Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Current research on how energy vulnerability impacts the meaning of ‘home’, especially for those in marginalised groups, is limited. This research adds to the understanding of how high energy prices affect one of the most vulnerable sections of society: those at risk of or with experiences of homelessness. Through 15 in-person interviews with social housing tenants in Ireland who have recently exited homelessness, we find that high energy prices continue to affect the psychosocial benefits associated with ‘home’ in three different ways: 1) the constant pressure of monitoring energy expenses and lifestyle adjustments; 2) navigating the uncertainty of energy expenses and; 3) the impacts of negative emotions like stress and anxiety induced by high energy prices on tenants' fragile state of mental health and wellbeing. Based on the findings, we argue that living with high energy prices continues to interfere with the meaning of ‘home’ in an already vulnerable cohort, leading to deep senses of ontological insecurity. Therefore, specifically designed policy support is required to address energy vulnerability in people exiting homelessness, as ontological insecurity affects their mental and physical wellbeing, jeopardising their chances of a permanent transition from homelessness. Our findings indicate that perhaps a dual financial and social support system is needed to address the specific energy needs of vulnerable groups, that would provide intensive guidance for them as they settle into new routines and responsibilities. Policies to solve homelessness can be more impactful if they adequately address energy affordability-related challenges while a person transitions from homelessness.

Equal access to reliable information is essential for democracy and social cohesion. The rise of information pollution, particularly in digital spaces, poses significant challenges to democratic societies worldwide. While extensive research has focused on its impact in developed, English-speaking democracies, there is a gap in understanding its effects in younger democracies, conflict zones, and less developed contexts. This study fills that gap by analysing Mexico as a case study. Based on interviews with Mexican media professionals, public sector officials, academics and human rights defenders, the study provides insights on the root causes of the problem and and strategies to combat information pollution, safeguard democracy, and promote social cohesion, underscoring the urgency of proactive measures both within Mexico and on a global scale in Mexico, information pollution significantly threatens the country's social cohesion and democratic principles. Structural conditions like poverty, inequality, violence, corruption, and media landscape issues enable societal vulnerability to digital information pollution. Factors directly driving information pollution include the exploitation of digital spaces by drug cartels, divisive narratives against marginalised groups, an increasingly media-hostile environment as well as the incumbent government’s post-factual approach to reality and politics. Information pollution has fostered a polarised discours, contributed to eroding trust in traditional media and amplified identity-based societal cleavages. It weakens the deliberative, participatory and liberal dimensions of democracy dimensions by decreasing the quality of public debate, damaging civil society watchdog roles, and reducing government transparency and accountability. Recommendations for Mexico encompass enhancing public resilience to information through civic education and targeted communication campaigns, empowering media capacity, and fortifying an open data culture in the Mexican public sector. Internationally, efforts should address elite-driven information pollution by reinforcing independent accountability institutions and leveraging diplomatic and economic incentives against leaders attacking these institutions.

Equal access to reliable information is essential for democracy and social cohesion. The rise of information pollution, particularly in digital spaces, poses significant challenges to democratic societies worldwide. While extensive research has focused on its impact in developed, English-speaking democracies, there is a gap in understanding its effects in younger democracies, conflict zones, and less developed contexts. This study fills that gap by analysing Mexico as a case study. Based on interviews with Mexican media professionals, public sector officials, academics and human rights defenders, the study provides insights on the root causes of the problem and and strategies to combat information pollution, safeguard democracy, and promote social cohesion, underscoring the urgency of proactive measures both within Mexico and on a global scale in Mexico, information pollution significantly threatens the country's social cohesion and democratic principles. Structural conditions like poverty, inequality, violence, corruption, and media landscape issues enable societal vulnerability to digital information pollution. Factors directly driving information pollution include the exploitation of digital spaces by drug cartels, divisive narratives against marginalised groups, an increasingly media-hostile environment as well as the incumbent government’s post-factual approach to reality and politics. Information pollution has fostered a polarised discours, contributed to eroding trust in traditional media and amplified identity-based societal cleavages. It weakens the deliberative, participatory and liberal dimensions of democracy dimensions by decreasing the quality of public debate, damaging civil society watchdog roles, and reducing government transparency and accountability. Recommendations for Mexico encompass enhancing public resilience to information through civic education and targeted communication campaigns, empowering media capacity, and fortifying an open data culture in the Mexican public sector. Internationally, efforts should address elite-driven information pollution by reinforcing independent accountability institutions and leveraging diplomatic and economic incentives against leaders attacking these institutions.

