Határon túli magyar portálok összesített hírei

15 Jahre sind seit Beginn der ägyptischen Revolution vergangen, die am 25. Januar 2011 Präsident Mubarak stürzte. Statt Feierlichkeiten sind die Jahrestage von Trauer geprägt, von erzwungenem Schweigen und stillem Gedenken an jene, die im Streben nach einem verratenen Traum gefallen sind. Die Revolution wurde demontiert, umgeschrieben und ihres Sinns entleert – nicht nur wegen dem, was verloren ging, sondern auch dem, was niemals Wirklichkeit wurde. Revolutionen werden nicht an Parolen oder Momenten kollektiver Euphorie gemessen, sondern daran, ob sie radikale institutionelle Veränderungen bewirken, die über den Moment der Straße hinaus Bestand haben. Gemessen daran ist die ägyptische Januarrevolution politisch, wirtschaftlich und moralisch gescheitert.

Nucleus-outgrower schemes (NOSs) are considered particularly effective private-sector mechanisms for supporting smallholder farmers and mitigating problematic aspects of large-scale agricultural investments. Using two rounds of panel household surveys from approximately 780 households in Zambia, this study examines the impact of a NOS associated with one of the largest foreign land-based investments in agriculture in Zambia. We focus on links between NOS interventions and smallholder farmers’ adoption of agricultural technologies, sustainable land management (SLM) practices, and crop productivity. Findings indicate that NOS participation increased adoption of full-suite conservation agriculture (CA) practices. However, impacts on other technologies, specifically improved seed varieties, are less clear and depend on support type and scheme design. Results also show that while overall productivity impacts are modest, the programme contributed to maize productivity improvements during its initial phase, but less so latter when focus shifted towards oilseed crops. In summary, NOSs, despite associated risks, have potential to make substantial contributions to sustainable agricultural practices and improve smallholder productivity.

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the United States abducting Venezuela’s president,and U.S. President Donald Trump’s public musings about annexing Greenland all point in the same direction. After decades marked by Western dominance, economic globalization and the expansion of multilateral institutions, the ostentatious exercise and threat of raw military power are back at the center of world politics. Overall, we are seeing the return of overt geopolitics: a style of major power politics that does not bother to hide behind international law or multilateral norms. That’s good news for China – and bad news for Taiwan.

Central Asia has emerged as a key region where the convergence of geopolitics and development cooperation is most visible. Major powers are redefining their approaches: Japan combines official development assistance (ODA) with commercial partnerships to advance connectivity and reform; the EU is emphasising a sustainable infrastructure and governance-oriented approach; the US is expected to catalyse private investment rather than direct aid; China deepens its regional presence through the Belt and Road Initiative; while Russia leverages historical and security ties to maintain influence. Meanwhile, middle powers – countries that do not wield vast influence like major powers but possess substantial capacity to shape international events – are exploring new opportunities for engagement. Türkiye positions itself as a bridge between advanced economies and the Global South, emphasising connectivity and energy cooperation through the Middle Corridor and the Organization of Turkic States.
South Korea’s 2025 ODA Strategy for Central Asia identifies the region as a strategic partner for shared growth, integrating pragmatic diplomacy with value-based cooperation. By leveraging their soft power and policy experience, these middle powers offer a distinctive model for development partnership. Central Asian governments are responding to a changing international environment by diversifying partnerships through regional integration and more strategic engagement with development  partners.

Hyeyoung Woo is a specialist at the Center for International Development (CID), Korea Development Institute (KDI). From July to October 2025, she served as a guest researcher at the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS). She holds a Ph.D. in Development Policy from the KDI School of Public Policy and Management, where her dissertation examined transition countries, including those in Central Asia. Over the past years, she has contributed to policy consultations through Korea’s Knowledge Sharing Program (KSP) with Uzbekistan and the Kyrgyz Republic, particularly in fintech regulatory sandbox development and official development assistance (ODA) evaluation.