Határon túli magyar portálok összesített hírei

Washington souhaite que chaque pays nomme un envoyé spécial ou un ambassadeur de haut niveau chargé de lutter contre l'antisémitisme

The post Les États-Unis estiment que la Belgique a besoin d’un haut responsable chargé de la lutte contre l’antisémitisme appeared first on Euractiv FR.

« Les fabricants auront dès cette année des contrats pour l'année prochaine », a déclaré le ministre de la Défense, Mykhailo Fedorov

The post Ukraine vise une chaîne d’approvisionnement 100 % robotisée avec 25 000 drones terrestres appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Climate-related extreme weather events are increa-singly displacing communities across Southern Africa, with negative implications for social cohesion, livelihoods, and community resilience. Understanding how displacement erodes social cohesion is important for developing strategies for restoring it. Evidence shows that livelihood support interventions, for example, cash‑based assistance, in-kind transfers (agricultural inputs) up to skills development programmes, are a pathway for mending or strengthening social cohesion in displacement contexts. Yet, in some cases, they can further fragment it. This requires strategies under which such interventions can be deployed to positively shape social cohesion outcomes.
This Policy Brief synthesises insights from qualitative research conducted from 2023 to 2025 with displaced communities and host populations in Zimbabwe (Chimanimani and Tsholotsho districts) and Mozambique (Guara Guara, Grudja and Praia Nova). It examines how livelihood interventions can either rebuild or further fragment social cohesion, identifies critical factors driving cohesion outcomes, and provides evidence-based recommendations for national governments, humanitarian actors, and development co-operation actors working in climate-displacement contexts across Southern Africa.
In Zimbabwe, vertical social cohesion in displacement contexts is eroded by a lack of designated policies on displacement, leading to poor socioeconomic outcomes for displaced individuals; ad hoc recovery and reconstruction efforts that undermine durable solutions and long-term recovery; and a lack of accountability infrastructure that undermines trust in the government. In Mozambique, the slow implementation and unequal distribution of recovery interventions undermine cooperation between communities and the institutions involved in post-disaster recovery efforts. This has led to large-scale returns of people to high-risk areas.
Drawing insights from both case studies, we provide key recommendations and conditions for implementing livelihood support to achieve social cohesion in climate-related displacement contexts.
Key policy messages
• Livelihood interventions can lead to maladaptation if not supported by strong governance mechanisms including policy frameworks and institutional coordination in planning and implementation.
• People-centred, area-based approaches to livelihood programming that account for pre-displacement livelihoods and support post-displacement transitions, while benefiting both displaced populations and host communities, should be adopted. One-size-fits-all interventions risk undermining economic recovery and social cohesion.
• Horizontal and vertical social cohesion indicators should be embedded in livelihood programmes from the outset to assess the social impacts before and after implementation.
• Inclusive, participatory decision-making in the delivery of livelihood support programmes should be mandated to prevent exclusionary practices that erode trust in institutions.

Dr Tomy Ncube is a postdoctoral researcher affiliated with the Centre for International Development Innovation at the Ryan Institute, University of Galway, and the School of Geography, Archaeology and Irish Studies.

