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Chaque mardi, Pascal Boniface reçoit un membre de l’équipe de recherche de l’‪IRIS‬ pour décrypter un fait d’actualité internationale. Aujourd’hui, échange avec Didier Billion, conseiller scientifique de l’IRIS, autour des Houthis du Yémen qui ont pris le contrôle du stratégique détroit de Bab el-Mandeb vendredi 11 septembre et des conséquences de cette prise de contrôle sur les équilibres régionaux et le commerce maritime international.

L’article Houthis : qui sont-ils ? Que veulent-ils ? | Les mardis de l’IRIS est apparu en premier sur IRIS.

En décembre 2024, le gouvernement allemand dénonça le tir de fusées éclairantes vers un hélicoptère qui, ayant décollé de la frégate Nordrhein-Westfalen, s’était approché d’un pétrolier escorté par une frégate russe en mer Baltique. Alors ministre des Affaires étrangères, Annalena Baerbock, avait évoqué une «intensification de la guerre hybride menée par la Russie dans la...

Cet article Un hélicoptère militaire danois a été visé par des fusées éclairantes tirées par une frégate russe est apparu en premier sur Zone Militaire.

N° 2026/007/MC/BF

Dans le cadre de la mise œuvre de la Chimio Prévention du Paludisme Saisonnier (CPS) 2026, Malaria Consortium Burkina Faso lance un Appel d'Offres pour la réalisation de l'enquête de couverture de la campagne de Chimio Prévention du Paludisme Saisonnier (CPS) 2026.

1) Le présent Appel d'Offres est ouvert à égalité de conditions à tous les consultants, régulièrement installés au Burkina Faso ayant les capacités juridiques, techniques et financières requises, en règle vis-à-vis de l'administration, des services fiscaux et para – fiscaux.
2) Le Dossier d'Appel d'Offres peut être consulté sur la page internet de Malaria Consortium, https://www.malariaconsortium.org/tenders.

3) Les offres doivent être transmises par e-mail puis physiquement en un (01) original et deux (02) copies, conformément aux instructions listées dans le Document d'Appel d'Offres. Toutes les offres devront parvenir à l'adresse email ci-dessous et être remises physiquement au siège de Malaria Consortium, au plus tard le lundi 28 septembre 2026 à 15heures 00mn GMT, heure locale de Ouagadougou. L'ouverture des plis sera faite le mardi 29 septembre 2026 à 15heures 00mn GMT, heure locale de Ouagadougou en présence des soumissionnaires qui souhaiteraient y assister.

4) En cas d'envoi par la poste ou autre mode de courrier, la personne responsable des marchés ne peut être tenue pour responsable de la non-réception de l'offre transmise par le soumissionnaire.
5) Le soumissionnaire reste engagé par son offre jusqu'à Quatre-vingt-dix (90) jours à compter de la date limite de dépôt des plis.

6) Malaria Consortium se réserve le droit d'apporter toutes modifications au présent Appel d'Offres ou de ne donner aucune suite à tout ou partie dudit Appel d'Offres.
7) Les renseignements sur le présent Avis d'Appel d'Offres peuvent être obtenus par écrit à l'adresse électronique : tenders@malariaconsortium.org. L'objet de l'email doit être intitulé selon le numéro de lot comme suit : « DAO-2026-007-Enquête de couverture-MC/BF » : Demande de clarifications ».
Ouagadougou, le 14 septembre 2026

Le Directeur Pays

Le milliardaire nigérian Aliko Dangote affirme vouloir que les gens ordinaires profitent eux aussi du succès de sa raffinerie de pétrole.

Le milliardaire nigérian Aliko Dangote affirme vouloir que les gens ordinaires profitent eux aussi du succès de sa raffinerie de pétrole.

