Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik / Analysen

Our overarching contribution in this chapter is the claim that a shared “moral topography” (Taylor, 1994) of lower classes can create forms of collective ‘consciousness’ which may lead to collective action. In order to establish that a shared moral topography is an incremental prerequisite for creating practical spaces for self-organisation, the chapter outlines Charles Taylor’s concept of morality, “moral topography”, “moral space and actions” as well as the concept of “identity”. Empirical data show that the moral topography of domestic workers in Chennai (Tamil Nadu, India) is characterized by a shared meaning and collective experiences of injustice. Further empirical evidence demonstrates that due to this common understanding of injustice, domestic workers in Chennai start organising themselves informally and establishing trade unions. Through self-organisation, domestic workers meet a demand for social security which the state fails to provide.

The recently proposed Green Deals and 'building back better' plans have affirmed the importance to make green transitions inclusive. This is particularly related to the labour market, which may witness significant changes. Empirically, this issue has until now received limited attention. The links between poverty and climate change are explored mainly through the lenses of climate change adaptation, or via the effects of rising energy prices on the purchasing power of poor households. We aim to address this gap by using results from a simulation of the global energy transition required to meet the 2-degree target, and compare this to a 6-degree baseline scenario. The simulation with a multi-regional input–output model finds that, overall, this transition results in a small net job increase of 0.3% globally, with cross-country heterogeneity. We complement this macro-level analysis with cross-country household data to draw implications of the effects on poverty through labour market outcomes. The few job losses will be concentrated in specific industries, while new jobs will be created in industries that currently witness relatively high in-work poverty rates, such as construction. We show that high in-work poverty in the industries of interest, and especially in middle-income countries, is often associated with low skills and an insufficient reach of social protection mechanisms. We conclude that green transitions must ensure that the jobs created are indeed decent including fair wages, adequate working conditions, sufficient social protection measures, and accessible to the vulnerable and poorest households.

In the past few years decision‐making processes and the normative underpinnings of EU external relations have become subject to intense debate in the European institutions, member states and the wider public. Previous research suggests that there is variation in the extent to which individual domains of EU external relations are politicized and contested. This special issue aims to theorize further and investigate empirically this, using the example of European development policy and its relations with other external policies. It brings together a broad variety of research covering different arenas, objects and levels of politicization as well as different policy nexuses. The ten contributions to the special issue also combine various theoretical perspectives that include rationalist and constructivist approaches and different methods including statistical and discourse analyses. Individual articles both focus on politicization processes within the EU and member states as well as at the level of partner countries in Europe and Africa. Building on these different approaches and foci, they draw insights that help us to theorize the two mechanisms that may drive politicization dynamics in European development policies and that are at the core of this special issue – horizontal politicization and outside‐in politicization.

The China-EU Comprehensive Agreement of Investment (CAI) addresses important issues of market access, regulatory cooperation and sustainable development, but does not include sections on investment protection and ISDS. The ratification of the CAI could be difficult in the EU. Additional efforts are needed in further negotiating the CAI in the future.

The concept of the social contract is a powerful tool for the analysis of state-society relations and can, in particular, help us understand recent developments in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The term is increasingly used in social science – in particular with reference to the MENA – but has never been fully defined. This special issue intends to fill this gap. The introductory article develops a framework for understanding what the term ‘social contract’ is about and shows how that concept can help to interpret differences and changes in state-society relations.
The following articles in this collection apply the concept to the countries of the MENA. Hinnebusch argues that MENA countries had similar social contracts after independence, based on generous social benefits rather than political participation, and that these degenerated after 1985 because of budgetary constraints and changes in the international environment. Social contracts became less inclusive, which provoked the Arab uprisings in 2010-11. Heydemann claims that the Arab uprisings have given rise to even more exclusionary social contracts, and Ibrahim provides evidence for what this means for low-income groups in Egypt. Ahram and Revkin show that the so-called Islamic State was able to build up a specific kind of social contract in the areas it controlled.
Four articles focus on policy fields where there is potential for reforms that could improve social contracts in MENA countries: subsidy reform (Loewe and Vidican Auktor), economic policy making (El-Haddad), education (Sobhy) and the distribution of land and water in rural areas (Houdret and Amichi). Furness and Trautner then discuss what it takes to establish a new national social contract in countries where it has been destroyed by war, focussing on Iraq and Libya.

