connecting climate justice to the Palestinian cause.
“There cannot be climate justice without Palestinian liberation,” she said. “Carbon emissions from bombs dropped in Gaza are greater than the annual emissions of 100 countries. We need to connect climate justice with Palestinian liberation.”
Silent protest for adaptation justice. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
Security is increasingly tight at COP30 in Brazil. Credit: Tanka Dhakal/IPS
In Belém, day by day, protests from Indigenous communities are growing. They are demanding recognition of their land and knowledge as a system of climate adaptation. This morning (Friday, Nov 14), a group of Indigenous people blocked the main entrance for some time while protesting silently.
While their protest was peaceful, a breach of the premises by protestors earlier in the week meant the UNFCCC sent out a message of reassurance.
“Please be aware there is a peaceful demonstration taking place at the front entrance to the Blue Zone. There is no danger.”
And with each new protest, security is more and more visible. With riot gear and shields, they stand guard as many of the more than 56,000 accredited delegates take selfies in front of the venue.
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Excerpt:
Integration of crop-livestock systems in Urubici, State of Santa Catarina, southern Brazil. Credit: Ivan Cheremisin's/Unsplash
By Appolinaire Djikeng
NAIROBI, Kenya, Nov 14 2025 (IPS)
As the world gathers in Brazil for the UN climate talks, the country’s livestock sector – one of the largest in the world – is understandably in the spotlight.
Livestock are a significant contributor of greenhouse gas emissions in Brazil (and around the world) and have been linked to deforestation, but these animals represent so much more than that to so many, especially in the Global South.
Brazil accounts for approximately 20 per cent of global beef exports. The livestock sector is a major contributor to the country’s economy – responsible for 8.4 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) and roughly nine million jobs.
For 1.3 billion people worldwide, livestock is a lifeline: a protector of livelihoods, guardian of nutrition, cornerstone of tradition, and potential pathway out of poverty. For the majority and especially pastoralists, reducing herd sizes is not an easy, or frankly viable, option.
COP30 is supposed to bring people from vastly different contexts together, to find solutions that work for everyone, as well as funding to enable it to happen. This year’s host offers special lessons for Africa’s livestock sector, as Brazil’s livestock sector was not always so productive and efficient.
Brazilian policies and investments have seen livestock productivity rise 61 per cent in the past two decades, while pasture land use and emissions intensity – that is, the emissions per unit of meat, milk or eggs produced – have gone down.
The key to this success has been avoiding uniform prescriptions and instead adopting regionally adapted and context-specific approaches.
For example, high-yield tropical grasses like Brachiaria have become central to boosting productivity across the country’s Cerrado region, improving cattle health and overall performance, and reducing costs. In southern Brazil, where smaller farms are more common, the integration of crop-livestock systems have increased land efficiency, promoted biodiversity, and diversified farm incomes. Mineral supplements and high-energy feeds have had the biggest impact in the Southeast of Brazil, where there are large feedlots.
Much like Brazil thirty years ago, many of today’s developing countries struggle to produce meat, milk and eggs efficiently. Poor quality feed, animal health, and genetics mean animals take much longer to reach slaughter weight or milk volume. Even if herd sizes are smaller, the emissions per unit of product can be 16 times higher.
The impact is that hunger and poverty are prevalent in these countries and, in some, still rising. Micronutrient deficiency – a result of insufficient animal-source food consumption – is also widespread among children, which has a devastating effect on health and economic development (contributing to annual GDP losses up to 16 per cent).
This is why at the International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI) we are researching science-based interventions that raise productivity and cut emissions intensity. For example, MaziwaPlus is an animal health-oriented project focused on Mastitis, a disease in dairy cows responsible for milk yield losses of up to 25 per cent. With Scotland’s Rural College we are also working on highly digestible forages, which could result in 20 per cent methane emissions reductions. EnviroCow is another productivity-oriented initiative, trying to identify livestock that remain productive despite environmental challenges.
And ILRI’s work does not stop at research. The Institute also connects evidence with policy and practice, as seen in Kenya’s recent submission to the UNFCCC’s Sharm el-Sheikh portal, which cites participatory rangeland management approaches developed by ILRI and partners.
Unlocking these benefits at the global level will require reframing the worldwide sustainability discussion around livestock – seeing it as a solution to be invested in, rather than a problem to be swept under the rug.
For example, climate finance should start rewarding reductions in emissions intensity (not just absolute emissions), so that countries improving productivity and lowering emissions per litre of milk or kilo of meat are supported. Moreover, the world needs to invest far more than the 0.2 per cent of climate finance currently put towards livestock research and innovation (and even less to developing solutions in low- and middle-income countries).
Most importantly, livestock should be embedded in national climate plans. Livestock should be recognised as more than a source of emissions, and as an important solution for climate resilience, food security, and adaptation – especially in developing countries and regions where they are the backbone of rural economies.
But as COP30 concludes, the conversation cannot end there.
This year’s conference must be a moment when the world recognises that livestock, managed well, are an important part of a more pragmatic global strategy which both protects the planet and raises the welfare of its people.
The timing could not be more fitting as next year will begin the UN-declared International Year of Rangelands and Pastoralists. Rangelands cover over half of the Earth’s land surface, store vast amounts of carbon, and support hundreds of millions of pastoralist livestock keepers, yet barely feature in most national climate plans.
If we choose to recognise and act on the potential of rangelands and pastoralists, they can become one of the great success stories of climate and development – driven by science, stewardship, and local knowledge.
Professor Appolinaire Djikeng is the Director General of the International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI).
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Credit: UNICEF/Gema Espinoza Delgado
By Caroline Delgado
STOCKHOLM, Sweden, Nov 14 2025 (IPS)
The urgency of linking climate action with social and wider environmental priorities is clear. Climate change, environmental degradation and violent conflict are often deeply connected and even mutually reinforcing. At the same time, climate action can either support or undermine efforts to improve social justice and halt environmental degradation.
These connections are nowhere more visible than in global food systems, where environmental pressures, social inequality and economic shocks converge. And Latin America, where COP30 is taking place, could be central to the solution.
Climate change, violent conflict and economic crises are major drivers of food insecurity, while food production itself contributes to more than one-third of global emissions and accelerates biodiversity loss through land use change.
Despite steady growth in agricultural production over the past two decades, hunger persists: in 2024, around 8 per cent of the world’s population faced hunger, many of them small-scale farmers in crisis-affected regions.
Latin America’s paradox: ecological abundance amid social and environmental fragility
Latin America embodies the contradictions at the core of the global climate and development agenda: vast ecological resources and food production capacity coexist with significant inequality, environmental degradation, and social unrest.