A Yamato osztályú csatahajókon használt 460 mm-es kaliberű lövegek a modern csatahajókon beépített legnagyobb kaliberű fegyverek voltak. (Ehhez hasonló, 457 mm-es kaliberű ágyúkkal csak az angol Furious csatacirkálót szerelték fel 1917-ben, de csak egy rövid időre.) A löveget hivatalosan a „40cm/45 Type 94” jelzéssel látták el, hogy kalibert illetően megtévesszék a többi haditengerészetet. Ez olyan jól sikerült, hogy az amerikaiak a háború végéig meg voltak győződve arról, hogy a hajók 406 vagy 410 mm-es ágyúkkal vannak felfegyverezve.

A különösen nagy kaliberű ágyúk kifejlesztését a japánok azért tartották szükségesnek, mert számítottak rá, hogy hajóiknak számbeli fölényben levő ellenséggel kell megküzdeniük, és ezért nagy jelentőséget tulajdonítottak annak, hogy a mennyiségi fölény híján legalább a minőségi fölényt, azaz ebben az esetben a nagyobb tűzerőt a magukénak tudhassák. Már az első világháború alatt, 1916-ban nekiálltak egy 48 cm-es kaliberű ágyú kifejlesztésének, ám végül úgy találták, ez az űrméret túl nagy a csatahajókon való használatra, és a tervezett új csatahajók részére inkább a 46 cm-es kalibert választották. Egyébként ennek a 48 cm-es kísérleti lövegnek éppúgy, mint a Nagato osztályon használt 410 mm-esnek, vagy a Yamato osztályra beépített 46 cm-esnek, az angol 380 mm-es Mark I hajóágyú szolgált mintaként, melyből a tervezők kiindultak. (Az első világháború után az amerikaiak is tervezték ilyen kaliberű ágyúk rendszeresítését, de a fejlesztést leállították, mielőtt még az első prototípus elkészült volna.)

[...] Bővebben!

Three missions and billions of U.S. dollars later, the al Qaeda affiliate is stronger than ever in Somalia.

Idén lett volna 90 éves a gyergyóditrói születésű grafikus és festő, Gaál András. A tájképfestészetet megújító alkotónak, a nemzedékeket oktató pedagógusnak, a székelyföldi művészeti élet egyik legjelentősebb szervezőjének halála után 5 évvel nyílt emlékkiállítása Csíkszeredában, a Csíki Székely Múzeumban. A kurátor, Túros Eszter művészettörténész rádiónknak elmondta: van egyfajta kronológiai íve is a kiállításnak, de ehhez […]

Articolul Gaál András-emlékkiállítás Csíkszeredában apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

Le dispositif de sécurité est renforcé ce mardi 15 septembre, autour du Palais du peuple à Kinshasa, à l’occasion de l’ouverture de la session ordinaire de septembre de l’Assemblée nationale et du Sénat. Les forces de l’ordre sont particulièrement visibles aux abords du siège du Parlement, notamment le long du boulevard Triomphal, selon le constat fait par Radio Okapi.

ANALYSE - Plutôt acceptées jusqu’ici, les initiatives infantilisantes du premier ministre commencent à braquer au sein de ses troupes.

This discussion paper examines the development of Syria’s electricity sector before and since the fall of the Assad regime in December 2024. It also assesses what this implies for the post-war reconstruction of the electricity sector. Drawing on field research conducted in Damascus and Qamishli between August and December 2025, and using a theoretical framework that prioritises environmental sustainability and social inclusion, this paper explores opportunities and challenges for pursuing a transformative reconstruction of the electricity sector that is environmentally sustainable (prioritising renewables) and socially inclusive (participatory and affordable). The paper finds that fragmentation is a key characteristic of the energy regime in post-war Syria,materialising in recent years in three isolated electricity systems: an off-grid, generator-based system in the north-east; a Turkey-linked, semi-private supply system in the north-west; and a national-grid system in the rest of the country. Further findings highlight that the transitional government prioritised the rapid restoration of centralised, fossil fuel-based power plants over renewable energy. It restructured electricity-related public institutions according to market rules and further privatised the electricity market to attract investors, raising electricity tariffs significantly, even as 90 per cent of Syrian households live in poverty. The paper concludes that the ongoing reconstruction pathway is a state-led, market-driven and socially insensitive model. International development cooperation can help local actors bridge this gap at the legal, administrative and technical levels. At the legal and administrative levels, international development cooperation can support local efforts to develop an inclusive electricity-governance framework. To date, electricity-related rules have changed rapidly under the transitional government’s top-down approach, with little transparency or community participation. At the technical level, shifting from standalone, off-grid solar systems to connected hybrid and mini-grid systems requires a targeted programme. This is an area for collaboration between the transitional government and international development cooperation. Nevertheless, closing the information gap in the electricity sector is still a key challenge for policy planning. 