This policy brief offers advice for making digital remote work a viable solution to fill labour gaps without requiring workers to physically relocate. From a technology standpoint, there is no reason someone who does computer-based work must physically relocate, assuming they have the required job skills and internet connectivity. The increased use of bilateral labour agreements (BLAs) between countries is evidence that there are major skills gaps and global competition for labour. Indeed, a BLA can serve as a “policy sandbox” where governments negotiate the legal and statutory terms of digital remote work. Digital remote work can be an especially useful solution when the country providing labour has a large pool of people who are willing to work and fill labour pool gaps in countries of employment, but for different legal or personal reasons cannot relocate across borders. This latter point is no small thing: there is a significant body of migration research showing that the majority of people are not interested in moving across borders – or in the case of many refugees are unable to do so. The reasons for this are myriad. Digital labour could be a workaround to meet basic labour demand and facilitate economic inclusion. The word “could” is critical because banking, social and health insurance, and taxation, all of which are components of legal employment, remain bordered. This policy brief will focus on a specific case from research on urban refugee livelihoods where the worker was able to work digitally in the U.S. from Malaysia, while being subject to social security, taxation and insurance in the U.S. The idiosyncrasies in this case help point to spaces for reforming social security, tax and insurance rules to reduce their “bordered-ness” and make digital work more systematically viable.
Key policy messages:
• To make digital remote work viable at scale, development cooperation agencies should play a key facilitator role, linking relevant authorities in the tax, social insurance and banking regulation sectors. This is especially important for refugees, who often cannot move and who fall outside the protection of host country labour laws. These reforms could, for example, be built into BLAs.
• Achieving inclusive economic development goals via digital employment would require that remote workers earned competitive salaries. Thus, there would need to be buy-in from the private sector regarding wage competitiveness for workers in different countries, as well as a role for unions and civil society in negotiating digital remote work policy.
• While digital work can enable greater economic and labour participation for workers who cannot relocate for jobs, there are still sectors that require physical presence. Thus, digital remote work is not a replacement for immigration policy that facilitates safe and flexible migration for those people who do have to move.

Bonn, 20. April 2026. Der Umbau unserer Städte braucht mehr als CO2-armen Zement. Bio-Materialien können Emissionen senken, Arbeitsplätze und lokale Wirtschaftskreisläufe stärken – aber werden oft übersehen. 

Vom 20. - 22. April suchen Vertreter*innen aus Wissenschaft, Politik und Industrie auf dem Sustainable Buildings and Construction Summit in Lausanne nach Lösungen zur Dekarbonisierung der bebauten Umwelt. Der Druck ist enorm. Der Gebäudesektor verursacht jährlich mehr als ein Drittel der globalen CO2-Emissionen, während die Urbanisierung in vielen Ländern mit niedrigem und mittlerem Einkommen rasant wächst – besonders in Subsahara-Afrika. Entscheidend ist, ob Lösungen schnell verfügbar und realisierbar sind und wirtschaftliche Vorteile bieten. International gilt CO2-armer Beton wie LC3 häufig als schnelle Lösung, weil er kaum Verfahrensanpassungen braucht. Wirtschaftliche Impulse sind jedoch begrenzt – sie könnten wachsen, wenn biobasierte Materialien den Baumix ergänzen.

Viele Länder in Subsahara-Afrika stehen vor drei Herausforderungen. Erstens müssen sie Wohnraum für eine schnell wachsende, oft einkommensschwache Stadtbevölkerung schaffen. Bereits heute fehlen ca. 50 Millionen Wohneinheiten; bis 2030 könnten es 130 Millionen sein. Zweitens steht die Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen im Zentrum politischer Agenden. In Kenia etwa drängt jährlich rund eine Million junge Menschen auf den Arbeitsmarkt. Drittens geht es darum, die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung auf einen umweltfreundlicheren Pfad zu lenken. Infrastruktur und Gebäude machen diese Weichenstellung besonders folgenreich: CO2-intensives Bauen verschlechtert die Emissionsbilanz, heizt die Städte auf und erschwert die Wiederverwendung von Materialien. Da ein Großteil der Gebäude in Subsahara-Afrika erst noch entstehen wird, besteht die Chance, kostspielige Nachrüstungen zu vermeiden – vorausgesetzt, dies geht mit notwendigen Veränderungen im Bausektor des Globalen Nordens einher.