Europas südliche Nachbarländer, die Region Naher Osten und Nordafrika (MENA), werden stärkere Unterstützung von Deutschland und der EU benötigen, um sich von der COVID-19-Pandemie zu erholen. Europa hat bereits einige kurzfristige Unterstützungsmaßnahmen für Gesundheitssysteme und kleine Unternehmen und Konjunkturprogramme im Rahmen von „Team Europe“-Initiativen mobilisiert. Diese Initiativen sind zwar nicht unerheblich, doch sie werden wahrscheinlich nicht ausreichen.

Die sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen der COVID-19-Pandemie erhöhen den Druck auf die angespannten Gesellschaftsverträge der MENA-Länder. Das Ende dieser Übereinkunft, wonach die Regierungen einen angemessenen Lebensstandard ermöglichten, und die Bürger*innen im Gegenzug stillschweigend die autoritären Systeme zu akzeptieren hatten, war der Hauptgrund der arabischen Aufstände vor einem Jahrzehnt.

Die Pandemie zog eine drastische Verschlechterung der wirtschaftlichen Lage in vielen Ländern nach sich. Langsames Wachstum, hohe Haushaltsdefizite und Sparmaßnahmen, die öffentliche Dienstleistungen aushöhlen, sind seit mehreren Jahren die Norm. Einrichtungen des Gesundheitswesens sind unterfinanziert. Die tunesische Haushaltskrise ist zurückzuführen auf eine Diskrepanz zwischen den wirtschaftlichen Erwartungen der Öffentlichkeit und dem wenigen was eine instabile Regierung zu leisten in der Lage war. Die Pandemie bremst das Wirtschaftswachstum weiter und verschärft die Ungleichheit.

Das Vertrauen der Bürger*innen in die Regierungen nahm weiteren Schaden, da diese nicht in der Lage waren, angemessen auf COVID-19 zu reagieren. In Jordanien kamen beispielsweise Spannungen zwischen Arbeitnehmer*innen des öffentlichen Sektors auf, die von der Krise nicht so stark betroffen waren, und Menschen, die im privaten und informellen Sektor arbeiten, die stärker unter den strikten Lockdowns litten.

Diese Spannungen werden sich wohl auch im Falle einer nachlassenden Pandemie nicht in Luft auslösen. Die Weltbank sagt voraus, dass eine Erholung in der Region nicht „V-förmig“, sondern „K-förmig“ sein wird, das heißt, dass eine Minderheit profitiert, die Mehrheit jedoch nicht. Bestehende Ungleichheiten werden verschärft. Frauen, Beschäftigte des informellen Sektors und Migrant*innen sind von diesen Folgen der Pandemie am stärksten betroffen.

Die Verteilung von Impfstoffen an die MENA-Länder ist die dringlichste Aufgabe. Zum dritten oder vierten Quartal 2021 stehen den EU-Ländern wahrscheinlich große Mengen zu viel bestellter Impfstoffe zur Verfügung. Diese Bestände sollten über die WHO-Initiative COVAX, die von Deutschland unterstützt wird, oder bilateral verteilt werden. Dies wäre ein deutliches Zeichen der Unterstützung Europas für die südliche Mittelmeerregion.

Ein zweites Feld der Unterstützung wäre ein Schuldenerlass, um Regierungen der MENA-Länder in die Lage zu versetzen, ihre Haushalte auszugleichen ohne die öffentlichen Dienstleistungen weiter einzuschränken. EU-Initiativen zum Erlass oder zur Umschuldung von Altschulden sollten mit eindeutigen Strategien kombiniert werden, um a) öffentliche Dienstleistungen zu verbessern, v. a. im Gesundheitswesen, und einen spürbaren sozialen Schutz für alle bieten, b) die Regierungsführung durch Investitionen in Digitalisierung und öffentliche Infrastruktur zu verbessern, und c) mit der Dekarbonisierung der Wirtschaft zu beginnen.

Daran schließt sich ein dritter Schlüsselbereich für die Zusammenarbeit an: die grüne Transformation. Sowohl die Bundesregierung als auch die EU-Kommission haben dieses Thema mittlerweile auf ihrer Prioritätenliste, denn es ist für die Zukunft der Gesellschaftsverträge in der Region von entscheidender Bedeutung. Klimafreundliche Infrastrukturprojekte wie z. B. Solarkraftwerke oder grüne urbane Infrastruktur und grüner urbaner Verkehr könnten Arbeitskräfte des informellen Sektors, die derzeit besonders unter der Pandemie leiden, in den formellen Sektor eingliedern.