Its ecosystems regulate carbon and water cycles essential to planetary stability and the region is the world’s largest provider of ecosystem services. Latin America also holds the greatest per capita availability of agricultural land and water, making it both the world’s largest net food exporter and a carbon sink.
Yet these assets face mounting pressure from deforestation, land-use change, and extractive industries. The degradation of forests, soils, and watersheds not only accelerates emissions and biodiversity loss but also deepens local grievances over land, livelihoods, and access to resources. This, in turn, heightens the risk of social tension and violence in a region marked by extreme inequality, widespread violence, and the world’s highest number of environmental conflicts.
Unequal land distribution and the expansion of extractive and agricultural frontiers perpetuate a cycle of degradation and displacement. Environmental decline erodes resilience to droughts, floods, and other climate impacts, undermines food security and increases competition over dwindling resources.
Climate change exacerbates these challenges: extreme weather events reduce crop yields and fuel migration, while the destruction of ecosystems diminishes the capacity of nature to buffer against future shocks.
Many of the region’s environmental conflicts stem from disputes over territory, water, and the impacts of large-scale projects that privilege short-term, growth over sustainable livelihoods. Criminal networks and weak governance exacerbate instability through illegal mining, logging, and land grabs, whereas violence against environmental defenders deepens distrust in state institutions.
Agriculture and governance at the crossroads
The agricultural sector lies at the centre of this nexus. It is a cornerstone of Latin America’s economy and a major source of global food supply. Agricultural exports grew 1.7 times between 2010 and 2023, generating a trade surplus of US$161 billion. Production and trade are projected to expand further by 2031.
Yet, if expansion continues to rely in deforestation and exclusion, it risks deepening insecurity, fuelling new conflict and ecological collapse. Without inclusive governance and environmental safeguards, economic growth will remain fragile and unsustainable.
Breaking these cycles requires an integrated approach that links governance, environmental justice, and sustainable land use. Strengthening land governance, protecting environmental defenders and supporting small-scale and Indigenous producers are essential to building resilience.
Secure land rights and respect for collective territories reinforce local autonomy and reduce pressures for extractive expansion. Protecting defenders safeguards those facing repression and violence in resource conflicts, while inclusive, locally rooted development pathways sustain livelihoods and reflect diverse worldviews for many rural populations, to which land is not only a resource but also a cultural identity.
Promising developments
The Escazú agreement provides a framework for embedding these principles in practice. Entering into force in 2021 and ratified so far by 18 Latin American countries, it is the region’s first legally binding treaty on environmental governance. Its three pillars – access to information, public participation, and justice for environmental defenders- make it not only an environmental agreement but also a democratic one.
By strengthening transparency and participation, Escazú promotes accountability and peaceful resource governance, helping to prevent the very conflicts that undermine climate resilience.
However, its transformative potential remains uneven. The majority of the region’s countries have yet to ratify it, whereas implementation in those that have is hampered by limited technical capacity, weak crisis response mechanisms, and, in some cases, a lack of political will. These obstacles, compounded by democratic backsliding in parts of the region and the declining global prioritisation of environmental issues, threatens to blunt its impact.
Yet, fully realising the promise of Escazú could provide the region with a solid foundation for more equitable resilient, and sustainable, food systems built rooted in transparency, inclusion, and accountability.
As COP 30 unfolds, Latin America’s experience offers a critical lesson to the world: climate action cannot succeed without social justice, transparency, and peace. The region’s experience shows that safeguarding ecosystems and empowering those who defend them are inseparable from ensuring food security and global stability.
Building resilient food systems and sustainable economies depends on empowering those who defend the land and ensuring that environmental governance benefits both people and the planet.
Dr Caroline Delgado is Director of the Food, Peace and Security Programme at Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI)
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By Deodat Maharaj
GEBZE, Türkiye, Nov 14 2025 (IPS)
Artificial intelligence (AI) is rapidly changing our world. It has helped a few companies in developed countries set record-breaking profits. Last month, Nvidia, a leading US AI company, hit a market value of USD 5 trillion.
Nvidia, together with the other six technology companies known as the Magnificent Seven, reached a market capitalisation of USD22 trillion. This value easily eclipses the combined GDP of the world’s 44 Least Developed Countries (LDCs), Small Island Developing States and Landlocked Developing Countries.
These businesses continue to make massive investments in this transformational technology. Not only are investments being made in AI for the future, but benefits are also already being reaped as it accelerates global commerce and rapidly transforms markets.
According to the World Economic Forum, AI is streamlining supply chains, optimising production, and enabling data-driven trade decisions, giving companies a big competitive edge in global markets.
Thus far, the beneficiaries have been those living in the developed world, and a few developing countries with high technological capacities, like India.
By and large, developing countries have lagged far behind this technological revolution. The world’s 44 LDCs and the Small Island Developing States are those that have been almost completely left out.
According to UNCTAD, LDCs risk being excluded from the economic benefits or the AI revolution. Many LDCs and Small Island Developing States struggle with limited access to digital tools, relying on traditional methods for trade documentation, market analysis, and logistics. This is happening as others race ahead.
This widening gap threatens to marginalize these countries in international trade and underscores the urgency of ensuring they can participate fully in the AI-driven global economy.
AI holds transformative potential for developing countries across sectors critical to economic growth and trade. The World Bank has noted that in agriculture, AI-driven tools can improve crop yields, forecast market demand, and enhance supply chain efficiency. It can also strengthen food security and export earnings. In trade and logistics, AI can optimize operations, reduce transaction costs, and help local producers access new markets.
Beyond commercial applications, AI can bolster disaster preparedness, enabling governments and businesses to allocate resources efficiently and minimize losses. The use of AI can be a game changer in responding to massive natural disasters such as the one caused by Hurricane Melissa in Jamaica a few days ago.
Despite these opportunities, the poorest and most vulnerable countries face significant hurdles in accessing and benefiting from AI. The International Telecommunications Union has noted that many countries lack reliable electricity, broadband connectivity, and computing resources, impeding the deployment of AI technologies. This is compounded by human capacity constraints and limited fiscal space to make the requisite investments.
Given this, what is the best way forward for the world’s poorest and most vulnerable countries? Firstly, policy and governance frameworks for leveraging AI for development transformation are urgently, and we can learn from others.
For example, Rwanda, a leader in the field of using technology to drive transformation has developed a National Artificial Intelligence Policy. Another example is Trinidad and Tobago, which recently established a Ministry of Public Administration and Artificial Intelligence.
