Le secteur de la justice algérienne s’apprête à connaître une transformation majeure. Selon une délibération de l’union Nationale des Ordres des Avocats (UNOA), il est […]
L’article Fin du paiement en espèces dans ce secteur dès janvier 2026 est apparu en premier sur .
Longtemps étouffé par un Parquet docile, le Tribunal pour le crime organisé (TOK) multiplie les enquêtes touchant les cercles du pouvoir. La convocation du ministre de la Culture Nikola Selaković dans le dossier du Generalštab a déclenché une offensive contre une institution devenue trop indépendante au goût du régime Vučić.
- Articles / Une - Diaporama, Serbie, Belgrade Waterfront, Vucic, Courrier des Balkans, Défense, police et justice, Politique, Une - Diaporama - En premierLongtemps étouffé par un Parquet docile, le Tribunal pour le crime organisé (TOK) multiplie les enquêtes touchant les cercles du pouvoir. La convocation du ministre de la Culture Nikola Selaković dans le dossier du Generalštab a déclenché une offensive contre une institution devenue trop indépendante au goût du régime Vučić.
- Articles / Une - Diaporama, Serbie, Belgrade Waterfront, Vucic, Courrier des Balkans, Défense, police et justice, Politique, Une - Diaporama - En premierSanitation and proper disposal of human waste are key to a dignified life. The importance of maintaining reasonable standards of sanitation is acknowledged in the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDG target 6.2) as well as in the Art. 43, I b from the Constitution of Kenya (Government of Kenya, 2010). However, the integration of sanitation policies, their associated legislations and lived practices, and their implications for the environment and human health remain opaque. Understanding is particularly limited regarding sanitation governance in Kenya’s fast-growing secondary cities, where responsibility for sanitation has only recently been devolved from the national to the county level. Our study examines these complex interactions, shedding light on how power relations constitute a determining factor in shaping the access to sanitation and its unequal socio-environmental hybridities. Empirically, we focus on three sub-locations in Nakuru City. Nakuru City has been described as a role model in the Kenyan context. Our research design combines both a quantitative, georeferenced household survey and qualitative, semi-structured interviews with actors at various levels. Our descriptive, regression and qualitative content analyses of the collected data reveal that levels of political interest vary considerably. Collaboration along the on-site sanitation service chain and with other sectors, such as solid waste management, presents numerous challenges, and a significant discrepancy exists in degrees of access to safe sanitation between and within sub-locations. As value-driven leadership at a time of heightened political attention has made Nakuru’s role as a “sanitation champion” possible, we believe that many of these challenges can be overcome with increased collective awareness and a more substantial political commitment to realise the constitutionally guaranteed right to sanitation.
Marius Bug, Maria Gerlspeck, Aline-Victoria Grassl, Saskia Metz, Johannes S. Vogel and Carolin Wicke were junior researchers and participants in the 58th Postgraduate Training Programme 2022/2023 of the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS).
Sanitation and proper disposal of human waste are key to a dignified life. The importance of maintaining reasonable standards of sanitation is acknowledged in the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDG target 6.2) as well as in the Art. 43, I b from the Constitution of Kenya (Government of Kenya, 2010). However, the integration of sanitation policies, their associated legislations and lived practices, and their implications for the environment and human health remain opaque. Understanding is particularly limited regarding sanitation governance in Kenya’s fast-growing secondary cities, where responsibility for sanitation has only recently been devolved from the national to the county level. Our study examines these complex interactions, shedding light on how power relations constitute a determining factor in shaping the access to sanitation and its unequal socio-environmental hybridities. Empirically, we focus on three sub-locations in Nakuru City. Nakuru City has been described as a role model in the Kenyan context. Our research design combines both a quantitative, georeferenced household survey and qualitative, semi-structured interviews with actors at various levels. Our descriptive, regression and qualitative content analyses of the collected data reveal that levels of political interest vary considerably. Collaboration along the on-site sanitation service chain and with other sectors, such as solid waste management, presents numerous challenges, and a significant discrepancy exists in degrees of access to safe sanitation between and within sub-locations. As value-driven leadership at a time of heightened political attention has made Nakuru’s role as a “sanitation champion” possible, we believe that many of these challenges can be overcome with increased collective awareness and a more substantial political commitment to realise the constitutionally guaranteed right to sanitation.