Ein Jahrzehnt nach den arabischen Aufständen ist es noch zu früh, um sagen zu können, ob der Wunsch nach politischer Transformation zu repräsentativeren Regierungen in der MENA-Region führen wird und ob die COVID-19-Pandemie ein Motor für positiven Wandel sein wird.

Im Hinblick auf die Unterstützung bei der Erholung von COVID-19 in den MENA-Ländern sind Deutschland und Europa daher doppelt gefordert. Einerseits müssen die EU-Staaten die Unterstützung von Initiativen, von denen die Bevölkerung profitiert, d. h., Impfungen, Dienstleistungen und grüne Arbeitsplätze, im Rahmen der Beziehungen zu den MENA-Regierungen priorisieren. Andererseits ist Europa trotz der unvermeidbaren Zusammenarbeit mit autoritären Regierungen gut beraten, die Prinzipien zu beachten, für die sie einstehen: Bürger- und Menschenrechte, wirtschaftliche Gerechtigkeit und eine repräsentative und verantwortungsvolle Regierung. Eine stärkere Unterstützung der MENA-Region wird teuer. Allerdings sind die politischen und wirtschaftlichen Kosten der Untätigkeit angesichts dieser Jahrhundertkrise gewiss erheblich größer.

Thomas Claes ist verantwortlich für die Sozial- und Wirtschaftspolitik sowie die gewerkschaftliche Zusammenarbeit der Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in der MENA-Region. Er lebt seit 2016 in Tunis, Tunesien.

Mark Furness ist Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter im Forschungsprogramm „Inter- und transnationale Zusammenarbeit“ am Deutschen Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE).

چكيده

این مقالهٔ راهبردي، یکی از شش مطالعه‌ٔ موردي پروژهٔ STEER در زمينهٔ چالش‌های هماهنگی در مدیریت منابع آب است. براي ساير مناطق نيز متن‌هاي جداگانه‌اي در دسترس است.

مشکلات آب در ایران رو به افزايش است و اغلب بدون پاسخ مانده‌اند. رودخانهٔ زاینده‌رود، از رودخانه‌های اصلی در ایران، دچار کمبود شدید آب است. همگام با افزايش تقاضای آب طي دهه‌هاي اخير، رقابت بين ‌‌بخشي و بين ‌منطقه‌ای بر سر آب فزوني يافته است. تاکنون راهبرد اصلی این مشکل، انتقال آب به این حوضه بوده و به دلایل اجتماعی و سیاسی کمبود آب، کمتر پرداخته شده است. در حال حاضر، تنش‌ها و كشمكش‌هاي قابل توجهی بر سر آب شكل گرفته که با وقوع تغییرات و نوسانات آب و هوايي نيز تشدید شده است. با اينكه سازوكارهاي هماهنگي در قوانين و مقررات ايران پيش‌بيني شده و در سايه‌ٔ مديريت آمرانه از بالا به پايين دولت، انتظار ناهماهنگي كمتري مي‌رود؛ ولي برنامه‌ریزی جزيره‌اي، عدم تبادل آمار و اطلاعات، تمركزگرایی در قانون‌گذاري، تصمیم‌گیری‌های غیرشفاف، عدم مسئوليت‌پذيري و نبود هماهنگی‌ به روشني آشكار است. تداوم این چالش‌ها گوياي آن است که کمبود آب، نشانه‌ٔ مشکلی ریشه‌ای‌تر است که به آثار دولت نفتی در ایران مربوط می‌شود. درآمدهاي نفتي، نقش دولت را به عنوان دریافت‌کنندهٔ اصلی این رانت بیرونی دگرگون كرده است. ویژگی بارز این شيوه‌ٔ حكومت‌داري، تمرکز قدرت در سطح ملی، گسترش بوروکراسی و دخالت‌های روزافزون است كه سبب تضعيف اقتدار بخش عمومی و ظرفیت‌های سیاست‌گذاری موثر و منسجم  شده است.