Die Umstellung auf CO2-armen Beton kann diese Herausforderungen nur teilweise adressieren: die Bereitstellung von Wohnraum und die Dekarbonisierung des Bauwesens. LC3 erfordert nur minimale Anpassungen in Zementfabriken und wird wie herkömmlicher Beton verarbeitet. Modellrechnungen zeigen, dass sich das Material insbesondere für mehrstöckige Gebäude eignet, wo sein CO2-Fußabdruck geringer ist als der einer Kombination aus biobasierten Materialien und gebrannten Tonziegeln. Für diese Gebäudetypen ist LC3 daher sinnvoll. Viele Häuser in Subsahara-Afrika sind jedoch einstöckig, auch in Zukunft. Die Emissionen hängen also in hohem Maße von der Materialzusammensetzung und den Transportwegen ab.

Hier kommen biobasierte Materialien ins Spiel. Bislang werden sie unterschätzt, obwohl sie alle drei Herausforderungen zugleich adressieren können. Verbesserte Lehmziegel, Holz oder Bambus sind kostengünstig und arbeitsintensiver als LC3. Sie schaffen lokale Wertschöpfung, fördern kleine und mittlere Unternehmen und reduzieren Transportkosten, da sie vor Ort produziert werden können. Für den sozialen Wohnungsbau sind sie besonders geeignet: Studien aus Ruanda zeigen, dass die Wandbaukosten um 60 % oder mehr sinken können – durch verbesserte Produktionsstandards auch ohne Einbußen bei Stabilität und Haltbarkeit. Unsere Untersuchungen zeigen zudem, dass biobasierte Materialien in Kigali umweltfreundlichere und bessere Arbeitsplätze schaffen können. Eine flächendeckende Einführung scheitert bislang an Hindernissen auf Angebots- und Nachfrageseite, darunter geringes Bewusstsein sowie die Wahrnehmung mangelnder Qualität, die den Zugang zu Finanzierung erschweren.

Daraus ergibt sich ein klar zu definierender hybrider Ansatz: LC3 für mehrstöckige Gebäude und tragende Konstruktionen sowie biobasierte Materialien für einstöckige Wohnhäuser und nichttragende Innenwände, wo diese oft günstiger und lokal besser geeignet sind. In Ruanda muss die Regierung klare Vorgaben machen, damit Unternehmen auf diese Materialien umstellen. Ähnliche hybride Ansätze sind in ganz Subsahara-Afrika vielversprechend, doch die Anwendung biobasierter Materialien erfordert lokal verankerte Forschung. Geeignete Materialien hängen ab von a) der Art des Bodens und den lokal verfügbaren Materialien, b) der Importabhängigkeit bei Zement, Stahl usw. sowie c) den Transport- und Lebenszykluskosten. Nachhaltiges Holz und Myzel mögen für Europa geeignet sein, Bambus für Asien, während in Subsahara-Afrika stabilisierte Lehmziegel, Erd-Zement-Mischungen und Pflanzen wie Rohrkolben ein großes Potenzial bieten.

Die deutsche Entwicklungszusammenarbeit sollte die wirtschaftlichen Zusatznutzen und das Entwicklungspotenzial für lokale Unternehmen, die mit biobasierten Materialien arbeiten, international stärker hervorheben. In der eigenen Projektarbeit sollte nachhaltigeres Bauen als Ziel verankert werden, einschließlich der Nutzung biobasierter Materialien zur Schaffung grüner Arbeitsplätze. Die konkreten biobasierten Materialien und die zu unterstützenden Wertschöpfungsketten müssen im Vorfeld für jedes Land sorgfältig analysiert werden, insbesondere hinsichtlich Verfügbarkeit und Qualität von Erde, der Import-Export-Struktur und Zölle für Baumaterialien, der Marktbedingungen sowie Engpässe auf Angebots- und Nachfrageseite. Gleichzeitig erfordert die Anwendung biobasierter Materialien politischen Willen vor Ort, um sich gegen Interessen im Bausektor durchzusetzen, sowie klare staatliche Vorgaben, die Orientierung bieten und gleiche Wettbewerbsbedingungen für nachhaltige Alternativen schaffen. Dieser Weg mag langsamer erscheinen als andere Lösungen, ist jedoch realisierbar und dürfte den wirtschaftlichen Nutzen für die Partnerländer erhöhen.