Marius Bug, Maria Gerlspeck, Aline-Victoria Grassl, Saskia Metz, Johannes S. Vogel and Carolin Wicke were junior researchers and participants in the 58th Postgraduate Training Programme 2022/2023 of the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS).
Sanitation and proper disposal of human waste are key to a dignified life. The importance of maintaining reasonable standards of sanitation is acknowledged in the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDG target 6.2) as well as in the Art. 43, I b from the Constitution of Kenya (Government of Kenya, 2010). However, the integration of sanitation policies, their associated legislations and lived practices, and their implications for the environment and human health remain opaque. Understanding is particularly limited regarding sanitation governance in Kenya’s fast-growing secondary cities, where responsibility for sanitation has only recently been devolved from the national to the county level. Our study examines these complex interactions, shedding light on how power relations constitute a determining factor in shaping the access to sanitation and its unequal socio-environmental hybridities. Empirically, we focus on three sub-locations in Nakuru City. Nakuru City has been described as a role model in the Kenyan context. Our research design combines both a quantitative, georeferenced household survey and qualitative, semi-structured interviews with actors at various levels. Our descriptive, regression and qualitative content analyses of the collected data reveal that levels of political interest vary considerably. Collaboration along the on-site sanitation service chain and with other sectors, such as solid waste management, presents numerous challenges, and a significant discrepancy exists in degrees of access to safe sanitation between and within sub-locations. As value-driven leadership at a time of heightened political attention has made Nakuru’s role as a “sanitation champion” possible, we believe that many of these challenges can be overcome with increased collective awareness and a more substantial political commitment to realise the constitutionally guaranteed right to sanitation.
Marius Bug, Maria Gerlspeck, Aline-Victoria Grassl, Saskia Metz, Johannes S. Vogel and Carolin Wicke were junior researchers and participants in the 58th Postgraduate Training Programme 2022/2023 of the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS).
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Written by Piotr Bąkowski.
International Anti-Corruption Day is marked every year on 9 December, to raise awareness of the negative effects of corruption on all areas of life. While difficult to measure, corruption entails not only economic but also social and political costs. International and EU anti-corruption efforts have translated into a multi-layered policy and legal framework. The European Parliament has called repeatedly for strengthened EU anti-corruption rules.
Background Why an International Anti-Corruption Day?On 31 October 2003, the United Nations (UN) General Assembly adopted the UN Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) and designated 9 December as International Anti-Corruption Day, to raise awareness of corruption and of the role of the convention in combating and preventing it. The 2025 edition of International Anti-Corruption Day, dubbed Uniting with Youth Against Corruption: Shaping Tomorrow’s Integrity builds on the campaign launched on International Anti-Corruption Day 2024. It thus continues to place young people at the heart of anti-corruption efforts as ‘guardians of integrity’, empowering them to ‘strengthen accountability, uphold integrity and help build corruption-resilient institutions’.
Cost and prevalence of corruptionWhile corruption is difficult to measure, it is known to be costly, in economic but also in political and social terms. It hampers growth and the distribution of benefits across populations, by undermining trust in public institutions, weakening the state’s capacity to perform its core functions and hindering public and private investment. In 2016, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) estimated the yearly cost of bribery alone at between US$1.5 trillion and US$2 trillion (around 2 % of global gross domestic product – GDP). For the EU, the 2016 EPRS cost of non-Europe report found that corruption costs the EU economy between €179 billion and €990 billion per year, representing up to 6 % of EU GDP. A 2023 update found that that further EU action to tackle the corruption risk could generate up to €58.5 billion per year by 2032.
Moreover, corruption facilitates the infiltration of organised crime networks in all sectors of society, including politics and law enforcement. According to Europol, corruption is ’embedded in the very DNA of crime’, not only as a criminal act in itself, but also as an enabler and catalyst for serious and organised crime.