This discussion paper examines the development of Syria’s electricity sector before and since the fall of the Assad regime in December 2024. It also assesses what this implies for the post-war reconstruction of the electricity sector. Drawing on field research conducted in Damascus and Qamishli between August and December 2025, and using a theoretical framework that prioritises environmental sustainability and social inclusion, this paper explores opportunities and challenges for pursuing a transformative reconstruction of the electricity sector that is environmentally sustainable (prioritising renewables) and socially inclusive (participatory and affordable). The paper finds that fragmentation is a key characteristic of the energy regime in post-war Syria,materialising in recent years in three isolated electricity systems: an off-grid, generator-based system in the north-east; a Turkey-linked, semi-private supply system in the north-west; and a national-grid system in the rest of the country. Further findings highlight that the transitional government prioritised the rapid restoration of centralised, fossil fuel-based power plants over renewable energy. It restructured electricity-related public institutions according to market rules and further privatised the electricity market to attract investors, raising electricity tariffs significantly, even as 90 per cent of Syrian households live in poverty. The paper concludes that the ongoing reconstruction pathway is a state-led, market-driven and socially insensitive model. International development cooperation can help local actors bridge this gap at the legal, administrative and technical levels. At the legal and administrative levels, international development cooperation can support local efforts to develop an inclusive electricity-governance framework. To date, electricity-related rules have changed rapidly under the transitional government’s top-down approach, with little transparency or community participation. At the technical level, shifting from standalone, off-grid solar systems to connected hybrid and mini-grid systems requires a targeted programme. This is an area for collaboration between the transitional government and international development cooperation. Nevertheless, closing the information gap in the electricity sector is still a key challenge for policy planning. 

This discussion paper examines the development of Syria’s electricity sector before and since the fall of the Assad regime in December 2024. It also assesses what this implies for the post-war reconstruction of the electricity sector. Drawing on field research conducted in Damascus and Qamishli between August and December 2025, and using a theoretical framework that prioritises environmental sustainability and social inclusion, this paper explores opportunities and challenges for pursuing a transformative reconstruction of the electricity sector that is environmentally sustainable (prioritising renewables) and socially inclusive (participatory and affordable). The paper finds that fragmentation is a key characteristic of the energy regime in post-war Syria,materialising in recent years in three isolated electricity systems: an off-grid, generator-based system in the north-east; a Turkey-linked, semi-private supply system in the north-west; and a national-grid system in the rest of the country. Further findings highlight that the transitional government prioritised the rapid restoration of centralised, fossil fuel-based power plants over renewable energy. It restructured electricity-related public institutions according to market rules and further privatised the electricity market to attract investors, raising electricity tariffs significantly, even as 90 per cent of Syrian households live in poverty. The paper concludes that the ongoing reconstruction pathway is a state-led, market-driven and socially insensitive model. International development cooperation can help local actors bridge this gap at the legal, administrative and technical levels. At the legal and administrative levels, international development cooperation can support local efforts to develop an inclusive electricity-governance framework. To date, electricity-related rules have changed rapidly under the transitional government’s top-down approach, with little transparency or community participation. At the technical level, shifting from standalone, off-grid solar systems to connected hybrid and mini-grid systems requires a targeted programme. This is an area for collaboration between the transitional government and international development cooperation. Nevertheless, closing the information gap in the electricity sector is still a key challenge for policy planning. 