Secondly, capacity building, especially for policy leaders, is key. This must be augmented by making the requisite investments in universities and centers of excellence. Given the importance of low-cost and high-impact solutions, building partnerships with institutions in the global south is absolutely vital.
Finally, financing remains key. However, given the downward trends in overseas development assistance, accessing finance, especially grant and concessional resources from other sources will be important. Consequently, international financial institutions, especially the regional development banks, have a critical role to play.
Since the countries themselves are shareholders, every effort should be made to establish special purpose windows of grants and concessional financing to help accelerate adoption of relevant, low-cost, relevant and high-impact AI technological solutions.
In an adverse financing environment, achieving the above will be difficult. This is where Tech Diplomacy comes in and must be a central element of a country’s approach to foreign policy. This will be the subject of another piece.
In summary, AI is shaping and changing the world now. For the poorest and most vulnerable countries, all is not lost. With strategic investments, forward-looking and inclusive policies, and international cooperation via Tech Diplomacy, AI can become a powerful tool for their sustainable growth and development.
Deodat Maharaj, a national of Trinidad and Tobago, is presently the Managing Director of the United Nations Technology Bank for the Least Developed Countries. He can be contacted at: deodat.maharaj@un.org
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Roya shares her story with our journalist in Parwan province, describing the fear and uncertainty she faces after being deported from Iran. Credit: Learning Together.
By External Source
PARWAN, Afghanistan, Nov 13 2025 (IPS)
When Roya, a former police officer under Afghanistan’s Republic government, left the country with her family, she felt a great sense of relief, having escaped from the horrors of Taliban rule. She never imagined that less than three years later she would be forced back into the same conditions, only worse.
She now spends sleepless nights, terrified of being identified as a former police officer, a label that carries dire consequences.
Roya, 52, is a mother of four. During the Republic years, she worked in the women’s search unit of Parwan province, earning enough to support her family.
When the government collapsed and the Taliban returned to power in 2021, she, like hundreds of other women in uniform, became the target of direct and indirect threats. Fear for her life and dignity pushed her onto the path of migration. She fled to Iran, where she and her six-member family spent a few years in relative safety.
“In Iran, I worked in a tomato paste factory”, she recalls. “We had a house, we ate well, and above all I had peace of mind because we lived in relative security”, says Roya.
Street life in Parwan provice, Afghanistan. Credit: Learning Together.
Her daughters also found work. “Zakia, 23, who had completed her first year at Kabul University prior to our departure, found a job in a large home appliances store as a salesclerk and computer operator. Setayesh, who turned 21 this year, threw herself enthusiastically into a job at a beauty salon, specializing in hair braiding. Everyone had something to do and earned an income.”
But that stability did not last. Escalating political tensions between Iran and Israel soon triggered harsh crackdowns on Afghan migrants in Iran.
“At two in the afternoon, Iranian officials entered our home without any warning”, says Roya. “We had no time to gather our belongings, and even much less to recover the lease for the house we were living in, she says.”
She and her daughters were forcibly deported back to Afghanistan while the men were still at work. A week later, one of her sons called from the Islam Qala border, and the family was finally reunited.
Roya now lives in Afghanistan under extremely difficult conditions. She has no job, no support, and carries a constant fear that her past work with the police could put her and her family in danger.
“Every night I go to sleep in fear, worried that my identity might be exposed. I don’t know what will happen if they find out I previously worked in the police service.”
A market scene in Parwan province, where women navigate restricted public spaces under Taliban rule. Credit: Learning Together.
She is one of several hundred women who were forcibly expelled from Iran, back into a country where women who had previously worked in the security forces are treated like criminals and where the memory of their uniform has become a nightmare of imprisonment.
Under Taliban rule, former military and civil service women are forced to hide their identities. Some have even burned their work documents. Others, like Roya, stay inside their homes, avoid social contact, and spend their nights haunted by the fear of being recognized.
“We decided to escape to Iran to rid ourselves of the strict laws of the Taliban. But now we are caught in the same restrictions again, this time, with empty hands and even more exhausted spirits,” Roya says.
Roya and her family now live temporarily in a relative’s home in Parwan province, facing an uncertain future.
The widespread deportation of Afghan migrants from Iran is particularly consequential for women whose situation has progressively worsened under Taliban rule. Job opportunities for them and participation in public life are shrinking by the day.
The Taliban have stripped women of the right to work, education, travel, and even the simple freedom to visit parks. Women who once served their government are now treated as second-class citizens in their own homes.
Roya’s story mirrors the life experience of hundreds of women – the repercussion of a combination of dysfunctional regional politics across the borders and domestic religious extremist government intolerant of women’s rights.
Roya also recounts the story of her neighbor, Mohammad Yousuf, a 34-year-old construction worker, who was violently beaten by Iranian officials. He was thrown into a vehicle without receiving his wages for several months or allowing him to collect his belongings from the small room where he had been living.
Meanwhile, the pace of deportations of Afghan migrants from Iran has accelerated sharply in 2025, according to several domestic and international media outlets, including Iran Time, Afghanistan International, and Iran International, as well as international organizations.
The International Organization for Migration has reported that since early May 2025, a wave of forced mass deportations has taken place, primarily affecting families unlike previous trends, which mostly involved single men.
In the first five months of 2025, more than 457,100 people returned from Iran. Of these, about 72% were deported forcibly, while the rest returned voluntarily.
In one year, over 1.2 million people were deported from the Islam Qala border into Afghanistan.
The deportation campaign’s peak coincided with a rise in Iran-Israel tensions in June this year. More than 500 000 people were deported in just 16 days between June 24 and July 9. In total, by early July 2025, over 1.1 million people had been forcibly returned. Daily deportation rates of up to 30,000 people were reported.
Iran has employed harsh and often violent methods to expel Afghan migrants. These measures include workplace inspections, nighttime arrests, home raids, and the destruction of legal documents, even passports and valid visas. Numerous cases of violence, mistreatment, and deprivation of basic services such as healthcare and food have been reported.
International humanitarian and human rights organizations have described these actions as violations of the principle of non-refoulement and a serious threat to refugees and have called for an immediate halt to forced deportations and respect for legal rights.
Reports from the United Nations and human rights organizations indicate that Afghan returnees especially women, minorities, and those who worked with the previous government face a high risk of arbitrary detention and torture.
Iran has stated that it intends to deport a total of 4 million Afghan migrants, of which around 1.2 million have already been sent back.
Iranian officials have claimed that the deportations will be “dignified and gradual,” but evidence shows that pressure, threats, and arrests without consent have been widespread.
The health, social, and security consequences of these returns have placed a heavy burden on Afghanistan, overwhelming border crossings and reception camps. Many are enduring extreme heat of up to 50°C, without access to water or shelter.
