A public consultation process of the Constitutional Revision was launched by the Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras, with a Latin American twist, paving the way for a “new political changeover” and “New Greece 2021”.
Tsipras aims to overcome “the narrow confines of Parliament” to limit the objections of “the conservative, old political system and the technocratic elite” that wants to limit the democratic influence of the people. The Greek Prime Minister proposed a constitutional review process “by the people for the people and not in absentia.”
This “democratic revolution” that leaves behind the specific terms of revision, provided already by the Constitution, so as to expand and ensure its popular legitimacy, “by a process that involves, organises, mobilises citizens. A process of active citizenship and not a restricted procedure, within the walls of the Parliament House.”
IIn September, the Constitutional Revision’s “steering committee” will be announced, in order “to conduct a broad, open debate nationwide,” in municipalities with the participation of scientific and social organisations, citizen movements, collectives and individual citizens.
The proposal that Tsipras presented on Monday at the Parliament’s terrace, consists of five pillars, interfering with the architecture of the political system, strengthening direct democracy tools, the rule of law, State – Church relations and social rights.
Tsipras even proposed a new referendum on the Constitutional Revision process, explaining later that Syriza and the “government of the left” do not aim to force citizens to take decisions that are beyond their knowledge but at the same time suggested that “important issues will not be judged by bureaucrats and specialists.”
Syriza government’s proposal put the President of Democracy under direct election of the citizens when a second vote within the Parliament House fails, in order to put an end to the automatic Parliament dissolution process that takes place automatically if such a vote fails for the third time in Plenary, causing acute fall of the government.
A change will also take place to the powers that the President of Democracy can exercise, by further expanding them to the level they used to be on 1975, before the Greek political system was reformed in order to ensure that most of the powers would be handed out to the Prime Minister.
On government issues, the proposal fully connects the government with Parliament, suggesting that the Prime Minister must be an active MP, putting an end to technocrat Prime Ministers with an exception of care-taking governments.
Further changes will be made in the use of referendums, expanding the option to popular initiatives of 500,000 signatures on national matters. The immunity of MPs will be abolished, but not if the MP acts in accordance with government policy.
Tsipras turned down the proposal on a Constitutional Court, proposing a rather intermediate solution of a judges advisory body, as “judges should not be allowed to legislate.”
On Church issues, Tsipras proposed a “neutrality of the State” but with preservation of recognition of Christian Orthodox religion as “prevailing religion, for historical and practical reasons.”
On independent authorities, Tsipras opposes the “technocratic ideology of deification of their operation and constant expansion of responsibilities and their powers,” asking for more parliamentary control on authorities that are already established with wide majorities of 4/5.
On social rights, Tsipras aims to pose a constitutional ban on public control of water goods and electricity waiver, while another issue that could bring friction to the second review negotiations of the third bailout programme such as collective bargaining, will become the only means to determine salary.
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Dans un souci de transparence, Joseph Djogbénou, ministre de la justice du Bénin a dévoilé le salaire standard des ministres du régime de la Rupture sur le réseau social Facebook. Quel est la rémunération officielle d'un ministre? Un salaire global de 1 703 518 F CFA auquel s'ajoute une prime d'équipement unique de 5.000.000 F CFA et une assurance maladie.
With UN peace operations involved in increasingly volatile and dangerous situations, there appears to be growing acceptance among member states that UN missions need greater capacity to generate intelligence, both to protect themselves and to fulfill their mandates more effectively.
This policy paper strives to unpack the concept of intelligence in UN peace operations by explaining its needs and requirements, existing structures, and limitations and to clearly define the concept of intelligence within the limits of the UN’s fundamental principles and its multilateral and transparent nature. It aims to clarify and demystify the debate on intelligence in UN peace operations and to propose a specific UN approach. In order to reform and strengthen its analytical capacities and capabilities in peace operations, this paper proposes that the UN:
Mieux vaut tard que jamais. Ce matin, sur France 2, dans les« 4 vérités », Jean-Claude Juncker a enfin condamné le recrutement de son prédécesseur, José Manuel Durao Barroso, par Goldman Sachs. À la question de Gilles Bornstein: « est-ce que ça vous choque », le président de la Commission a sobrement répondu : « je ne l’aurais pas fait », même si « Monsieur Barroso a respecté toutes les procédures qui sont prévues ».
Il aura donc fallu plus de deux semaines pour qu’enfin Jean-Claude Juncker cesse de se dissimuler derrière la langue de bois de son porte-parole, Margaritis Schinas, qui a certes laissé entendre que l’institution n’approuvait pas le comportement éthique de Barroso, mais sans le dire franchement. On a du mal à comprendre les raisons d’une telle réserve, alors même qu’en interne une grande partie des fonctionnaires européens sont furieux de voir une nouvelle fois abimée, en plein Brexit, l’image de la Commission, qui plus est par celui qui l’a dirigée durant dix ans (2004-2014).
Une condamnation franche et immédiate, comme celle de François Hollande, le 14 juillet, qui a qualifié ce pantouflage de «moralement inacceptable», aurait pourtant été tout bénéfice et surtout sans aucun risque politique, Barroso ne jouissant plus d’aucun soutien en interne (cette pétition demandant des sanctions a déjà été signée par 3000 fonctionnaires) ou en externe, comme l’ont montré les réactions indignées dans son propre pays d’origine, le Portugal. Juncker aurait, au contraire, tout gagné en se montrant éthiquement irréprochable, lui à qui une partie de l’opinion publique européenne reproche le « Luxleaks ». Manifestement, certains, dans son entourage, ont clairement sous-estimé l’impact désastreux de cette affaire Barroso, notamment en France, sans doute pour ne pas insulter leur propre avenir. Dommage.