Equal access to reliable information is essential for democracy and social cohesion. The rise of information pollution, particularly in digital spaces, poses significant challenges to democratic societies worldwide. While extensive research has focused on its impact in developed, English-speaking democracies, there is a gap in understanding its effects in younger democracies, conflict zones, and less developed contexts. This study fills that gap by analysing Mexico as a case study. Based on interviews with Mexican media professionals, public sector officials, academics and human rights defenders, the study provides insights on the root causes of the problem and and strategies to combat information pollution, safeguard democracy, and promote social cohesion, underscoring the urgency of proactive measures both within Mexico and on a global scale in Mexico, information pollution significantly threatens the country's social cohesion and democratic principles. Structural conditions like poverty, inequality, violence, corruption, and media landscape issues enable societal vulnerability to digital information pollution. Factors directly driving information pollution include the exploitation of digital spaces by drug cartels, divisive narratives against marginalised groups, an increasingly media-hostile environment as well as the incumbent government’s post-factual approach to reality and politics. Information pollution has fostered a polarised discours, contributed to eroding trust in traditional media and amplified identity-based societal cleavages. It weakens the deliberative, participatory and liberal dimensions of democracy dimensions by decreasing the quality of public debate, damaging civil society watchdog roles, and reducing government transparency and accountability. Recommendations for Mexico encompass enhancing public resilience to information through civic education and targeted communication campaigns, empowering media capacity, and fortifying an open data culture in the Mexican public sector. Internationally, efforts should address elite-driven information pollution by reinforcing independent accountability institutions and leveraging diplomatic and economic incentives against leaders attacking these institutions.

The work aimed to analyse the sustainability efforts – the greening – of five industry sectors in Brazil: aluminium, chemical, steel, cement, and oil and gas. These sectors were chosen because they are the industries with the highest carbon emissions. The research sought to verify the sustainability measures adopted by business and industry actors, with special emphasis on the use of Voluntary Sustainability Standards and ESG values. In order to verify the information provided by the companies, the documents that informed the measures taken by the companies and the numbers supporting their results were always sought out and explained in the text. The conclusions were that the sectors, guided by industry associations, have adopted a broad set of sustainability measures. The results of these measures, however, sometimes lack proof and sometimes lead to sporadic conduct, contrary to the precepts of environmental and social sustainability.

Resumo (Portuguese)
O trabalho teve como objetivo analisar os esforços de sustentabilidade de cinco setores da indústria brasileira: alumínio, químico, aço, cimento e petróleo e gás. Os setores foram escolhidos por serem altamente poluentes. A pesquisa buscou verificar as iniciativas de sustentabilidade dos setores, com especial ênfase no uso de normas voluntárias de sustentabilidade e de padrões ESG. A fim de comprovar a veracidade das informações prestadas pelas empresas, buscou-se sempre a identificação de documentos que formalizassem as ações das empresas e de números que comprovassem seus resultados. As conclusões foram que os setores, orientados por suas associações, adotam um conjunto amplo de medidas de sustentabilidade. Essas ações, entretanto, por vezes carecem de comprovação de resultados e não impedem a adoção esporádica de condutas contrárias aos preceitos de sustentabilidade ambiental e social.

The work aimed to analyse the sustainability efforts – the greening – of five industry sectors in Brazil: aluminium, chemical, steel, cement, and oil and gas. These sectors were chosen because they are the industries with the highest carbon emissions. The research sought to verify the sustainability measures adopted by business and industry actors, with special emphasis on the use of Voluntary Sustainability Standards and ESG values. In order to verify the information provided by the companies, the documents that informed the measures taken by the companies and the numbers supporting their results were always sought out and explained in the text. The conclusions were that the sectors, guided by industry associations, have adopted a broad set of sustainability measures. The results of these measures, however, sometimes lack proof and sometimes lead to sporadic conduct, contrary to the precepts of environmental and social sustainability.

