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Blog article adapted from ‘Shadows of a Nation: History, Identity, and the Transnistrian Question’ working paper presented at the UACES Graduate Forum Research Conference at the Panteion University, Athens on 30 May 2025. Will Kingston-Cox is a political researcher and postgraduate in Russian and East European Studies at the University of Oxford, specialising in Moldova, nationalism, and post-Soviet separatism.

Pridnestrovie[1] rarely makes international headlines. When it does, the region is reductively portrayed as a frozen conflict zone in Moldova’s eastern periphery, a relict quirk of Soviet collapse, or a pawn in Russia’s geopolitical manoeuvring. Since its de facto separation from Moldova in 1990, it has operated with its own borders, government, army, and currency, but without international recognition. To reduce Pridnestrovie simply to a geopolitical anomaly obscures the ways in which history, memory, and identity converge to produce a distinctive political community on Europe’s edge.

The war in Ukraine has once again thrown Pridnestrovie into sharper focus. Around 1,500 Russian “peacekeepers” remain stationed there, and the unresolved status of the territory consistently overshadows Moldova’s aspirations for closer integration with the European Union. In January 2025, a regional gas crisis starkly revealed Pridnestrovie’s vulnerability. When Ukraine halted the transit of Russian gas, the region, long dependent on Moscow’s subsidies and infrastructure, entered a severe humanitarian crisis. Heating, schools, and factories shut down. Yet it was not Russia but Moldova, supported by the EU, that assisted in with emergency gas supplies. For the first time, Pridnestrovie’s economic survival depended on its western neighbour rather than its eastern patron.

To understand why this mattered so profoundly, it is necessary to look at how Pridnestrovie’s identity has developed vis-a-vis Russia and Moldova across five formative historical episodes.

The first is rooted in the imperial period. The lands east of the Dniester River (today’s Pridnestrovie) were annexed by the Russian Empire in 1792, two decades before Russia also absorbed Bessarabia, the territory that would later become modern Moldova. Whereas Bessarabian identity was shaped through alternating Romanian, Ottoman, and Russian influences, Pridnestrovie’s trajectory was unambiguously Russian imperial. It was settled largely by Russian and Ukrainian populations and became a multiethnic Slavic frontier embedded firmly in imperial administration. By the late nineteenth century, Pridnestrovie functioned as a Russian stronghold against a culturally and linguistically Romanian Bessarabia.

The second episode came in 1924 with the establishment of the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (MASSR) within the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. Far from recognising Moldovan distinctiveness, this was a calculated act of Soviet identity engineering. The MASSR was designed to manufacture a “Moldovan” nationality that would both counteract Romanian nationalism across the river and provide a justification for future Soviet claims to Bessarabia. A Cyrillic-script “Moldovan” language was institutionalised, Soviet cultural production reinforced the distinction, and loyal political cadres were installed. What emerged was an artificial but enduring sense of divergence between the left and right banks of the Dniester.

The third moment of rupture was the Second World War. Between 1941 and 1944, Romanian and Nazi German occupation transformed Pridnestrovie into a killing ground for Jews and Roma. More than 120,000 were deported, interned, or killed in ghettos and forced labour camps. While Moldova west of the Dniester also experienced wartime violence, Pridnestrovie’s direct subjection to Romanian rule created a distinct political memory. Romania became remembered as an aggressor, a narrative later reinforced by Soviet historiography and subsequently instrumentalised by Pridnestrovian elites in the 1990s. The memory of wartime occupation continues to shape identity today. When Moldova renamed its state language from “Moldovan” to “Romanian” in 2023, this was read in Tiraspol as confirmation of Moldova’s equation with Romania, a symbolic threat to the idea of Pridnestrovian separateness.

The fourth episode unfolded during the Soviet period. Pridnestrovie became the industrial powerhouse of the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic (MSSR), producing an estimated 80 per cent of its industrial output. It hosted the Soviet 14th Army and was integrated into the wider Odessa Military District as a hub for heavy industry and arms production. The region attracted large-scale migration from Russia and Ukraine, diluting the proportion of ethnic Moldovans and reinforcing a multi-ethnic demographic profile. Politically, Pridnestrovians dominated: by 1989, no Bessarabian Moldovan had ever served as First Secretary of the Moldovan Communist Party. For many inhabitants, their livelihoods and identity were tied to the Soviet system.