EXCLUSIF - À sept mois du scrutin élyséen, celui qui assume de s’y «préparer» a investi un local de 90 mètres carrés dans le XIe arrondissement de Paris où ses équipes sont déjà à pied d’œuvre. Le Figaro s’est rendu sur place.

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

ÄNDERUNGSANTRÄGE 1 - Entwurf einer Empfehlung zu dem Entwurf eines Beschlusses des Rates über den Abschluss – im Namen der Union – des Abkommens in Bezug auf Gibraltar zwischen der Europäischen Union und der Europäischen Atomgemeinschaft einerseits und dem Vereinigten Königreich Großbritannien und Nordirland andererseits
Ausschuss für auswärtige Angelegenheiten
Ausschuss für internationalen Handel
Thijs Reuten, Nina Carberry

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2026 - EP

Aucun cas de maladie à virus Ebola n’a été enregistré depuis le début du mois de septembre à Kasindi, cité frontalière entre la RDC et l’Ouganda, dans la province du Nord-Kivu, a affirmé la société civile locale, ce lundi 14 septembre. 

Elle appelle toutefois la population à maintenir la vigilance en raison de l’intensité des mouvements de personnes entre les deux pays.

Marie Francisco

The recent progress of large language models, and generative artificial intelligence (AI) more generally, has been the object of many discussions that have inspired both awe and fear. One point seems to rapidly gather consensus: AI must be regulated.

My PhD project (Francisco 2025) aimed to analyse the international governance of AI from a sustainability and geopolitical perspective. As a matter of fact, pressing challenges spanning algorithmic bias, cybersecurity, impacts on the labour market, democracies and data ownership are important and necessary aspects of making sure AI does no harm. But in addition, questions about the water and energy consumption of generative AI and the construction of data centres show one thing: the successful governance of AI cannot miss out on ensuring AI is sustainable and contributes to sustainability when used.

In addition, how AI governance is understood will impact who benefits, how, and where. This is why political ideas and the power they hold must be interrogated, and this what I have shed light on with my research.

 

AI governance: promoting AI for sustainability and for the benefit of all

Studying international and national policies about AI and digitalisation highlights three main tensions in AI governance (Francisco & Heintz, 2026). The first one is how to balance the need for global regulations, which may require flexibility, with developing policies that are precise enough to have an impact when implemented. The second tension lies between long-term and short-term benefits and risks, as governing AI addresses different temporality. The final tension finds itself between the interests that countries, and polities like the European Union (EU), may have in ensuring technological sovereignty and advantages, and the need for international collaboration to develop successful AI models. In this context, international organisations like the United Nations (UN), the OECD or the African Union have attempted to play a role as platform for collaboration (Francisco & Heintz, 2026).

Against this background, policy documents from the UN, the EU or the World Economic Forum show two approaches to the governance of AI in a sustainability context (Francisco & Linnér, 2023). The first approach aims to encourage the use of AI for sustainability purposes. We identified that the use of AI is expected to contribute to better data collection and analysis, with examples such as diseases outbreak, climate change patterns, or energy systems. The idea underlying this argument is that sustainability challenges can be solved with high quality and rapid knowledge of what is happening, but also more accurate future predictions. In addition, AI is expected to enhance automation. Automation, in combination with more evidence-based decision-making, is also expected to bring about greater efficiency and reduced inequalities, especially for women and girls, and populations in developing countries (ibid.). But on the other hand, many of the policies from international organisations and states I analysed call for a global common framework with room for flexibility, to be complemented by more precise, and national regulations (Francisco & Heintz, 2026; Francisco & Linnér, 2023). The EU, the UN, and the OECD in particular have been calling for trustworthy, ethic-based or human-centred approaches in AI development (ibid.).

 

The hidden geopolitics of AI governance

The ideas behind international and AI policies orient the debate and goals of AI governance. The AI governance policies I analysed reinforce the focus on data-based and technologically-enabled environmental action, which is typical of the ecomodernist and green governmentality discourses (Francisco, 2025; Francisco & Linnér, 2023). In this respect, the reliance on technical solutions for environmental governance are in fact common discourses in environmental governance, which seem at odds with the otherwise expectation that new technologies are transformative (Ulnicane et al., 2022).