Resumo (Portuguese)
O trabalho teve como objetivo analisar os esforços de sustentabilidade de cinco setores da indústria brasileira: alumínio, químico, aço, cimento e petróleo e gás. Os setores foram escolhidos por serem altamente poluentes. A pesquisa buscou verificar as iniciativas de sustentabilidade dos setores, com especial ênfase no uso de normas voluntárias de sustentabilidade e de padrões ESG. A fim de comprovar a veracidade das informações prestadas pelas empresas, buscou-se sempre a identificação de documentos que formalizassem as ações das empresas e de números que comprovassem seus resultados. As conclusões foram que os setores, orientados por suas associações, adotam um conjunto amplo de medidas de sustentabilidade. Essas ações, entretanto, por vezes carecem de comprovação de resultados e não impedem a adoção esporádica de condutas contrárias aos preceitos de sustentabilidade ambiental e social.

The work aimed to analyse the sustainability efforts – the greening – of five industry sectors in Brazil: aluminium, chemical, steel, cement, and oil and gas. These sectors were chosen because they are the industries with the highest carbon emissions. The research sought to verify the sustainability measures adopted by business and industry actors, with special emphasis on the use of Voluntary Sustainability Standards and ESG values. In order to verify the information provided by the companies, the documents that informed the measures taken by the companies and the numbers supporting their results were always sought out and explained in the text. The conclusions were that the sectors, guided by industry associations, have adopted a broad set of sustainability measures. The results of these measures, however, sometimes lack proof and sometimes lead to sporadic conduct, contrary to the precepts of environmental and social sustainability.

Resumo (Portuguese)
O trabalho teve como objetivo analisar os esforços de sustentabilidade de cinco setores da indústria brasileira: alumínio, químico, aço, cimento e petróleo e gás. Os setores foram escolhidos por serem altamente poluentes. A pesquisa buscou verificar as iniciativas de sustentabilidade dos setores, com especial ênfase no uso de normas voluntárias de sustentabilidade e de padrões ESG. A fim de comprovar a veracidade das informações prestadas pelas empresas, buscou-se sempre a identificação de documentos que formalizassem as ações das empresas e de números que comprovassem seus resultados. As conclusões foram que os setores, orientados por suas associações, adotam um conjunto amplo de medidas de sustentabilidade. Essas ações, entretanto, por vezes carecem de comprovação de resultados e não impedem a adoção esporádica de condutas contrárias aos preceitos de sustentabilidade ambiental e social.

Die Abteilung Klimapolitik sucht zur Mitarbeit in einem Brückenprojekt zwischen den Abteilungen Sozio-oekonomisches Panel (SOEP) und Klimapolitik zum nächstmöglichen Zeitpunkt

eine studentische Hilfskraft (w/m/div) (für 12 Wochenstunden)

In dem Projekt geht es um die Berechnung von CO2 Emissionen deutscher Haushalte und die Frage, wie diese Haushalte ihren Konsum verändern, wenn sie Informationen zu ihren Emissionen erhalten. 

The political changes in the international system in recent years have been profound. One decisive factor is the enormously increased role of actors from the Global South. India is of outstanding importance in this respect: the country itself is a  central shaper of international relations, it challenges unjust global governance structures, it uses its opportunities to act as the Voice of the Global South and, last but not least, it is a sought-after partner. All this is more than evident in 2023, when  India is using and shaping its G20 presidency very purposefully. India is doing a lot to put development issues on international agendas, including the agendas of Western actors. Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS) can rightly  claim to be a major player and contributor in this context. With tremendous dynamism, it covers an enormous range of topics. It combines elements of a think tank with those of a do tank in an astonishing way (Klingebiel et al. 2023): Analysing, designing concepts, but using a hand on approach, for example when it comes to offering training programmes for people from other developing countries.

