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Haftungsausschluss : Die Verdolmetschung der Debatten soll die Kommunikation erleichtern, sie stellt jedoch keine authentische Aufzeichnung der Debatten dar. Authentisch sind nur die Originalfassungen der Reden bzw. ihre überprüften schriftlichen Übersetzungen.
Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2026 - EP

Deux personnes sont aux mains de la Police républicaine dans une affaire présumée de vol et de recel de motocyclettes dans les communes de Kétou et de Pobè. Plusieurs motocyclettes et pièces détachées ont été retrouvées au cours des perquisitions.

Le lundi 28 septembre 2026, aux environs de 10 heures, la motocyclette Bajaj appartenant à un cultivateur a été dérobée à Atanchoukpa, alors que son propriétaire se trouvait dans son champ.

Les recherches engagées par le commissariat d'arrondissement de Kétou centre ont permis d'interpeller un premier suspect. Les investigations conduit à l'arrestation à Pobè, d'un second suspect, présenté comme un mécanicien-revendeur.

Les perquisitions effectuées dans le cadre de l'enquête ont permis de découvrir plusieurs éléments susceptibles d'intéresser les enquêteurs.

Deux motocyclettes, une Bajaj et une Dayang, ont été saisies, ainsi qu'un moteur complet de motocyclette, des pièces détachées, notamment des réservoirs, des phares, des échappements et des amortisseurs.

Des moteurs hors d'usage ainsi que des titres de propriété portant sur plusieurs motocyclettes figurent également parmi les biens saisis.

Selon la Police, les investigations se poursuivent.

M. M.

Yaniv Hayun, passager du vol FZ1073 de Flydubai, a rencontré le Premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu après l'atterrissage de l'avion de remplacement à Tel Aviv. Il portait encore un T-shirt ensanglanté.

Le capitaine Smit Machchhar a été agressé par un autre pilote à bord du vol Flydubai à destination de Tel Aviv.

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

L'avocat de Christa Pike, la meurtrière, affirme qu'elle reçoit des « soins vitaux » à l'hôpital après l'administration de deux seringues de pentobarbital.

Les dirigeants du secteur automobile en Europe espèrent que le réarmement leur permettra de redonner confiance à leur puissance industrielle.

By James Alix Michel
VICTORIA, Seychelles, Oct 1 2026 (IPS)

From a distance, an island nation can appear to possess everything: pristine waters, a thriving tourism industry and a strong cultural identity. Its income figures may suggest prosperity.

James Alix Michel

Yet those figures can conceal the permanent costs of remoteness, dependence on imported food and fuel, expensive transport and infrastructure, and an economy exposed to forces far beyond its shores. A pandemic, a cyclone or a sudden interruption in tourism can undo years of progress with frightening speed.

This is the paradox confronting small island states. We are judged by what we earn on paper, while our future is shaped by what we must endure in reality. President Dr Patrick Herminie of Seychelles brought this question to the United Nations this month, urging international finance to “measure reality correctly”. He called for affordable, accessible, long-term finance, meaningful debt relief and effective implementation of the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index (MVI).

His appeal continues a case Seychelles has made for many years.

In 2009, Seychelles warned at the United Nations that small economies were especially exposed to global economic instability and the impacts of climate change. In 2013, it called for financing mechanisms and concessional conditions tailored to small island developing states. In 2015, it argued that attaining a higher-income classification should not automatically exclude an island nation from concessional support. The message has remained consistent: development gains do not erase structural vulnerability.

For too long, eligibility for grants and affordable loans has depended heavily on GDP or gross national income per capita. Income matters, but it cannot tell the whole story. It reveals little about a country’s exposure to shocks or its capacity to recover. A small state must maintain ports, airports, hospitals, schools, power systems, water supplies and coastal defences with a limited population and tax base. It may depend on one or two sectors, such as tourism or fisheries. When global prices rise or supply chains fail, the consequences can be felt across the entire nation at once.