Ultimately, the final rupture came in 1990–1992. Moldova’s nationalist turn, especially the elevation of Romanian language and symbols, was perceived on the left bank not as liberation but as existential threat. Pridnestrovian separatists mobilised to preserve their Soviet-era privileges and resist “Moldovanisation,” which they equated with Romanian unification. The war claimed over 3,000 lives and ended with a ceasefire in July 1992 that left Moldova without control over Pridnestrovie. Since then, the self-proclaimed Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR) has existed as a de facto state. Its institutions are entrenched, but it remains internationally unrecognised.

The central question today is whether this de facto state has also generated a nation. Evidence suggests that it has, though in contested and pragmatic forms. Identity is cultivated through the memorialisation of the 1992 war, the memory of Romanian occupation, and loyalty to the PMR’s institutions. It is multiethnic by necessity: Russians, Ukrainians, and Moldovans coexist under the shared label of “Pridnestrovian.” As one young respondent explained: “I call myself Pridnestrovian because I was born here, but what does that actually mean?” Belonging is shaped less by ethnicity than by residence, political loyalty, and a sense of historical separation from Moldova.

This produces a paradoxical identity. On the surface it is inclusive, but it is also forged through trauma and external dependence. The PMR promotes itself as a multiethnic national polity, yet Russia sustains the system through subsidies, media influence, and symbolic gestures, whilst avoiding the step of formal recognition or annexation. As Moldova pursues its European trajectory and wrestles with its own divided polity over identity and geopolitical alignment, it is wholly conceivable that the ambiguity of Pridnestrovian identity and the longstanding unsettled political conflict will be reconciled. The unresolved conflict is not only a question of borders or recognition, but of competing identities and contested pasts: shadows that continue to shape Europe’s eastern edge.

[1] Pridnestrovie is the endonym for the region commonly known as Transnistria in English

The post Shadows of a Nation: Rethinking Identity in Pridnestrovie appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

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In an age of crises and armed conflicts, women continue to play a central role in preventing conflicts, maintaining peace and security, protecting civilians, and strengthening societal resilience and recovery. They do so as political leaders, negotiators, mediators, peacekeepers, humanitarian workers, or civil society representatives—both on the ground and on the international stage. Their contribution is recognised in several mandates that promote the integration of gender perspectives in peacekeeping, as well as in the work of the UN peacebuilding architecture (UNSCR 2282).

At the same time, women and girls are increasingly bearing the brunt of crises and conflicts. Their exposure to armed conflicts has risen by 50% over the past decade, and the number of UN-verified cases of conflict-related sexual violence—primarily targeting women and girls—has steadily increased in recent years. Attacks on women’s rights are multiplying, while negotiations on gender issues at the UN have become increasingly contentious, threatening hard-won progress.

This challenging context is further compounded by severe financial constraints facing the UN and the urgent need for reforms aimed at efficient multilateralism, as highlighted by the ongoing UN80 reform initiative.

On September 25th, IPI together with the Permanent Missions of Colombia and France to the United Nations, cohosted a ministerial-level event taking place at UN Headquarters on “Women Building Peace in an Age of Crises and Armed Conflicts: How Feminist Approaches to Foreign Policy Can Advance Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding.” Phoebe Donnelly, IPI Senior Fellow and Head of Women, Peace, and Security, moderated the conversation.

This event highlighted the “peace dividends” of women’s leadership—in other words, the essential roles women play in achieving sustainable and lasting peace at every stage of conflict: before, during, and after. The event offered an opportunity to showcase the role of feminist and gender-based approaches as drivers of democracy, human rights, equality, sustainability and lasting peace. Integrating a gender perspective is not just an added value—it is a key driver of sustainable peace. It also reflects our collective commitment to reinforcing the participation and representation of women, in the spirit of CEDAW Committee General Recommendations n°30 and n°40.

The event welcomed four new members to the FFP+ (Morocco, Nepal, Slovenia, and the United Kingdom) and recognized their exceptional commitment to gender equality, women’s rights, and women’s empowerment in their foreign policy agendas. It also build momentum for the upcoming 4th Feminist Foreign Policy Ministerial Conference, which will take place in Paris in October 2025, following the successful conference hosted by Mexico in 2024.

Participants reflected upon national, regional, and international experiences that underscore the peace, security, democracy, and social dividends of women’s and girls’ agency and leadership.