The political changes in the international system in recent years have been profound. One decisive factor is the enormously increased role of actors from the Global South. India is of outstanding importance in this respect: the country itself is a  central shaper of international relations, it challenges unjust global governance structures, it uses its opportunities to act as the Voice of the Global South and, last but not least, it is a sought-after partner. All this is more than evident in 2023, when  India is using and shaping its G20 presidency very purposefully. India is doing a lot to put development issues on international agendas, including the agendas of Western actors. Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS) can rightly  claim to be a major player and contributor in this context. With tremendous dynamism, it covers an enormous range of topics. It combines elements of a think tank with those of a do tank in an astonishing way (Klingebiel et al. 2023): Analysing, designing concepts, but using a hand on approach, for example when it comes to offering training programmes for people from other developing countries.

The political changes in the international system in recent years have been profound. One decisive factor is the enormously increased role of actors from the Global South. India is of outstanding importance in this respect: the country itself is a  central shaper of international relations, it challenges unjust global governance structures, it uses its opportunities to act as the Voice of the Global South and, last but not least, it is a sought-after partner. All this is more than evident in 2023, when  India is using and shaping its G20 presidency very purposefully. India is doing a lot to put development issues on international agendas, including the agendas of Western actors. Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS) can rightly  claim to be a major player and contributor in this context. With tremendous dynamism, it covers an enormous range of topics. It combines elements of a think tank with those of a do tank in an astonishing way (Klingebiel et al. 2023): Analysing, designing concepts, but using a hand on approach, for example when it comes to offering training programmes for people from other developing countries.

Die Zusammenhänge zwischen Friedens- und Entwicklungsprozessen und die Arbeit an dieser thematischen Schnittstelle sind immer komplexer geworden und werden unter dem Stichwort des „Development-Peace-Nexus“ diskutiert. Trotz der Versuche die verschiedenen Arbeitsbereiche zu harmonisieren und besser abzustimmen, folgen diese in der realpolitischen Praxis nicht immer einer stringenten Logik. Dies ist auch aufgrund der vielen sich inhaltlich überschneidenden Akteure eine Herausforderung.

Die Zusammenhänge zwischen Friedens- und Entwicklungsprozessen und die Arbeit an dieser thematischen Schnittstelle sind immer komplexer geworden und werden unter dem Stichwort des „Development-Peace-Nexus“ diskutiert. Trotz der Versuche die verschiedenen Arbeitsbereiche zu harmonisieren und besser abzustimmen, folgen diese in der realpolitischen Praxis nicht immer einer stringenten Logik. Dies ist auch aufgrund der vielen sich inhaltlich überschneidenden Akteure eine Herausforderung.

Die Zusammenhänge zwischen Friedens- und Entwicklungsprozessen und die Arbeit an dieser thematischen Schnittstelle sind immer komplexer geworden und werden unter dem Stichwort des „Development-Peace-Nexus“ diskutiert. Trotz der Versuche die verschiedenen Arbeitsbereiche zu harmonisieren und besser abzustimmen, folgen diese in der realpolitischen Praxis nicht immer einer stringenten Logik. Dies ist auch aufgrund der vielen sich inhaltlich überschneidenden Akteure eine Herausforderung.

Das Statistische Bundesamt hat heute die vorläufige Inflationsrate für das Jahr 2023 veröffentlicht. Dies kommentiert DIW-Präsident Marcel Fratzscher:

Die Inflation war mit 5,9 Prozent im Jahr 2023 noch immer viel zu hoch. Wir erleben nach wie vor eine höchst unsoziale Inflation, denn Menschen mit geringen Einkommen erfahren eine zwei- bis dreimal höhere Inflation als Menschen mit hohen Einkommen. Das liegt daran, dass in den vergangenen beiden Jahren besonders die Dinge teurer geworden sind, für die Menschen mit geringen Einkommen einen viel höheren Anteil ihres monatlichen Einkommens aufbringen müssen als andere Menschen. Dies sind insbesondere Energie und Lebensmittel.

Das größte Problem für die Bürgerinnen und Bürger ist nicht die Inflation per se, sondern die Tatsache, dass für die meisten Menschen in den vergangenen beiden Jahren die Preise für ihren Lebensunterhalt stärker gestiegen sind als ihre Löhne und Einkommen. Vor allem Menschen mit geringen und mittleren Einkommen haben heute eine geringere Kaufkraft als noch vor zwei Jahren und müssen deshalb den Gürtel enger schnallen. Dies wirkt sich auch negativ auf die Konjunktur und gesamtwirtschaftliche Entwicklung in Deutschland aus. Denn weniger Nachfrage bedeutet auch weniger Wachstum und Umsatz für die Unternehmen. 