Coasts, deltas and estuaries have been reshaped for generations by land reclamation projects for the purposes of expanding settlements and agricultural lands as well as protecting coasts. Since the mid-twentieth century, technical progress has allowed for land reclamation to occur at an unprecedented speed and scale. Regardless of the key role that land reclamation has had in the past as well as in more recent coastal urbanisation efforts, the issue has received insufficient attention from human geographers, urban political ecologists and marine social scientists. In this paper, I aim to advance the land reclamation research by suggesting a new conceptual framework that combines concepts and empirical insights from urban political ecology (UPE), anthropology, political geography and political economy. This approach considers the representational, legal and material dimensions of urban coastal mega-projects and helps to identify those who benefit and those who lose due to land reclamation. I conclude that a focus on land reclamation can help to understand that ‘land’ is a fundamental requirement for urbanisation. Land in coastal cities is not ‘out there’; it has to be created. To investigate the making of land requires integrating the often-neglected coastal geomorphologies, marine sites of sediment extraction and understanding how they are discursively shaped and transformed by human interventions on urban coasts into UPE.

Die internationale Ordnung ist in einem tiefgreifenden Wandel, wobei Großmachtrivalitäten eine Neu-ordnung globaler Machtstrukturen vorantreiben. Dies hat auch Auswirkungen auf die europäische Entwicklungspolitik. In vielen EU-Mitgliedstaaten gehen die Mittel für öffentliche Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (ODA) zurück; gleichzeitig richten EU-Länder ihre verbleibenden Mittel stärker an Eigeninteressen aus. Bislang werden diese Reformen weitestgehend bilateral ausdefiniert, wohingegen eine politische Debatte über Rolle, Mehrwert und gemeinsame Ausgestaltung der EU-Entwicklungspolitik weitestgehend fehlt. Doch ohne eine Stärkung der europäischen Zusammenarbeit wird es Europa nicht gelingen, auf die aktuellen weltpolitischen Umbrüche eine adäquate Antwort zu geben.
In diesem Policy Brief argumentieren wir, dass Reformbestrebungen in der europäischen Entwick-lungspolitik die Zusammenarbeit und Komplementarität stärken müssen, um wirksam auf die veränderte geopolitische Lage reagieren zu können. Unsere Analyse zeigt vier inhaltliche Handlungsfelder, auf die sich laufende Reformprozesse europäischer Akteure konzentrieren und auf denen Entwicklungspolitik wichtige Beiträge leisten soll:
1. Wirtschaftsförderung und Einbindung des Privatsektors; 2. Sicherheitspolitik; 3. Steuerung und Gestaltung von Migration; 4. Menschliche Entwicklung und Armutsreduktion, insbesondere in LDCs (Least Developed Countries).
Eine gemeinsame strategische Ausrichtung Europas auf diesen Handlungsfeldern fehlt jedoch bisher. Diese gemeinsamen strategischen Prioritäten auszuhandeln erfordert eine Neubelebung des politischen Dialogs zwischen EU-Institutionen und Mit-gliedstaaten sowie eine Weiterentwicklung des „Team Europe“-Ansatzes. „Team Europe 2.0“ hätte dann zwei Funktionen: die inhaltliche Komplementarität „nach innen“ zu stärken durch eine Verständigung darauf, wie die unterschiedlichen Akteure jeweils zu gemeinsam festgelegten Zielsetzungen beitragen; und „nach außen“, um sichtbar zu machen, wofür Europa strategisch steht.
Kernelement von Team Europe 2.0 sollte ein verbesserter inhaltlicher Austausch in themenspezifi-schen, informellen Gruppen unter Führung einzelner Mitgliedstaaten und der Kommission sein. Solche „thematischen Champions“ könnten die Entwicklung gemeinsamer Strategien für größere, transformative Initiativen erleichtern. Ein verbesserter politischer Dialog und inhaltliche Abstimmung in Schlüsselbe-reichen der europäischen Entwicklungspolitik sind Voraussetzungen für ein geeintes und strategischeres Auftreten von „Team Europe“ nach außen, auch in multilateralen Kontexten.