The post Women Building Peace in an Age of Crises and Armed Conflicts: How Feminist Approaches to Foreign Policy Can Advance Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding appeared first on International Peace Institute.

In Mongolia, a mining boom has significantly increased pressures on water resources, negatively affecting human health and ecosystems. In this chapter, we ask how polycentric water governance and the interaction of different modes of coordination play out in Mongolia and what this implies for the protection of rivers against pollution from mining. By presenting a case study from a developing and transitioning country, this chapter also contributes to a better understanding of how contextual factors affect different coordination modes. We find that protecting rivers from mining pollution remains a considerable challenge in Mongolia. While new rules and actors at the basin level have fostered cooperation among public-sector agencies, due to power asymmetries, public agencies tend to avoid direct cooperation with mining companies. Instead, interaction with mining operators mainly happens through different types of hierarchical interrelations, but their effectiveness is undermined through lobbying, collusion, and corruption. Next to power asymmetries, economic, political, cultural, and environmental contextual factors constrain mining pollution abatement.

In Mongolia, a mining boom has significantly increased pressures on water resources, negatively affecting human health and ecosystems. In this chapter, we ask how polycentric water governance and the interaction of different modes of coordination play out in Mongolia and what this implies for the protection of rivers against pollution from mining. By presenting a case study from a developing and transitioning country, this chapter also contributes to a better understanding of how contextual factors affect different coordination modes. We find that protecting rivers from mining pollution remains a considerable challenge in Mongolia. While new rules and actors at the basin level have fostered cooperation among public-sector agencies, due to power asymmetries, public agencies tend to avoid direct cooperation with mining companies. Instead, interaction with mining operators mainly happens through different types of hierarchical interrelations, but their effectiveness is undermined through lobbying, collusion, and corruption. Next to power asymmetries, economic, political, cultural, and environmental contextual factors constrain mining pollution abatement.

In Mongolia, a mining boom has significantly increased pressures on water resources, negatively affecting human health and ecosystems. In this chapter, we ask how polycentric water governance and the interaction of different modes of coordination play out in Mongolia and what this implies for the protection of rivers against pollution from mining. By presenting a case study from a developing and transitioning country, this chapter also contributes to a better understanding of how contextual factors affect different coordination modes. We find that protecting rivers from mining pollution remains a considerable challenge in Mongolia. While new rules and actors at the basin level have fostered cooperation among public-sector agencies, due to power asymmetries, public agencies tend to avoid direct cooperation with mining companies. Instead, interaction with mining operators mainly happens through different types of hierarchical interrelations, but their effectiveness is undermined through lobbying, collusion, and corruption. Next to power asymmetries, economic, political, cultural, and environmental contextual factors constrain mining pollution abatement.

Pressemitteilung der Projektgruppe Gemeinschaftsdiagnose: Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin), ifo Institut – Leibniz-Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung an der Universität München e. V. in Kooperation mit dem Österreichischen Institut für Wirt­schaftsforschung (WIFO), Kiel ...

Tax expenditures (TEs) in Colombia accounted for approximately 7.8% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2022, broken down as follows: the fiscal cost of this expenditure was 0.6% in terms of personal income tax and 1.5% in terms of corporate income tax. The remaining 5.6% corresponded to VAT. In total, this represents a four-percentage-point increase on the previous year.
This report stresses the need to review TEs. Such an evaluation was already crucial before the pandemic, but has now become all the more urgent in the wake of COVID-19 and its impact on inequality and state revenue.
Transparency: there is no comprehensive data available on TEs in Colombia and the data that does exist is not accessible to researchers or the general public. In several cases, information is patchy or aggregated, making it difficult to evaluate.
Complex fiscal landscape: the Colombian tax system is complex, due in part to the numerous special exemptions, exclusions and deductions inherent in the regulatory framework. This complicates matters in terms of tax compliance, oversight and auditing.
Evaluation challenges: Colombia had no defined benchmark for determining its TE. While initial work was undertaken in mid-2024 to define a benchmark for income tax and VAT, the disaggregated report is not available at the time of writing this analysis. Additionally, the absence of effective and ongoing assessment to determine the appropriateness of tax benefits has led to an accumulation of incentives, many of them unjustified, and an increase in the country’s TE.
Fiscal sustainability: limited tax collection is impinging on the ability of the Colombian state to maintain healthy public finances and comply with its fiscal rule. This is not only the result of a stagnating economy, but also stems from numerous tax benefits that drive up TE. These benefits already corresponded to 7.4% and 7.8% of GDP in 2021 and 2022 respectively.
Policy recommendations: there is a need to restructure the Colombian tax system to make it more efficient, sustainable and equitable. Tax benefits must be reviewed and, in some cases, progressively removed in order to help achieve tax justice and streamline the system.