According to a UN report published in July, 1.35 million Afghan refugees have been forced to leave Iran in recent months. Many were arrested and deported, while others returned voluntarily for fear of arbitrary arrest.
Excerpt:
The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasonsBinaifer Nowrojee, human rights lawyer and president of the Open Society Foundations (OSF). Credit: OSF
By Joyce Chimbi
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 13 2025 (IPS)
Binaifer Nowrojee, a human rights lawyer and the president of the Open Society Foundations (OSF), has lauded the Brazilian government “for significant steps taken to breathe life into the climate commitments.”
A distinguished human rights advocate with over three decades of experience navigating politically sensitive operating environments to drive meaningful change, she particularly noted that events at the Conference of the Parties (COP) run differently and as they should when held in a country with a democracy as compared to those without democratic governance.
Speaking to IPS at COP30, the United Nations Climate Change Conference taking place in Belém, Brazil, from 10 to 21 November 2025, Nowrojee said the venue is “a strong statement in support of the indigenous and Afro-descendant people who continue to struggle to control their environment or live their lives to their full potential. Their inclusion and participation sends the right message.”
OSF, the world’s largest private funder working to promote human rights, equity, and justice, works around the world, addressing various complex and most pressing issues such as the intersection between climate change, justice, equity and human rights while at the same time leveraging emerging and existing opportunities to rebuild economies, revitalise democracies and improve livelihoods.
She spoke extensively of the changing world order, stressing that even in these uncertain times, opportunities abound. While the absence of the US and particularly representatives of the President Donald Trump administration from COP30 is symbolic, Nowrojee says this move presents a real opportunity for the global South to regroup and chart a more inclusive path forward.
So far, she believes “the global South is stepping up, as they are now able to speak more freely and not water down their commitments to reach a compromise climate agreement. There is now a real possibility for countries in the global South to emerge with new ideas.”
Nowrojee said these new ideas include rethinking the intersection between climate change, environmental protection and human rights, because environmental and land defenders are the most targeted globally among all rights defenders. More than 146 land and environmental defenders were killed or disappeared globally in 2024 defending their land, communities, and the environment.
Leadership doesn't have to come from government; it can come from anywhere.
The Latin America region experienced the majority of these attacks, with Colombia being the country with the most killings for the third year in a row. Indigenous people are disproportionately affected, representing nearly a third of lethal attacks despite being only 6 percent of the global population.
Against this backdrop, Nowrojee says the OSF is “very pleased that there is now a treaty called the Escazú Agreement, which commits Latin American governments to protecting human rights defenders, reinforces their commitment to climate, and ensures that information is given to their publics.”
She noted that the Escazú Agreement is a regional treaty in Latin America and the Caribbean that guarantees the right to environmental information, public participation in environmental decision-making, and access to justice in environmental matters. It is the first and only treaty of its kind, and it also includes special provisions for the protection of environmental human rights defenders and vulnerable groups.
OSF supports the Escazú Agreement by funding initiatives that strengthen its implementation, promote environmental rights, and protect environmental defenders in Latin America and the Caribbean. At COP30, the organization has already announced a major USD 19.5 million commitment to advance environmental justice and support a fair and sustainable economy in Latin America.
Meanwhile, Nowrojee is optimistic that the climate negotiations are moving in the right direction. Stressing that this “climate change crisis offers us a real chance to bring a new vision, one that’s rooted in fairness, dignity and harmony with nature. The global community here has the ability and opportunity to balance people, profit, and planet in a way that has not been achieved in the past.”
On the current and fragmented world order and increasingly nationalistic governments, she says, “we are living through a moment in the world where the structures and ways of doing things that we have had since the end of the Second World War are beginning to crumble. We’ve taken them as far as they can go.”
But the present is not a moment to fold hands and fret—instead, she sees these changes as providing opportunities to rebuild and “for people with moral imagination to step forward to envision and deliver a new and different world where all human beings can thrive. And so, we are no longer living in a unipolar world where the United States is the preeminent force.”
“We’re not even living in a G7 world. We are now living in a world that is a G20 world, where Africa will now have the highest population as a continent and where young people are coming forward and imagining a new world order that truly embraces principles of human rights and dignity. Notably, even young people who’ve never even lived in a democracy are now calling for it. You see it in Kenya, Senegal, Bangladesh and Nepal.”
While the road to rebuilding can be laden with uncertainties, challenges and pitfalls, Nowrojee is hopeful that the global community is up to the task. She advocates finding inspirational leaders and notes that people in every corner of the world are beginning to rise to the challenge. “We’re seeing young people organizing differently within their movements. This, in my opinion, is a real sign of inspiration.”
“Leadership doesn’t have to come from government; it can come from anywhere. And I also see emerging new arrangements such as the coming together of the BRICS countries, which is a group of major emerging economies with 11 member countries. The fact that it’s South Africa that brings a case against Israel at the International Court of Justice and Qatar negotiating and mediating various conflicts means we are now entering a new world. We’re seeing countries doing things that they wouldn’t have done 20 years ago.”
On the place of philanthropy in these uncharted waters, she says “philanthropy is a small part of the globe, and it’s a place and space where new ideas can be catalyzed and risks taken that would otherwise be impossible to take. Philanthropy is really about trying new ideas, new ways of thinking and acting, and maybe even failing, but if these ideas succeed, they then become examples of what could be done.”
On multilateralism or cooperation among many nations, she says the multilateralism structures are not crumbling, “only that, having been built after the Second World War, they are now in some ways frayed at the edges. They’re not performing the same way that they did, but I also see a multipolar world emerging, where different countries are beginning to cooperate and coordinate with each other.”
“I see a lot of imagination in different regions and also across regions. Latin America is taking major steps towards a new world. I see the Vatican with its Jubilee 2025 and attempts to rethink debt forgiveness and the unequal debt burden that countries carry. So, I see signs of change in different places and like-minded people who have the same values coming together to chart a new path towards a new world.”
In this new world, Nowrojee envisions climate justice as “a win-win for communities at the front line who are living in places and efforts to expand their participation in decision-making around how their natural resources are used. Justice also means ensuring that the excluded or those at the edges become part and parcel of the democratic discussions, and ultimately this helps improve livelihoods and people’s well-being across the board.”
“Equally important is that we protect the planet, because if we are going to live on this planet, we are going to need to take significant and sustainable steps to address the damage that we, the human race, have done to this planet.”
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Excerpt:
By External Source
Nov 13 2025 (IPS-Partners)
Violence against women is a human rights emergency in every country.