The international order is undergoing profound change as rivalry among major powers realigns the global balance. This is also having an impact on European development policy. In many European Union (EU) member states, funding for official development assistance (ODA) is declining. At the same time, EU countries are reforming their development policies and increasingly channelling their remaining resources towards priorities that serve primarily their own interests. So far, these reforms have largely been defined bilaterally, whereas a political debate on the role, added value and joint objectives of EU development policy is largely absent. Yet, without strengthening European cooperation in development policy, Europe will not succeed in providing an adequate response to the current upheavals in global politics.
In this policy brief, we argue that reform efforts in European development policy must strengthen co-operation and complementarity to respond effectively to the changed geopolitical landscape. Our analysis identifies four key policy areas where European actors are pursuing ongoing reforms and where development policy should make significant contributions: 
1) promoting economic cooperation and private-sector engagement, 2) security policy, 3) managing and shaping migration and 4) human development including poverty reduction, particularly in least developed countries (LDCs). So far, a joint European strategic direction in these areas has been lacking. Negotiating these shared priorities requires a revitalisation of the political dialogue between EU institutions and member states, as well as further development of the “Team Europe” approach. “Team Europe 2.0” would then have two functions: to strengthen substantive complementarity “internally” through an understanding of how the various actors individually contribute to jointly defined objectives; and “externally” by making visible what Europe stands for strategically.
A key element of Team Europe 2.0 should be an improved substantive dialogue among member states and within issue-specific, informal groups co-facilitated by individual member states and the European Commission. Such “thematic champions” could initiate the development of joint strategies for larger, transformative initiatives. Improved political dialogue and coordination on substance in key areas of European development policy are prerequisites for a united and more strategic external presence of “Team Europe”, including in multilateral contexts.

 

 

Rescue workers survey the damage in the town of Toul in Lebanon’s Nabatieh governorate in the south, following bombing by Israel in response to rocket attacks by militant group Hezbollah. Credit: Action Against Hunger

By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, Apr 20 2026 (IPS)

Aid groups have welcomed a ten-day ceasefire agreed between Israel and Lebanon but warn only a permanent halt to fighting can allow for the kind of response needed to address the dire humanitarian situation in the country.

A ten-day truce ​to enable peace negotiations between the two countries came into effect on April 16. It can be extended by mutual agreement by both sides after that period.

The ceasefire comes after more than a month of conflict following Israel’s response to rocket attacks by the Iran-backed militant group Hezbollah.

Since March 2, more than 2,000 people have been killed and 7,000 wounded in Israeli attacks, according to the Lebanese health ministry. Meanwhile, more than 1.2 million – one fifth of the estimated total population – are internally displaced, including over 400,000 children, according to humanitarian organisations, and Israeli strikes have destroyed essential civilian infrastructure and heavily affected healthcare services.

This has deepened what was already a fragile humanitarian situation following years of economic problems, a Syrian refugee crisis, and previous conflict between Israel and Hezbollah.

And while the attacks may have stopped, many people continue to face displacement, massive destruction and a lack of access to basic services and real relief will only come with a long-term end to fighting.

“We welcome the truce as a critical pause in violence, but it is not enough. Only a permanent ceasefire will allow for a response at the scale required—one that reaches families across all of Lebanon, including those in border areas who remain among the most vulnerable,” Suzanne Takkenberg, Lebanon Country Director of humanitarian group Action Against Hunger (ACF), told IPS.

Following the announcement of the truce, there have been reports of huge numbers of displaced people returning to their home towns. Aid groups have warned, though, that many are likely to return to find they have no homes left, or even if they do, conditions are so bad it will be impossible to remain there.