Die Chancen stehen gut, dass die Inflation 2024 deutlich abnehmen wird und – nach neuster Prognose des DIW Berlin – bei 2,4 Prozent liegen könnte. Gleichzeitig ist eine solche Prognose mit viel Unsicherheit behaftet, denn eine Eskalation der Kriege in der Ukraine und im mittleren Osten, zunehmende Handelskonflikte oder Naturkatastrophen können schnell wieder zu stark steigenden Preisen führen. Zudem dürfte 2024 die Inflation wiederum sehr unsozial sein und Menschen mit geringen Einkommen deutlich härter treffen. Vor allem die Mieten könnten weiter deutlich steigen. Und auch die Energiekosten könnten wieder steigen, da steuerliche Entlastungen wegfallen und der CO2-Preis weiter zunehmen wird.  

Die Politik kann die Inflation nicht kontrollieren. Aber sie kann besonders hart betroffene Menschen finanziell gezielt entlasten. Die Bundesregierung sollte daher 2024 ihr Hauptaugenmerk auf eine stärkere Erhöhung des Mindestlohns und die Umsetzung des Klimageldes legen. Dies sind die effektivsten Instrumente und vor allem Menschen mit geringen Einkommen zu entlasten und ihre Einkommen zu stärken.

Wegen der Hochwasserkatastrophe in Niedersachsen und anderen Bundesländern wird aktuell diskutiert, die Schuldenbremse auszusetzen. DIW-Präsident Marcel Fratzscher kommentiert diesen Vorschlag wie folgt:

Die Hochwasserkatastrophe in Teilen Deutschlands wird wohl eine Ausnahme von der Schuldenbremse, sowohl für den Bund als auch für einige Länder wie Niedersachsen, notwendig machen. Diese Katastrophe wird den Staat voraussichtlich einen erheblichen Milliardenbetrag kosten, der nicht aus den laufenden Haushalten gedeckt werden kann. Die Alternative zu einer Ausnahme der Schuldenbremse wäre ein noch härterer Sparkurs, der die deutsche Wirtschaft in eh schon schwierigen Zeiten weiter schwächen und Wohlstand kosten würde.

Die Hochwasserkatastrophe in Niedersachsen zeigt die Unsinnigkeit der Schuldenbremse, so wie sie nun durch das Bundesverfassungsgericht noch weiter eingegrenzt wurde. Es wird voraussichtlich künftig kein Jahr in Deutschland ohne Naturkatastrophe oder eine andere Notsituation vergehen, die erhebliche Ausgaben des deutschen Staates erfordert. Ein Festhalten an der Schuldenbremse wird daher bedeuten, dass der deutsche Staat künftig fast jedes Jahr eine Ausnahme von der Schuldenbremse erklären muss. Eine so definierte Schuldenbremse ist kontraproduktiv und schädlich, weil sie Unsicherheit schafft und immer wieder zu politischen Konflikten führen wird.

Wenn in Zukunft nicht fast jedes Jahr eine Ausnahme von der Schuldenbremse erklärt werden soll, dann muss der deutsche Staat erhebliche Überschüsse einplanen, damit er den nötigen finanziellen Spielraum hat, um auf Krisen reagieren zu können. Alternativ könnte der Staat versuchen, vorbeugend ein Sondervermögen für Naturkatastrophen zu schaffen mit Verfassungsrang – so wie das Sondervermögen für die Bundeswehr –, um schnell und flexibel auf künftige Krisen reagieren zu können. Allerdings gibt es viele andere Notsituationen und besondere Finanzierungsbedarfe für den Staat, so dass dies letztlich die Schuldenbremse sinnlos macht. Daher sollte die Politik dringend die gegenwärtige Schuldenbremse reformieren und bis dahin weitere Sondervermögen schaffen, um notwendige Ausgaben finanzieren und vor allem auch schnell und flexibel auf Notsituationen reagieren zu können.