Angesichts steigender Energiepreise infolge des Iran-Kriegs wird die Einführung eines Tankrabatts diskutiert. Dazu eine Einschätzung von Marcel Fratzscher, Präsident des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin):
Der Iran-Krieg birgt bei einer weiteren Eskalation erhebliche Risiken für die deutsche Wirtschaft. Steigende Energiepreise könnten die Produktionskosten erhöhen und über höhere Verbraucherpreise auch die Haushalte spürbar belasten. Eine solche Entwicklung hätte das Potenzial, die ohnehin fragile wirtschaftliche Erholung in Deutschland auszubremsen.
Ein Tankrabatt zur Abfederung höherer Spritpreise wäre allerdings ein teurer Fehler und eine falsche Entscheidung der Bundesregierung. Zwar kann die Bundesregierung die internationalen Preisentwicklungen nicht verhindern, sie kann jedoch die sozialen Folgen abfedern. Entscheidend ist dabei eine möglichst zielgenaue Entlastung der besonders betroffenen Bevölkerungsgruppen. Vorrangig sollten Haushalte mit niedrigen Einkommen unterstützt werden. Eine mögliche Maßnahme wäre etwa eine Senkung der Mehrwertsteuer auf Lebensmittel. Darüber hinaus sollte geprüft werden, ob eine Übergewinnsteuer eingeführt werden kann, um außergewöhnliche Krisengewinne etwa im Mineralölsektor abzuschöpfen und möglichen Missbrauch in angespannten Marktsituationen zu bekämpfen.
Bericht über die 6. internationale Konferenz des Netzwerks Enjust zum Thema "Offsetting Justice? Environmental Justice in the age of market and militarized conservation" in Bonn.
Bericht über die 6. internationale Konferenz des Netzwerks Enjust zum Thema "Offsetting Justice? Environmental Justice in the age of market and militarized conservation" in Bonn.
Bericht über die 6. internationale Konferenz des Netzwerks Enjust zum Thema "Offsetting Justice? Environmental Justice in the age of market and militarized conservation" in Bonn.
Marco Rubio's address confirms that the normative foundations of international cooperation are now openly contested not only from outside the West but from within the West itself. The question is no longer whether what is called the ‘post-1945 consensus’ will hold. The question is what replaces it, and on whose terms.
Marco Rubio's address confirms that the normative foundations of international cooperation are now openly contested not only from outside the West but from within the West itself. The question is no longer whether what is called the ‘post-1945 consensus’ will hold. The question is what replaces it, and on whose terms.
Marco Rubio's address confirms that the normative foundations of international cooperation are now openly contested not only from outside the West but from within the West itself. The question is no longer whether what is called the ‘post-1945 consensus’ will hold. The question is what replaces it, and on whose terms.
This contribution to the Korean Development Institute's Knowledge Brief series contextualises and analyses the German Federal Ministry for Economic Co-Operation and Development's reform plan, as published in January 2026.
This contribution to the Korean Development Institute's Knowledge Brief series contextualises and analyses the German Federal Ministry for Economic Co-Operation and Development's reform plan, as published in January 2026.
This contribution to the Korean Development Institute's Knowledge Brief series contextualises and analyses the German Federal Ministry for Economic Co-Operation and Development's reform plan, as published in January 2026.
Access to critical raw materials (CRMs) is increasingly shaped by geopolitical dynamics, sparking a global competition for supply security. Using the gravity model of trade, we examine how OECD countries leverage Aid for Trade (AfT), Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), and Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) to influence CRM imports from developing countries. Panel data from 1995–2023 show that while intensive-margin effects of North-South PTAs appear economically negligible in the global trade equilibrium, these agreements play a strategic role in facilitating market entry and shaping supply-chain geography. Our results underscore that a coordinated mix of trade diplomacy, investment frameworks, and targeted aid is key to resilient and diversified CRM access for OECD countries.
Access to critical raw materials (CRMs) is increasingly shaped by geopolitical dynamics, sparking a global competition for supply security. Using the gravity model of trade, we examine how OECD countries leverage Aid for Trade (AfT), Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), and Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) to influence CRM imports from developing countries. Panel data from 1995–2023 show that while intensive-margin effects of North-South PTAs appear economically negligible in the global trade equilibrium, these agreements play a strategic role in facilitating market entry and shaping supply-chain geography. Our results underscore that a coordinated mix of trade diplomacy, investment frameworks, and targeted aid is key to resilient and diversified CRM access for OECD countries.
Access to critical raw materials (CRMs) is increasingly shaped by geopolitical dynamics, sparking a global competition for supply security. Using the gravity model of trade, we examine how OECD countries leverage Aid for Trade (AfT), Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), and Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) to influence CRM imports from developing countries. Panel data from 1995–2023 show that while intensive-margin effects of North-South PTAs appear economically negligible in the global trade equilibrium, these agreements play a strategic role in facilitating market entry and shaping supply-chain geography. Our results underscore that a coordinated mix of trade diplomacy, investment frameworks, and targeted aid is key to resilient and diversified CRM access for OECD countries.