Moreover, the current AI governance landscape tends to sideline the interest of the Global South (Francisco, 2025; Francisco & Heintz, 2026). Of course, there are calls for the inclusion of developing countries and marginalised groups, especially by the UN, the OECD, and the African Union (Francisco & Heintz, 2026; Francisco & Linnér, 2023). But when looking more in detail at what the policies focus on, structural inequalities and the global political economy of AI, for example the extraction of critical minerals for building computer hardware, or the ethical challenges linked to data annotation and extraction, are seldom points of discussions. It means that while international policies recognise the need to actively include marginalised populations, many of their specific needs go unacknowledged. In addition, the AI policies I analysed implicitly create power imbalances, with a centre composed of the United States, China, and leading organisations like the UN, the OECD and the EU, while other states are relegated to more peripheral roles (Francisco, 2025).

 

AI governance and climate security: different perspectives

The complex geopolitical and sustainability challenges surrounding AI lead to the question of climate security.  Something does not simply happen to be a security problem; it is usually the result of political debates and efforts by political actors to turn a topic into a matter of security. With global environmental change, the climate has become an important element of security, with different understanding of what should be secured and how (McDonald, 2013).

Depending on what is meant by climate security, the understanding of how AI can be included is likely to differ in four main ways (Francisco, 2023). First, AI could be included in efforts to foster national security. That is, the political focus would be on the use of technologies such as drones and computer vision in climate-induced conflicts (or conflicts perceived as such). A national understanding of security would also focus on the use of online propaganda and misinformation, as opinions on climate change are tied to strong political identities. Second, an international understanding of climate security would shed light on how AI could be used by international organisations in their work to foster sustainable development, but also on the use of AI by private companies. Third, a human understanding of climate security would support efforts to use AI-technologies for sustainable development and the betterment of humans more generally, on the condition that risks are also addressed. Finally, an ecological view on climate security would allow for an exploration of how AI and digital technologies affect the way we see and relate to the world, which could open avenues on the sustainable governance of AI (Francisco, 2023, 2025).

 

Dr. Marie Francisco is a postdoctoral researcher at the Department of Thematic Studies- Environmental Change of Linköping University, Sweden. With a background in International Relations and Social Environmental Science, her research focuses on the environmental policy discourses about artificial intelligence and digital technologies at the international and national level.

 

References

Francisco, M. (2023). Artificial intelligence for environmental security: National, international, human and ecological perspectives. Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability, 61, 101250. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cosust.2022.101250

Francisco, M. (2025). Making Sense of Artificial Intelligence for Global Environmental Governance: Ideas, Power, and Policy Pathways. Linköping University Electronic Press. https://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-213333

Francisco, M., & Heintz, F. (2026). 14- The geopolitics of AI in global environmental governance. In B.-O. Linnér, T. Bennich, & H. Carlsen, Handbook on the Geopolitics of Sustainability (pp. 167–178). Edward Elgar Publishing. https://doi.org/10.4337/9781035342549.00026

Francisco, M., & Linnér, B.-O. (2023). AI and the governance of sustainable development. An idea analysis of the European Union, the United Nations, and the World Economic Forum. Environmental Science & Policy, 150, 103590. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envsci.2023.103590

McDonald, M. (2013). Discourses of climate security. Political Geography, 33, 42–51. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2013.01.002

Ulnicane, I., Knight, W., Leach, T., Stahl, B. C., & Wanjiku, W.-G. (2022). Governance of Artificial Intelligence: Emerging International Trends and Policy Frames. In The Global Politics of Artificial Intelligence. Chapman and Hall/CRC. https://doi.org/10.1201/9780429446726-2

The post AI in or for environmental governance? Ideas, sustainability pathways and geopolitics appeared first on Ideas on Europe.