One in three women worldwide experience physical and/or sexual violence in their lifetime.
Most survivors are harmed by an intimate partner.
Every ten minutes, a woman or girl is killed by a partner or family member.
Around sixty percent of female homicides are committed by partners or relatives.
In 2023, an estimated 612 million women and girls lived within 50 kilometres of conflict, and their risk skyrockets.
Conflict related sexual violence is used strategically, and reports are rising.
The 2025 UNiTE theme calls us to end digital violence against all women and girls.
Studies indicate that between sixteen and fifty eight percent of women and girls face technology facilitated abuse.
Seventy three percent of women journalists report online violence, and one in four receive threats of physical harm.
Online abuse silences voices, distorts public debate, and often spills into offline harm.
Data matters, and the UN is strengthening global measurement of femicide to make every case count.
Many countries have laws, but real protection requires enforcement and survivor centred services.
Prevention works when we change harmful norms, fund services, and hold perpetrators to account.
Wear orange, speak up, and support survivors during the 16 Days of Activism from November 25 to December 10.
Media and audiences can help by using verified data and amplifying frontline voices.
On November 25, 2025, we mark the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women.
Act now! For rights, for safety, and for equality for all women and girls.
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By Mary Assunta
BANGKOK, Thailand, Nov 13 2025 (IPS)
The 183 Parties to the global health treaty, WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) will convene in Geneva from 17 – 22 November with one objective – to strengthen their efforts to arrest the No.1 preventable cause of disease and 7 million deaths annually – tobacco use.
Credit: Global Center for Good Governance in Tobacco Control
The WHO FCTC is unique in that it serves to regulate a unique industry that produces and markets a uniquely harmful product.In October, the WHO FCTC Secretariat issued an alert to Parties preparing to head to Geneva for the eleventh session of the Conference of the Parties (COP11) urging them to stay vigilant against the industry’s tactics and misinformation.
According to the Andrew Black, the Acting Head of the Secretariat of the WHO FCTC, “This is not just lobbying; it is a deliberate strategy to try to derail consensus and weaken measures to further the treaty’s implementation.”
Despite government efforts to implement the treaty adopted 20 years ago, the tobacco industry is a lucrative business. It is projected to generate a revenue of more than US$988 billion in 2025. Low- and middle-income countries bear the bulk of the tobacco burden where 80% of the world’s 1.2 billion tobacco users live.
Governments have identified tobacco industry interference as their biggest barrier to implementing tobacco control measures to save lives.
But the tool to address tobacco industry meddling is in governments’ hands. Known as Article 5.3, this obligatory clause in the FCTC, is based on principles of good governance and outlines specific actions governments can take to limit their interactions with the tobacco industry to only when strictly necessary for regulation.
The Global Tobacco Industry Interference Index 2025, a civil society report card on governments’ implementation of this article, found many governments were lacking in protecting public health. The Index covering 100 countries has exposed how the tobacco industry targeted and persuaded willing senior officials, especially from the non-health sectors, to protect its business and lobby on its behalf.
The newly released Index found the industry has not only become more aggressive in its meddling, but it is also more blatant and lobbied legislators including parliamentarians, ministers and governors who as elected officials can influence policy at the legislature.
Parliamentarians in 14 countries filed pro-industry bills, accepted industry input that resulted in delayed adoption of tobacco control laws or promoted legislation to benefit the industry.
The Index revealed very senior officials had accepted sponsored study trips to tobacco company facilities, the most common facility visited being the Philip Morris International’s research facility in Switzerland.
The tobacco industry has also used its charity to lure public officials and governments to endorse its activities and whitewash its public image. While 32 countries have banned tobacco-related CSR activities, 18 governments from LMICs, such as Bangladesh, Bolivia, El Salvador, Fiji, Gabon, Jamaica and Zambia, collaborated and endorsed industry activities such as tree planting, community programs, assistance to farmers and cigarette butt cleanups.
Evidence shows tax increases on tobacco products is the silver bullet to reduce tobacco use. The Index found more than 60 of 100 countries were persuaded to not to increase tobacco tax, delay tax increases, lower tax rates, or give tax exemptions for certain products.
Over 40 countries resisted the tobacco industry’s misleading narrative on so called harm reduction and have banned e-cigarettes and heated tobacco products. However, when a government prevails with stringent legislation, the industry has used the courts to challenge the law. In Mexico for example, when the government banned e-cigarettes in 2023, Philip Morris Mexico obtained an injunction from the Supreme Court to allow it to continue sales of these products.
Industry interference has obstructed tobacco growing countries such as Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia from even having basic bans on cigarette advertising and promotions. Now Big Tobacco is pushing new nicotine products in these countries and others, and creating the next generation of nicotine addicts.
The lack of transparency in governments’ interactions with the industry has provided a breeding ground for interference. The absence of lobby registers and disclosure procedures, and the failure to inform the public about meetings with the industry lets this interference continue.
But there is hope and positive outcome for public health when governments acted without compromise. Botswana, Ethiopia, Finland, Netherlands and Palau all show low levels of interference by protecting their bureaucracy. These countries are a testament to standing up to a powerful industry and arresting interference so they can fulfill their mandate to protect public health.
Dr Mary Assunta is the head of Global Research and Advocacy at the Global Center for Good Governance in Tobacco Control
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Session of the Second World Summit for Social Development in Doha
By Isabel Ortiz
DOHA, Nov 12 2025 (IPS)
Qatar hosted the Second World Summit for Social Development from 4–6 November. According to the United Nations, more than 40 Heads of State and Government, 230 ministers and senior officials, and nearly 14,000 attendees took part. Beyond plenaries and roundtables, more than 250 “solution sessions” identified practical ways to advance universal rights to food, housing, decent work, social protection or social security, education, health, care systems and other public services, international labor standards, and the fight against poverty and inequality.
In these difficult times for multilateralism, the summit delivered a global agreement, the Doha Political Declaration, that many feared would not materialize. The UN Secretary-General António Guterres called the text a “booster shot for development,” urging leaders to deliver a “people’s plan” that tackles inequality, creates decent work and rebuilds social trust.
Isabel Ortiz
The summit inevitably invited comparison with the 1995 World Social Summit in Copenhagen, a genuinely visionary summit that set the bar high with 117 Heads of State and Government. Thirty years on, the Doha Declaration is largely a recommitment to earlier agreements. Its first drafts lacked vision and, while significantly improved, the text remains uninspiring. The drop in top-level attendance—from 117 to just over 40—was widely noted in the corridors of the Doha Convention Center. This absence, especially from high-income countries, raises questions about shared responsibility for the Doha consensus and for the universal Sustainable Development Goals.Even so, veteran voices urged pragmatism. Both the Copenhagen Declaration and Doha’s recommitment are workable texts to advance social justice. While not the ideal many hoped for, the Doha outcome addresses the key issues—and, above all, constitutes an international consensus adopted by all countries amid a crisis of multilateralism.