This is not an argument against sound national management. It is an argument for recognising realities that good management alone cannot remove. Countries may graduate from an income category; they do not graduate from geography, climate exposure or limited economic scale.

Nor is this a Seychelles concern alone. From the Caribbean to the Pacific and across the Indian Ocean, island countries have long pressed for international finance to reflect vulnerability rather than income alone. Barbados has advocated measures that better capture vulnerability and resilience, while the Alliance of Small Island States has argued that the financial system must recognise the distinctive circumstances of its members. There is a shared understanding here: a prosperous-looking average can hide a profoundly fragile foundation.

The MVI offers a way to make that foundation visible. It is intended to complement, not replace, income measures by assessing structural vulnerability and resilience across economic, environmental and social dimensions. It asks decision-makers to look beyond a single number towards the pressures an island country faces: remoteness, economic concentration, disaster risk, climate exposure and the limited room to absorb shocks.

In August 2024, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 78/322 on the MVI, an important recognition that national income alone is an inadequate guide. But adoption is only the beginning. An index will not protect a coastline, keep a hospital open or help a family recover after a storm unless it changes financing decisions. Will lenders and development partners use it to widen access to concessional finance? Will it help countries obtain adaptation funds before disaster strikes? Will it inform debt arrangements that leave governments room to protect essential services after a crisis?

That is the true test of the international community’s commitment. A fairer system would provide more grants and affordable long-term finance for resilience. It would include clauses that pause debt repayments after major disasters. It would treat coastal protection, water security, renewable energy and the restoration of reefs and mangroves as essential investments, not discretionary extras to be considered only when funds remain.
We know the price of waiting. When a storm destroys infrastructure, a country may have to borrow to rebuild what it could not afford to protect. Debt then limits future investment, leaving it more exposed to the next shock. Financing resilience in advance can break that cycle. It protects lives, public finances and development gains. This is not charity; it is sound economics.

The question also reaches beyond island states. Across the developing world, countries facing climate shocks, volatile markets and heavy debt are too often assessed through indicators that overlook their lived circumstances. When scarce public money goes towards expensive borrowing instead of health, education or adaptation, the poorest communities bear the greatest cost. A financial system that responds only after calamity is neither efficient nor just.

Seychelles has voiced this concern since 2009, and President Herminie’s appeal shows why it remains urgent. The MVI gives the world an opportunity to turn recognition into action. Those who govern international lending must now decide whether vulnerability will matter when resources are allocated, not merely when speeches are delivered.

An island is more than an income figure. It is a society, a culture, an ecosystem and a future, living close to risks often created far beyond its shores. To measure that reality correctly is the beginning of fairness. To finance it fairly must follow.

James Alix Michel, is Former President of the Republic of Seychelles

IPS UN Bureau

 

 

 

 

Chivayo was known for his lavish lifestyle, close ties to African presidents and lucrative government contracts.

Die geplante Hinrichtung von Christa Pike in Nashville scheiterte am Mittwochabend. Zwei Giftspritzen blieben wirkungslos. Die verurteilte Mörderin wurde ins Spital gebracht und medizinisch behandelt.

Nach den Wahlen des russischen Parlaments gab Putin eine Rede.

Die geplante Hinrichtung von Christa Pike in Nashville scheiterte am Mittwochabend. Zwei Giftspritzen blieben wirkungslos. Die verurteilte Mörderin wurde ins Spital gebracht und medizinisch behandelt.

Beim 22. Zurich Film Festival blieben 260 von 300 Plätzen bei Greta Thunbergs Podiumsdiskussion leer. Der Grund: Eine mutmasslich gezielte Ticketblockade, die laut Thunberg von Marokko orchestriert worden sein könnte. Wir erklären den Hintergrund.

In Wohlen AG ist ein Autofahrer von der Strasse abgekommen. Das Auto geriet sofort in Brand. Die Insassen überlebten dank des beherzten Eingreifens von Passanten.