 

Tax expenditures (TEs) in Colombia accounted for approximately 7.8% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2022, broken down as follows: the fiscal cost of this expenditure was 0.6% in terms of personal income tax and 1.5% in terms of corporate income tax. The remaining 5.6% corresponded to VAT. In total, this represents a four-percentage-point increase on the previous year.
This report stresses the need to review TEs. Such an evaluation was already crucial before the pandemic, but has now become all the more urgent in the wake of COVID-19 and its impact on inequality and state revenue.
Transparency: there is no comprehensive data available on TEs in Colombia and the data that does exist is not accessible to researchers or the general public. In several cases, information is patchy or aggregated, making it difficult to evaluate.
Complex fiscal landscape: the Colombian tax system is complex, due in part to the numerous special exemptions, exclusions and deductions inherent in the regulatory framework. This complicates matters in terms of tax compliance, oversight and auditing.
Evaluation challenges: Colombia had no defined benchmark for determining its TE. While initial work was undertaken in mid-2024 to define a benchmark for income tax and VAT, the disaggregated report is not available at the time of writing this analysis. Additionally, the absence of effective and ongoing assessment to determine the appropriateness of tax benefits has led to an accumulation of incentives, many of them unjustified, and an increase in the country’s TE.
Fiscal sustainability: limited tax collection is impinging on the ability of the Colombian state to maintain healthy public finances and comply with its fiscal rule. This is not only the result of a stagnating economy, but also stems from numerous tax benefits that drive up TE. These benefits already corresponded to 7.4% and 7.8% of GDP in 2021 and 2022 respectively.
Policy recommendations: there is a need to restructure the Colombian tax system to make it more efficient, sustainable and equitable. Tax benefits must be reviewed and, in some cases, progressively removed in order to help achieve tax justice and streamline the system.

 

Tax expenditures (TEs) in Colombia accounted for approximately 7.8% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2022, broken down as follows: the fiscal cost of this expenditure was 0.6% in terms of personal income tax and 1.5% in terms of corporate income tax. The remaining 5.6% corresponded to VAT. In total, this represents a four-percentage-point increase on the previous year.
This report stresses the need to review TEs. Such an evaluation was already crucial before the pandemic, but has now become all the more urgent in the wake of COVID-19 and its impact on inequality and state revenue.
Transparency: there is no comprehensive data available on TEs in Colombia and the data that does exist is not accessible to researchers or the general public. In several cases, information is patchy or aggregated, making it difficult to evaluate.
Complex fiscal landscape: the Colombian tax system is complex, due in part to the numerous special exemptions, exclusions and deductions inherent in the regulatory framework. This complicates matters in terms of tax compliance, oversight and auditing.
Evaluation challenges: Colombia had no defined benchmark for determining its TE. While initial work was undertaken in mid-2024 to define a benchmark for income tax and VAT, the disaggregated report is not available at the time of writing this analysis. Additionally, the absence of effective and ongoing assessment to determine the appropriateness of tax benefits has led to an accumulation of incentives, many of them unjustified, and an increase in the country’s TE.
Fiscal sustainability: limited tax collection is impinging on the ability of the Colombian state to maintain healthy public finances and comply with its fiscal rule. This is not only the result of a stagnating economy, but also stems from numerous tax benefits that drive up TE. These benefits already corresponded to 7.4% and 7.8% of GDP in 2021 and 2022 respectively.
Policy recommendations: there is a need to restructure the Colombian tax system to make it more efficient, sustainable and equitable. Tax benefits must be reviewed and, in some cases, progressively removed in order to help achieve tax justice and streamline the system.

 

Dans une lettre adressee aux << Lyonnaises et Lyonnais >> publiee ce jeudi 25 septembre, l'ex-patron de l'OL a officialise son intention de se presenter aux municipales de mars 2026.