Juan Somavía, former UN-Under Secretary General and a driving force behind the 1995 Summit, welcomed the Doha’s Declaration as a meaningful foundation to move the agenda forward. Roberto Bissio, coordinator of Social Watch and a lead participant in Copenhagen, added “Let’s revive hope in these turbulent times… Now in Doha our governments are renewing their pledges of three decades ago, and adding new commitments that we welcome, to reduce inequalities, to promote care and to ensure universal social protection, which is a Human Right.”
However, Somavia, Bissio and many UN and civil society leaders in Doha, also stressed the distance between pledges and delivery. The pressure mounted through the week. At the closing, UN Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed said that the message from unions, civil society and youth was unequivocal: people expect results, not rhetoric. “The outcomes of this Summit provide a strong foundation,” she said. “What matters most now is implementation.”
The test now is whether governments will translate the Doha declaration into action: budgets, laws and programs that reach people. Magdalena Sepulveda, Director of UNRISD, called for bold political action: “What we need now is that states are going to take the political will to implement the Doha Declaration in a swift manner with bold measures.”
The trend, however, is moving the other way, as many governments adopt austerity cuts and have limited funding for social development. More than 6.7 billion people or 85% of the world’s population suffer austerity, and 84% of countries have cut investment in education, health and social protection, fueling protests and social conflict. “The concept of the welfare state is being eroded before our eyes in the face of an ideological commitment to austerity and a shrinking state” said Amitabh Behar, Executive Director of Oxfam International. “A wave of youth-led Gen Z protests is sweeping the world. A recurring slogan during the recent protests in Morocco was ‘We want hospitals, not stadiums’… Public services are being dismantled while wealth is hoarded at the top. The social contract will not survive this neglect.”
The good news is that governments do have ways to finance the Doha commitments. Austerity is not inevitable; there are alternatives. There are at least nine financing options for social development: raise progressive taxes (such as on corporate profits, finance, high wealth, property, and digital services); curb illicit financial flows; reduce or restructure debt; increase employers contributions to social security and formalize employment; reallocate spending away from high-cost, low-impact items such as defense; use fiscal and foreign-exchange reserves; increase aid and transfers; adopt more flexible macroeconomic frameworks; and approve new allocations of Special Drawing Rights. In a world awash with money yet marked by stark inequality, finding the funds is a matter of political will. In short: austerity is a choice, not a necessity.
History will not judge Doha by its communiqués but by whether the promises made—on rights, jobs and equity—reach people. Implementation is feasible, as there are financing options even in the poorest countries. If leaders go ahead, Doha will be remembered not as an echo of 1995, but as the moment words gave way to action.
Isabel Ortiz, Director, Global Social Justice, was Director at the International Labor Organization (ILO) and UNICEF, and a senior official at the UN and the Asian Development Bank.
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General Plenary Session of Leaders at the United Nations Climate Change Conference COP 30. Credit: Ueslei Marcelino/COP3
By James Alix Michel
VICTORIA, Nov 12 2025 (IPS)
COP30 Brazil, though shadowed by the absence of many world leaders, remains a pivotal milestone in the global fight against climate change, tasked with building on the Paris Agreement’s momentum. Yet the glaring lack of commitment, coupled with withdrawals from the accord, casts a grim shadow over the future. The planet continues to warm, and scientists warn that current targets may not prevent a catastrophic temperature spike. While the summit’s focus on implementation not just new promises—is a welcome shift, it’s clear: words alone won’t cool the Earth.
James Alix Michel
Brazil’s leadership in championing nature-based solutions, like safeguarding the Amazon rainforest, is a beacon of hope. The conference ignited critical discussions on climate finance, adaptation, and resilience for vulnerable nations. The Baku-to-Belem Roadmap’s goal of mobilizing $1.3 trillion annually for developing countries is ambitious but necessary. Yet challenges loom large: wealthy nations’ apathy, geopolitical fractures, and the lingering impact of the U.S. withdrawal from Paris. COP30’s success hinges on action.
The Stakes Are Dire
The IPCC warns: we’re on track for 2.5–3°C warming by 2100 if pledges are not met. This spells ruin: crippling droughts, unlivable cities, mass migration, and ecosystems collapsing. The Amazon, a vital carbon sink, is nearing a ‘tipping point’ of irreversible dieback. Island nations face existential threats. The climate crisis is not a distant threat—it’s here.
Why COP30 Matters
1. Implementation Over Pledges: Past summits yielded lofty goals, but delivery has lagged. COP30 must hold nations accountable. No more empty vows.
2. Climate Finance: Developing countries need predictable funding, not charity. The $100 billion/year promise remains unfulfilled. Wealthy nations must pay their share.
3. Adaptation and Resilience: Frontline communities in Africa, Small Island States, and the Global South can’t wait. Funding for early warnings, flood defenses, and drought-resistant crops isn’t a favor; it’s justice.
4. Global Unity: Geopolitics must not derail progress. The world needs cooperation, not competition.
The Human Cost:
Millions already suffer. Cyclones, wildfires, famine, mass migration, and sea-level rise. This isn’t ‘someday’; it’s now. Indigenous groups, youth activists, and scientists plead: stop debating. Act.
Yet amid the urgency, COP30 saw glimmers. Brazil’s Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva pushed for Amazon protection. African nations demanded reparations for historical emissions. The Global South called for “Equity first.”
The Road Ahead: COP31 and Beyond.
Future summits must:
A Call to Leaders: Pledges Aren’t Leadership
When leaders make commitments, they bind their nations to honor them. Empty promises are not leadership. The world isn’t a battleground for wars—it’s our only home. We’re all in this together. No more excuses. Action isn’t optional.
The clock ticks. The Amazon burns. The oceans rise. We need solutions. And we know what the solutions are. Now we need action.
Let’s choose life. For the planet and for ourselves.
James Alix Michel, Former President Republic of Seychelles, Member Club de Madrid, Founder James Michel Foundation.
IPS UN Bureau
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View of a forest in the southern state of Oaxaca, which is one of the most impacted by forest fires in Mexico. Credit: Emilio Godoy / IPS
By Emilio Godoy
MEXICO CITY, Nov 12 2025 (IPS)
“This issue has been spiralling out of control year after year. The first responders are the communities themselves. There is no information explaining what a wildfire is in our native language (Mixtec), not even a pamphlet or video that can be distributed”, indigenous language education student Estela Aranda tells IPS.