Vom Barista zum Schweizer Meister im Kaffeerösten: Christoph Meier prägt die Qualität bei ViCAFE. Im Interview verrät der Zürcher, welche Bohnen am schwierigsten zu rösten sind, warum einmal die Feuerwehr kommen musste und welchen Kaffee er selbst trinkt.

Feueralarm in Elm: Am Mittwochabend brach im Berghotel Bischofalp auf 1650 Metern Höhe ein Brand aus. Die Ursache ist unklar. Ist es wegen Bauarbeiten?

Heidi Klums berühmte Halloween-Party geht dieses Jahr ohne Bill und Tom Kaulitz über die Bühne. Die Zwillinge meldeten sich schon jetzt offiziell ab und wollten damit frühzeitig Gerüchten entgegenwirken.

Le commandant de bord et le copilote ont été blessés, et un pilote a été arrêté, selon les autorités.

Over 30 national jurisdictions around the world have adopted a carbon tax. The tax rate is one of the key aspects of the design of carbon taxes, determining environmental effectiveness,
competitiveness, carbon leakage risks and revenue raised. This article sheds new light on the criteria countries use to set the tax rate in their domestic instruments. To do so, we first outline a taxonomy of criteria that governments can use in setting the tax rate and then provide a comparative analysis of the criteria actually used by 13 jurisdictions to set this rate.
We find that empirically driven criteria, such as marginal abatement cost curves (MACCs) and the social cost of carbon (SCC), are rarely used to determine the tax rate. Few countries use
MACCs to set their carbon tax rate and such use is always combined with other criteria. Overall, carbon tax rates are mostly set based on evaluations that transcend purely empirical estimates. In addition, the Nobel Prize-winning idea of the SCC is not used in any documents published by the countries analysed, despite the fact that it can be adapted to suit political preferences. The common description of carbon taxes as instruments that primarily aim to internalise externalities does not reflect their implementation in practice. A corollary of this finding is that scholarship that criticises carbon taxes for embedding a cost-benefit analysis approach to climate policy simply condemns these instruments for being something they are not. Our analysis also indicates that emulation and competition play an important role in setting the tax rate, as governments copy price levels implemented in other jurisdictions or supranational carbon pricing instruments. This has implications for the design of carbon taxes in the current geopolitical situation, as changes in the tax rate in one jurisdiction may spill over into others.

Goran Dominioni is Assistant Professor in Climate Change Law and Policy at the School of Law and Government at Dublin City University

Over 30 national jurisdictions around the world have adopted a carbon tax. The tax rate is one of the key aspects of the design of carbon taxes, determining environmental effectiveness,
competitiveness, carbon leakage risks and revenue raised. This article sheds new light on the criteria countries use to set the tax rate in their domestic instruments. To do so, we first outline a taxonomy of criteria that governments can use in setting the tax rate and then provide a comparative analysis of the criteria actually used by 13 jurisdictions to set this rate.
We find that empirically driven criteria, such as marginal abatement cost curves (MACCs) and the social cost of carbon (SCC), are rarely used to determine the tax rate. Few countries use
MACCs to set their carbon tax rate and such use is always combined with other criteria. Overall, carbon tax rates are mostly set based on evaluations that transcend purely empirical estimates. In addition, the Nobel Prize-winning idea of the SCC is not used in any documents published by the countries analysed, despite the fact that it can be adapted to suit political preferences. The common description of carbon taxes as instruments that primarily aim to internalise externalities does not reflect their implementation in practice. A corollary of this finding is that scholarship that criticises carbon taxes for embedding a cost-benefit analysis approach to climate policy simply condemns these instruments for being something they are not. Our analysis also indicates that emulation and competition play an important role in setting the tax rate, as governments copy price levels implemented in other jurisdictions or supranational carbon pricing instruments. This has implications for the design of carbon taxes in the current geopolitical situation, as changes in the tax rate in one jurisdiction may spill over into others.

Goran Dominioni is Assistant Professor in Climate Change Law and Policy at the School of Law and Government at Dublin City University