En 2022, los gastos tributarios (GTs) en Colombia representaron aproximadamente el 7.8% del PIB, desglosándose de la siguiente manera: el costo fiscal de estos gastos en el impuesto sobre la renta fue del 0.6% para personas naturales y del 1.5% para personas jurídicas. El otro 5.6% corresponde al IVA. Este total representa un aumento de 4 puntos porcentuales en comparación con el año anterior.
Este informe destaca la necesidad de revisar los GTs, una evaluación que ya era crucial antes de la pandemia, pero que se ha vuelto aún más urgente en el contexto post-COVID-19, dado su impacto en la desigualdad y en los ingresos estatales.
Transparencia: La información sobre GTs en Colombia no es detallada ni accesible para los ciudadanos o los investigadores. En algunos casos está dispersa o solo se dispone de información agregada, lo que dificulta su evaluación.
Escenario fiscal complejo: El sistema tributario colombiano es complejo, en parte, debido a las numerosas exenciones, exclusiones y deducciones especiales presentes en la regulación, lo que complejiza el cumplimiento tributario y el proceso de fiscalización y control.
Desafíos en la evaluación: Colombia no tenía definido su sistema de referencia (Benchmark) para la determinación del gasto tributario (GT). A mediados de 2024 se realizó el primer acercamiento a dicha definición para el impuesto sobre la renta y para el IVA, pero, al momento de este análisis no está disponible el informe desagregado. Sumado a ello, los beneficios tributarios no son objeto de una evaluación permanente y efectiva que permita determinar su pertinencia, lo que ha generado una acumulación de incentivos, muchas veces injustificados y que implican un elevado GT para el país.
Sostenibilidad fiscal: La capacidad del Estado colombiano para mantener unas finanzas saludables y cumplir con la regla fiscal se está viendo afectada por el escaso recaudo tributario. Esto se debe no solo al estancamiento de la economía sino, a la existencia de numerosos beneficios impositivos que conducen a un elevado GT que, solo en 2021 y 2022 representó 7.4% y 7.8% del PIB respectivamente.
Recomendaciones de política: en Colombia se requiere una reestructuración del sistema tributario para hacerlo más eficiente, sostenible y equitativo. Los beneficios tributarios se deben evaluar y, en ciertos casos, desmontar gradualmente con el fin de contribuir a la justicia tributaria y a la simplicidad del sistema.

En 2022, los gastos tributarios (GTs) en Colombia representaron aproximadamente el 7.8% del PIB, desglosándose de la siguiente manera: el costo fiscal de estos gastos en el impuesto sobre la renta fue del 0.6% para personas naturales y del 1.5% para personas jurídicas. El otro 5.6% corresponde al IVA. Este total representa un aumento de 4 puntos porcentuales en comparación con el año anterior.
Este informe destaca la necesidad de revisar los GTs, una evaluación que ya era crucial antes de la pandemia, pero que se ha vuelto aún más urgente en el contexto post-COVID-19, dado su impacto en la desigualdad y en los ingresos estatales.
Transparencia: La información sobre GTs en Colombia no es detallada ni accesible para los ciudadanos o los investigadores. En algunos casos está dispersa o solo se dispone de información agregada, lo que dificulta su evaluación.
Escenario fiscal complejo: El sistema tributario colombiano es complejo, en parte, debido a las numerosas exenciones, exclusiones y deducciones especiales presentes en la regulación, lo que complejiza el cumplimiento tributario y el proceso de fiscalización y control.
Desafíos en la evaluación: Colombia no tenía definido su sistema de referencia (Benchmark) para la determinación del gasto tributario (GT). A mediados de 2024 se realizó el primer acercamiento a dicha definición para el impuesto sobre la renta y para el IVA, pero, al momento de este análisis no está disponible el informe desagregado. Sumado a ello, los beneficios tributarios no son objeto de una evaluación permanente y efectiva que permita determinar su pertinencia, lo que ha generado una acumulación de incentivos, muchas veces injustificados y que implican un elevado GT para el país.
Sostenibilidad fiscal: La capacidad del Estado colombiano para mantener unas finanzas saludables y cumplir con la regla fiscal se está viendo afectada por el escaso recaudo tributario. Esto se debe no solo al estancamiento de la economía sino, a la existencia de numerosos beneficios impositivos que conducen a un elevado GT que, solo en 2021 y 2022 representó 7.4% y 7.8% del PIB respectivamente.
Recomendaciones de política: en Colombia se requiere una reestructuración del sistema tributario para hacerlo más eficiente, sostenible y equitativo. Los beneficios tributarios se deben evaluar y, en ciertos casos, desmontar gradualmente con el fin de contribuir a la justicia tributaria y a la simplicidad del sistema.