The 30-year-old Ayuuk jä’äy (Mixe) student, who is from the Santa Anita community in the Copanatoyac town in the southern state of Guerrero, pointed out that the community doesn’t know how to deal with serious fires because “there has been no guidance from people who know how to handle them”.
In 2024, the community was alarmed by a fire, and there was another one in Tlapa de Comonfort, an adjacent municipality, in March. The first fire “lasted several days and destroyed a lot of vegetation”, says Aranda, whose 1364-people community relies primarily on small-scale livestock farming and growing corn, beans and squash.
“Nature feeds us, guides us and connects us. When it suffers fires, we care for it with great responsibility and all our heart because it is everything to us”, she affirms.
This is a major concern, given that Copanatoyac, located around 350 kilometres south of Mexico City, has experienced an increase in fires since 2023. After three fires consumed 1096 hectares in 2024, two fires ravaged 114 hectares this year in one of the country’s poorest states, which is plagued by violence and ranks fifth in terms of historical burned area.
In surrounding municipalities, meanwhile, the number of fires increased from nine incidents affecting 1535 hectares in 2022 to 12 incidents affecting 1941 hectares in 2025, posing a potential threat due to the risk of flame expansion.
The 2020–2024 Fire Management Programme and regulations on methods for using flames on forest and agricultural land have failed to curb fires, which are intensified by heat and drought — consequences of the climate catastrophe. Added to this is the insufficiency of government resources.
Sight of a forest fire in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo in August 2025
Credit: Conafor
Since 1970, for which official records exist, there have been 397 143 fires, with an average of over 300 000 hectares burned, totalling more than 18 million hectares.
The trend has been upward since 2020, in line with rising temperatures and drought, although there was a decrease in 2025, mainly due to abundant rainfall.
The first responders are the communities themselves. There is no information explaining what a wildfire is in our native language (Mixtec), not even a pamphlet or video that can be distributed
The central state of Mexico, neighbouring Mexico City, has reported the highest cumulative number of fires (88 274), followed by Mexico City itself (45 758) and the western state of Michoacán (44 243).
In terms of affected areas, the western state of Jalisco has suffered the greatest loss (1,67 million hectares), followed by the southern state of Chiapas (1,6 million) and the northern state of Chihuahua (1,56 million).
After three years, the intensity has subsided and the number of fires has dropped to 6824, affecting 1,16 million hectares.
Despite the decrease in the number of fires, the area burned per incident has been rising since 2020, almost tripling from 64 to 172 hectares by October 2025.
Regulations have also failed. The 2023 regulation on fire use in forests, agricultural land and surrounding areas instruct technical and environmental guidelines for controlled burns, but these have been violated, given that one-third of the fires originated from agricultural activities and another third from unknown causes in 2024, a category which also encompasses this possibility.
Similarly, the 2018 General Law on Sustainable Forest Development incorporates fire management in forest areas, addressing their ecological, social and environmental roles within ecosystems, and defining burn prevention, fire use planning and management, and rapid and effective responses to forest fires.
Added to this are the issues of impunity for intentional fires and a weak prevention culture.
The 2020–2024 Fire Management Programme consisted of 15 strategies, five of which were related to flames, and two of which were related to prevention and agricultural fire management measures. These measures were ineffective.
This issue is further compounded by the fact that Conafor itself acknowledges that the area affected by fires largely corresponds to fire-dependent ecosystems.
While fires have intensified, Conafor has eliminated direct firefighting support since 2020, forcing forest communities to include land clearing and firebreak installation tasks under other categories.
Despite forest-fires’ high incidence, Conafor has also suffered severe budget cuts. While allocated funds totalled $573 million in 2014, this year they fell to $133 million — one quarter of that amount. Although the budget had been rising since 2022, it fell again this year.
In response to IPS enquiries, Conafor attributes the fires to the impacts of climate catastrophe and places responsibility with states and municipalities.
“Fire management policy is based on strengthening inter-institutional coordination at all levels, as well as on the distribution of responsibilities, where municipal and state governments play a leading role given that they must operate their own fire management programmes within their respective territorial jurisdictions”, the agency states.
It also indicates that 1700 firefighters are employed, and that 266 fire brigades are subsidised, as well as regulations on controlled burns being disseminated.
Brigades from the government’s National Forestry Commission fight a fire in a forested area in the northern state of Chihuahua in May of this year. That territory has experienced the third highest number of fires in Mexico since 1970.
Credit: Conafor
Guerrero is not an exceptional case. Neighbouring Oaxaca experiences a similar situation.
Juan Reyes, an indigenous Zapotec, knows well what it means to face forest fires from his experience as a municipal official and as a resident of at-risk communities.
“The fires were very intense; we couldn’t handle them, even with all our personnel. The authorities didn’t respond; the state government didn’t respond either. Things went badly for us. People became alarmed later when the fire spread and burned more hectares”, the elementary school teacher recalls to IPS in Las Cuevas, in the Oaxacan municipality of Santo Domingo de Morelos.
Reyes, who is 39 years old, is married and has two children, served as the councilman for Public Works between 2020 and 2022, and has also witnessed the impact of fire on his community since then. The village is home to around 1000 people, and the main crops grown there are hibiscus, mango, watermelon, melon, papaya and tamarind.
The village experienced the heat firsthand. “We had no knowledge of anything until, after three or four days and several calls from the mayor and the council, they finally responded. Conafor sent a small team. They called more people, and we organised and put in the firebreak”, he evokes.
However, the fire had already burned through four or five hectares and was threatening two other communities. “It lasted eight days, and we put it out”, he assures.
For hundreds of Mexican communities, the problem isn’t limited to the flames but begins with a lack of timely and culturally appropriate information and training. A combination of the consequences of climate catastrophe and government omissions has fuelled them.
Reyes, a corn farmer, summed it up: information is lacking. “This happens every year. They should send information so people can be careful”, he says.
As in Copanatoyac, fires in surrounding towns threaten these communities. For example, two fires consumed 45 hectares in an adjacent municipality in 2022. The following year, none occurred; however, four fires ravaged 214 hectares in 2024. This year, three fires burned 120 hectares.
Communities, set aside
Diego Pérez, an academic at the Institute of Ecosystem and Sustainability Research at the public National Autonomous University of Mexico, questions the fire management scheme.
He says that communities are very aware of their environment and know how to conduct agricultural burns and control escapes. “Many people in rural areas are better prepared to deal with these issues. However, Mexican legislation works the other way around, as it is the owner or the community who must handle it. If they are overwhelmed, they must ask the municipality, the state and finally the federation for help”, he tells IPS.