“Families are beginning to return to their homes, but the scale of destruction is staggering. Many are finding their houses damaged or completely destroyed, with no access to water, electricity, or basic services. People who fled with almost nothing are now returning to even less—facing conditions that make dignified living impossible,” said Takkenberg.

The destruction has been worst in the south of the country. Israel has been looking to create what it has called a “security zone”, keeping troops in an area around 10 kilometres deep inside southern Lebanon. Reports suggest many villages in that area have been utterly destroyed.

Recent, intense Israeli airstrikes targeted Tyre, Lebanon, causing significant casualties and damage to residential areas and infrastructure. The strikes were part of an ongoing conflict between Israel and Hezbollah. Credit: Action Against

“This new buffer zone that Israel is talking about – from videos I’ve seen, it’s completely demolished. We don’t expect them to allow [people] to return there, and I don’t think people will be trying to move back to that buffer zone,” Elizabeth Cossor, Head of Country Office Lebanon at Terre des hommes, which is providing humanitarian aid to children and their families in the country, told IPS.

“Hundreds of thousands of people are expected to remain displaced. They’re not going to be able to return. That’s really devastating [for them],” she added.

The impacts of the attacks on civilians have alarmed rights groups and humanitarian organisations.

A coalition of NGOs last week released a report documenting the effects of Israeli attacks on the civilian population.

It highlighted how the continued displacement in the country is driving significant health and protection risks, with women, children, the elderly and persons with disabilities disproportionately affected.

Reports indicate high instances of respiratory infections due to cold temperatures in collective shelters, gastroenteritis cases linked to insufficient food and cooking facilities, and disruption to treatment for patients with chronic diseases. Shelters are invariably overcrowded and lack adequate water and sanitation infrastructure, severely limiting privacy, dignity and psychological safety for residents, the group said. Moreover, roughly 88% of those displaced are living outside collective shelters, many in cars, public spaces or other insecure settings, the groups said.

Children have been impacted especially hard by the fighting.

Aid groups working with children have highlighted serious problems with child nutrition. According to Action Against Hunger, while 24 percent of the population faces acute food insecurity, around 15 percent of children aged 6 to 23 months in displacement zones are being fed only milk.

Meanwhile, one in five children in Lebanon has been forced from their homes by the conflict, with many suffering acute psychological distress and anxiety, according to UNICEF.

“The humanitarian situation for children in Lebanon is severe and deeply alarming. Over the past 46 days, children have paid a devastating price, with reports of at least 172 children killed and 661 injured. More than 415,000 children have been displaced, some for the third or fourth time. Their most urgent needs are safety, healthcare, safe water, nutrition, psychosocial support, child protection and access to learning,” Ricardo Pires, Communication Manager at UNICEF, told IPS.

“Children have been uprooted repeatedly, many are under acute stress, and essential services have been badly disrupted. The health system is still operating, but under severe strain. Hospitals and health workers have come under repeated impact, facilities have been damaged or forced to close, and access to care is increasingly difficult in high-risk and isolated areas. The destruction already caused to homes, schools, hospitals, water systems and roads means many children and families are likely to face serious hardship for some time, even if the fighting stops. It continues to have serious humanitarian consequences for children and families,” he added.

Cossor said the conflict could have a long-term impact on a generation of Lebanese kids.

“We still don’t have a sense of just how many children have lost their parents, their caregivers. We’re visiting hospitals where children are waking up and discovering that they’ve lost their parents and, you know, it’s just devastating. For those who also cannot return to their childhood home, you know, they’re not in school, missing family, they’ve lost their homes…. They’re losing part of their childhood, their connection to the place of their family, the place of their community. This has very long-term impacts for children,” she said.