En 2022, los gastos tributarios (GTs) en Colombia representaron aproximadamente el 7.8% del PIB, desglosándose de la siguiente manera: el costo fiscal de estos gastos en el impuesto sobre la renta fue del 0.6% para personas naturales y del 1.5% para personas jurídicas. El otro 5.6% corresponde al IVA. Este total representa un aumento de 4 puntos porcentuales en comparación con el año anterior.
Este informe destaca la necesidad de revisar los GTs, una evaluación que ya era crucial antes de la pandemia, pero que se ha vuelto aún más urgente en el contexto post-COVID-19, dado su impacto en la desigualdad y en los ingresos estatales.
Transparencia: La información sobre GTs en Colombia no es detallada ni accesible para los ciudadanos o los investigadores. En algunos casos está dispersa o solo se dispone de información agregada, lo que dificulta su evaluación.
Escenario fiscal complejo: El sistema tributario colombiano es complejo, en parte, debido a las numerosas exenciones, exclusiones y deducciones especiales presentes en la regulación, lo que complejiza el cumplimiento tributario y el proceso de fiscalización y control.
Desafíos en la evaluación: Colombia no tenía definido su sistema de referencia (Benchmark) para la determinación del gasto tributario (GT). A mediados de 2024 se realizó el primer acercamiento a dicha definición para el impuesto sobre la renta y para el IVA, pero, al momento de este análisis no está disponible el informe desagregado. Sumado a ello, los beneficios tributarios no son objeto de una evaluación permanente y efectiva que permita determinar su pertinencia, lo que ha generado una acumulación de incentivos, muchas veces injustificados y que implican un elevado GT para el país.
Sostenibilidad fiscal: La capacidad del Estado colombiano para mantener unas finanzas saludables y cumplir con la regla fiscal se está viendo afectada por el escaso recaudo tributario. Esto se debe no solo al estancamiento de la economía sino, a la existencia de numerosos beneficios impositivos que conducen a un elevado GT que, solo en 2021 y 2022 representó 7.4% y 7.8% del PIB respectivamente.
Recomendaciones de política: en Colombia se requiere una reestructuración del sistema tributario para hacerlo más eficiente, sostenible y equitativo. Los beneficios tributarios se deben evaluar y, en ciertos casos, desmontar gradualmente con el fin de contribuir a la justicia tributaria y a la simplicidad del sistema.

Et aussi : LFI et les 7 censures ratees ; << "casser les ghettos de riches" pour les remplacer par des HLM >> et autres promesses pour gagner les municipales ; Picasso, Rubens et Proust a vendre...

La presidente de la region Ile-de-France met Emmanuel Macron au defi de consulter les electeurs pour sortir de l'actuelle crise budgetaire.

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Strategic philanthropy holds immense potential to drive large-scale social change, yet its impact is often constrained by a lack of data, research, and leadership. Addressing the world’s most intractable problems requires collaboration between philanthropy, government, and business.

On September 24th, IPI hosted a Global Leaders Series event featuring H.E. Badr Jafar, author of the book The Business of Philanthropy: Perspectives and Insights from Global Thought Leaders on How to Change the World.

The book, The Business of Philanthropy, features diverse insights into the power of strategic philanthropy to inform, inspire, and mobilize the next generation of social innovators in their pursuit of positive social and environmental impact.

Speakers:
H.E. Badr Jafar, Special Envoy for Business and Philanthropy, United Arab Emirates, and author of The Business of Philanthropy
Tsitsi Masiyiwa, Chair of Higherlife Foundation, Chair and Co-Founder of Delta Philanthropies, Chair of Co-Impact, Chair of END Fund, and a founding board member of the African Philanthropy Forum
Jacqueline Novogratz, Founder and CEO of Acumen

Moderator:
Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, President and CEO, International Peace Institute

The post Global Leaders Series: Insights from The Business of Philanthropy appeared first on International Peace Institute.

The emerging alliance cannot be interpreted as an asymmetrical partnership in which one party dominates. Both see value in the partnership.

Three months after taking the presidency, Lee Jae-myung introduced the "END" initiative during his address at the United Nations.

While the constraining environment is a reality, so is the resilience and innovation demonstrated by women in Afghanistan.