In contrast, Conafor has adopted a reductionist approach, acting as a “fire department”. “What’s happening is that fires are coming back with more force. There’s negative public perception of fire”, he emphasises.
Monitoring and prevention involve improved monitoring through satellite technology, which Conafor already uses, as well as improved fire management practices, and greater community awareness and preparedness programmes, which are still pending.
Reyes remembers the lessons of his father and grandfather. “What is most urgent is to inform, not burn cleared lands, rescue older strategies. We have become very aware that the swiddens should not be burned and if they do, the elderly people have their strategies”, he explains.
He describes that they should clean around the land and not burn from the stream to the hill, but rather from the top of the hill downwards, because the stream cuts it. There shouldn’t be burns when there is a lot of wind, but rather after four in the afternoon.
In the face of a worsening climate catastrophe, affected communities are calling for greater attention from Conafor.
“As responsible institutions, it would be good if they organised training workshops on this problem that communities face year after year. They should also reforest these spaces and provide communities with information on how, where and why to prevent fires. There’s a lot of nature loss”, pleads Aranda.
Researcher Pérez proposes research and support in forest habitat management, fostering knowledge and good practices while recognising regional differences, and recovering traditional knowledge. He also suggests providing communities with the means to manage their ecosystems.
“There’s a lot of work to be done, and it’s not just about fires. It’s about paying the debt that has existed with rural areas. They know that some fires are necessary to remove fuel from the forest. A restoration regime for the fire regime is required — it must be communicated and worked on with communities. The conception of what Conafor can do must be reconsidered”, he recommends.
IPS produced this article with support from the Global Landscapes Forum.
The translation from the original article in Spanish involved the use of AI tools.
Ibrahim Olabi, Permanent Representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to the United Nations, addresses the Security Council meeting on the situation in Syria. Credit: UN Photo/Evan Schneider
By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Nov 12 2025 (IPS)
Eleven months after the fall of the Assad regime, Syria continues to grapple with severe instability as the country navigates a turbulent political transition. Rates of displacement have surged, and humanitarian organizations are struggling to support large numbers of refugees returning home. In recent weeks, the United Nations (UN) has documented numerous cases of enforced disappearances and abductions, calling for stronger accountability measures as the transition continues to unfold.
The ongoing displacement crisis at the Syrian borders was detailed in the latest regional flash update from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). According to the update, roughly seven million civilians remain displaced within Syria, while more than 1.9 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) have returned home, with roughly half of them departing from IDP sites in northern Syria.
As of November 6, UNHCR has recorded approximately 1,208,802 Syrians having crossed back into Syria from bordering nations since December 8, 2024. The majority of these returnees are projected to have departed from Türkiye, with UNHCR recording roughly 550,000 Syrian returnees in the past year.
Additionally, roughly 362,027 have been recorded returning to Syria from Lebanon. Smaller numbers of returnees have been recorded returning from Jordan, Iraq, Egypt, and afar. Currently, it is estimated that at least 1,476 Syrians have participated in the repatriation programme organized by UNHCR, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the General Security Office (GSO).
Both internally displaced Syrians and those returning home continue to endure harsh living conditions, compounded by severe shortages of humanitarian supplies. UNHCR notes that additional funding is urgently required to facilitate an effective political transition for civilians, with the agency recording widespread destruction to homes, an overwhelming lack of employment opportunities, and shrinking availability of access to basic services.
Aid operations are increasingly strained, struggling to keep pace with the growing scale of needs across the country. Winterization efforts are underway as harsh temperatures are projected to exacerbate already dire living conditions. UNHCR estimates that reduced funding threatens to leave roughly 750,000 Syrian refugees without winter assistance.
“Humanitarian budgets are stretched to breaking point and the winter support that we offer will be much less this year,” said Dominique Hyde, UNHCR’s Director of External Relations. “Families will have to endure freezing temperatures without things many of us take for granted: a proper roof, insulation, heating, blankets, warm clothes or medicine.”
UNHCR chief Filippo Grandi has urged the international community, the private sector, and Syrian communities to “come together and intensify their efforts to support recovery”, to ensure that returns are dignified and sustainable. “With renewed commitment, the international community can help preserve hope and support stability and durable solutions for one of the largest refugee situations of our time,” said Grandi.
To support displaced Syrian families ahead of the harsh winter season, UNHCR has scaled up its winterization response across Syria, supplying over 17,000 displaced and returnee families with essential non-food items. The agency delivered winter kits with essential winter supplies such as blankets, heaters, mattresses, and warm clothing in Aleppo, Hama, Dar’a, Quneitra, Homs, Qamishli, Sweida, and rural Damascus.
“Our teams are on the ground, determined to protect refugees from the cold, but we are running out of time and resources,” added Hyde. “We need more funding to help make many lives slightly more tolerable.” UNHCR aims to raise at least $35 million to repair damaged homes, insulate shelters, and provide warmth, blankets, and other essentials for children and the elderly, along with funding for medicines and hot meals.
To help meet the most urgent needs, UNHCR has continued distributing support through its Return and Reintegration Financial Assistance programme, providing critical financial aid to more than 45,000 returnees. Additionally, over 24,500 returnees have been supported at key border crossings with Türkiye and Lebanon over the course of this year, with UNHCR and its partners continuing to monitor civilian movement and welfare through home visits and referrals to lifesaving services.
Despite these efforts, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has underscored growing insecurity in Syria, marked by “worrying reports” of continued enforced disappearances and abductions. On November 7, OHCHR spokesperson Thameen Al-Keetan informed reporters in Geneva that at least 97 people have been abducted since the beginning of the year, adding to the more than 100,000 individuals who went missing during the five decade rule of the Assad regime.
Karla Quintana, the Head of the Independent Institution on Missing Persons in the Syrian Arab Republic (IIMP), added that “everyone in Syria knows someone who has gone missing”. OHCHR also highlights the disappearance of Hamza Al-Amarin, a volunteer with the Syria Civil Defense, who went missing in July of this year while assisting with a humanitarian evacuation mission in Sweida. OHCHR and its partners continue to urge for strengthened accountability measures and the protection of all humanitarian personnel.
“We stress that all armed actors – both exercising State power and otherwise – must respect and protect humanitarian workers at all times, everywhere, as required by international human rights law and applicable humanitarian law,” said Al-Keetan. “Accountability and justice for all human rights violations and abuses, past and present, are essential for Syria to build a durable, peaceful and secure future for all its people.”
IPS UN Bureau Report
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