As well as highlighting the harm caused to the civilian population, the NGOs’ report pointed to serious concerns regarding compliance with International Humanitarian Law (IHL), particularly the principles of distinction, proportionality and precautions in attacks. Likewise, IHL affords special protection to medical and humanitarian personnel and infrastructure, yet the conflict has been marked by a concerning number of attacks affecting healthcare and growing restrictions on humanitarian access, the groups said.

They also called for adherence to the IHL by all parties to the conflict, as well as urgent, sustained, and flexible funding from the international community to support the growing needs of displaced persons and those remaining in vulnerable areas.

International help will be vital given the damage that has been done, no matter what efforts the Lebanese government makes to help the population.

“The government will repair things as best they can in the cities that are north – again, north of that buffer zone area. They will do their best to restore, rehabilitate, but services will be heavily impacted. Eight bridges [in southern Lebanon] have now been destroyed, and Lebanese forces have managed to sort of put rubble together so that the last destroyed bridge is passable one car at a time. But that’s not enough to start bringing big trucks of humanitarian assistance or to start bringing in food and vegetables and other medical supplies and other things that they need in the south,” said Cossor.

“Infrastructure is destroyed, including in heavily populated areas. The Lebanese government will need enormous assistance to restore this infrastructure,” she added.

Beyond these problems, another major concern is the fragility of the current ceasefire – within hours of it coming into force, there were reports of violations.

UNICEF’S Pires said the ceasefire offered a critical opportunity to improve humanitarian access and begin restoring basic services in all areas impacted by the recent attacks. He warned, though, that if it collapsed, there would be “a grave risk of further killing, injury, displacement and trauma”.

“The weapons must remain silent and humanitarian access and workers must be protected at all times,” he said.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Der Bundesrat beschliesst nächste Woche die «Lex UBS». Es wird eher eine «Lex UBS light»: FDP-Ständerat Thierry Burkart hat einen abgeschwächten Vorschlag eingereicht – mit guten Chancen.

2026. 4. 19.

Viel fehlte nicht und Ana-Maria Crnogorcevic wäre in ihrem 180. Länderspiel zur Matchwinnerin avanciert. Doch am Ende resultiert für die Nati in der Türkei zum Ärger der Jubilarin nur ein 1:1.

Vor dem Cup-Halbfinal gegen den FCSG spricht Yverdon-Zauberfuss Antonio Marchesano über seine positive Bilanz gegen St. Gallen. Und weshalb er sich eine Rückkehr zum FCZ vorstellen könnte.

Fribourg forderte eine Sperre gegen Brendan Lemieux, die Liga-Justiz geht nicht auf die Forderung ein. Warum? Hier erfährst du mehr.

Seit 20 Tagen liegt der gestrandete Buckelwal in der Bucht vor der Ostseeinsel bei Poel fest. Am Sonntag soll er nun definitiv befreit werden. Bagger schaufeln schon mal den Weg frei, das Rettungsnetz und die Pontons liegen bereit.

Elindult a szezon az 5 hektáros Martosi Rendezvényligetben. Április 18-án megnyílt a FaPuma büfé, illetve a kalandpark, ahol egy kötélpálya várja a kicsiket és a nagyokat. A nyár folyamán több programot szerveznek, július elején tartják majd a MartFesztet.

Früher Leim, heute Weltmarktführer für regenerative Zahnmedizin: Wie Präsident Andreas Geistlich ein 175-jähriges Erbe in die Zukunft steuert.

Die SRG-Chefin baut für teures Geld die Kommunikation um. Die bisherige RTS-Sprecherin Sophie Balbo wird künftig die SRG-Medienstelle leiten.

Linguisten haben Meldungen über Verkehrsunfälle analysiert. Die Forscher weisen eine eigene Unfallsprache mit passiven Formulierungen und ohne handelnde Personen nach.

Ein Mann stürzte am Samstag in Otelfingen ZH mit seinem E-Bike über eine Mauer. Trotz Reanimationsversuchen starb er noch an der Unfallstelle.