The 2024 Transparency International (TI) Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) reveals that little progress has been made in reducing perceived corruption levels across the world, with the global average rate unchanged for 13 years in a row (43 out of 100 points, with 100 meaning perceived as the least corrupt). No country is exempt from corruption. According to TI, anti-corruption efforts have stalled in Europe too: even though western Europe and the EU still register the best scores (averaging 64 out of 100), their average has dropped for the second consecutive year. Significant differences persist within the EU: while six EU countries are in the top 10, seven score less than 50 out of 100). TI’s 2021 Global Corruption Barometer, dedicated to the EU, shows that 62 % of respondents consider government corruption to be a big problem in their country, while 30 % pay a bribe or use a personal connection to access public services. Recent Eurobarometer surveys on perception of corruption by EU citizens and businesses show a similar picture: 69 % of citizens believe that corruption is still widespread in their country. Similarly, a large share of EU businesses (63 %) point to widespread corruption; and 78 % agree that excessively close links between business and politics in their country lead to corruption.
Global response to corruption International frameworkThe very first international anti-corruption instrument was adopted in 1997. With the Anti-Bribery Convention, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) introduced a legally binding obligation to criminalise bribery, focusing on the ‘supply side’ of bribery transactions. There are 45 parties to the convention, and in 2021, they agreed on a new Anti-Bribery Recommendation, designed to reinforce prevention, detection and investigation of foreign bribery.
In 1999, the Council of Europe (CoE) adopted the Civil Law Convention on Corruption and the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption. The Criminal Law Convention aims at the coordinated criminalisation of a large number of corrupt practices and better international cooperation in the prosecution of corruption offences. The Civil Law Convention was the first attempt to define common international rules in the field of civil law and corruption, providing effective remedies for persons having suffered damage as a result of corruption.
The above-mentioned 2003 UN Convention against Corruption is the only universal legally binding instrument addressing corruption cooperation, asset recovery, and technical assistance and information exchange. The convention requires state parties to establish as criminal offences many different forms of corruption, such as bribery, trading in influence, abuse of functions, and various acts of corruption in the private sector. At present, 192 states have joined the convention and committed to its obligations.
EU actionAll EU Member States are party to the UNCAC and the CoE conventions, and are bound by corresponding standards. However, the EU has sought to coordinate and support Member States’ efforts. As part of its anti-corruption policy, the EU has adopted several instruments, including legislation on corruption in the private sector, on public procurement rules, on anti-money-laundering efforts and on whistleblower protection. Protection of the EU budget, including against corruption, is governed by the 2017 Directive on the fight against fraud to the Union’s financial interests (PIF Directive) and falls within the competence of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO). The EU has also sought to address corruption outside its territory through its external action and international trade tools, such as trade agreements and human rights dialogues. In 2023, the European Commission presented an anti-corruption package aiming to reform the EU’s anti-corruption legislative and policy framework and to update the EU sanctions toolbox to include corruption, as advocated by Parliament. In December 2025, the European Parliament and the Council reached a provisional agreement on the EU anti-corruption directive, the core element of the package.
European Parliament positionThe European Parliament has addressed corruption, both within the EU and in the context of external policies, in numerous resolutions and reports. Most recently, it examined the planned dissolution of key anti-corruption structures in Slovakia. Earlier, the Parliament looked into systemic challenges to the rule of law and deficiencies in the fight against corruption across the EU, focusing for instance on measures to prevent corruption and the misuse of national and EU funds. Moreover, it has addressed corruption in its own ranks, as illustrated by its December 2022, February 2023 and July 2023 resolutions seeking to strengthen transparency, accountability and integrity in the EU institutions. Parliament has called repeatedly either for legislative amendments to extend the scope of the current EU global human rights sanctions regime to cover corruption, or for a new sanctions regime to address serious acts of corruption. In February 2022, Parliament adopted recommendations on corruption and human rights, calling for an EU global anti-corruption strategy, enhanced support for anti-corruption capacity-building, and a strengthened EU anti-corruption framework.
This is an update of a publication from December 2023.
Read this ‘at a glance’ note on ‘International Anti-Corruption Day‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.