ضعف قابلیت‌های دولت در تدوين و اجرای سیاست‌ها و به‌هم‌ريختگي دستگاه اداری، منجر به نا‌هماهنگی‌هاي گسترده شده است. نمود اين کمبودها در حوضهٔ زاینده‌رود به شكل نظارت و کنترل محدود بر برداشت‌هاي آب، به ویژه از چاهها (که نیمی از آنها غيرمجاز هستند)، نبود حاكميت قانون، سازوكارهاي هماهنگی‌ فراوان ولي بدون ساختارهای مشخص، عدم مشاركت ذی‌نفعان و نبود راهبرد و برنامه‌اي اثربخش براي رفع اين چالش‌ها، بروز يافته است. حاكميت رويكردي فن‌سالارانه با توسعه‌ٔ انتقال‌هاي آب بین‌حوضه‌‌اي و ساخت سدها، نقاط ضعف ظرفیت‌هاي نهادی بخش آب را پنهان كرده است و انگیزه‌های چرخش به سوي راهبردهاي پیچیده و زمان‌بر مانند مدیریت جامع‌نگر تقاضای آب را از بين برده است. بنابراین ما اين اقدامات را پيشنهاد می‌کنیم:

شفافیت بیشتر در تصمیم‌گیری‌ها، همراه با امكان دسترسی همگاني به آمار و اطلاعات مصارف مختلف آب و ارائه‌ٔ تصویري واقع‌بینانه از رودخانه؛

افزایش آگاهی همگاني درباره‌ٔ مسئولیت اجتماعي افراد جامعه در قبال حفظ اين رودخانه و منافع اجتماعی حاصل از همکاری موفقیت‌آمیز به‌جاي كشمكش بر سر آب؛

قطع ارتباط میان رانت نفت و توهّم اینکه آب به وفور وجود دارد، از طریق جلب پشتیبانی عمومي با توسعهٔ پويش‌ها و كارزارهايي برای گذار از مدیریت عرضه‌محور آب.

The international system for the governance of foreign investments is highly fragmented consisting mainly of bilateral agreements. With the adoption of nine guiding principles for global investment policy‐making in 2016, some observers argue that the G20 can actually serve as a launchpad for negotiations of a multilateral investment agreement. This paper provides empirical evidence on the question of whether the contents of international investment agreements (IIAs) have gradually converged to facilitate the multilateralization of investment rules. We find that IIAs negotiated among non‐G20 countries are more similar to each other than those concluded by G20 countries in general and even more so since 2000 in particular. This result calls into question the premise that the G20 can serve as the most suitable forum to initiate multilateral negotiations on multilateral investment rules. Instead, an extended analysis using different country grouping criteria suggests that the Member States of the European Union may be a more suitable alternative in this regard. Here the EU can jointly take a leading role in facilitating related negotiations on multilateral investment rules.

The aim of this chapter (in Portuguese) is to present an overview about the challenge of the rise of populist radical right parties in Europe. Based on the literature, it is argued that their electoral rise has allowed these parties to exert influence on the political agenda, beyond the dimension of electoral competition itself. Populist radical right positions have resonated in other spheres, such as public opinion, traditional parties, democratic institutions and public policies. The chapter starts with a definition of populist radical right parties, then discusses what they represent and what are the explanations found in the literature for their emergence and electoral persistence, with a focus on supply-side factors. In the end, the chapter reflects on some of the implications of the rise of the populist radical right in the the European continent.

This paper compares the allocation of private humanitarian aid to that of official humanitarian aid awarded to 140 recipient countries over the 2000–2016 period. We construct a new database that offers information on the country in which the headquarters of private donors are located to test whether private aid tends to follow the humanitarian aid allocation pattern of the respective official donor. Our empirical results confirm that private humanitarian aid tends to “follow the flag”. This finding is robust against the inclusion of various fixed effects, estimating instrumental variables models and disaggregating private humanitarian aid into corporate aid and NGO aid. Donor country‐specific estimations reveal that private humanitarian aid from China, Sweden, the United Kingdom and the United States tend to “follow the flag”.

Die Zeiten für multilaterales Handeln sind schwierig. Viele blicken hoffnungsvoll auf Deutschland, das mit der Allianz für Multilateralismus einen wichtigen Kontrapunkt zur Devise „Mein Land zuerst“ setzt. Umso wichtiger ist es, dass sich die Bundesregierung mit ihrem neuen Weißbuch für Multilateralismus inhaltlich klar positioniert. Sie muss der eigenen Bevölkerung und anderen Staaten klar kommunizieren, warum die Zusammenarbeit mit anderen Staaten, auch wenn sie oft mühsam ist und stets Kompromisse erfordert, genauso im ureigenen deutschen Interesse liegt wie starke und unabhängige internationale Organisationen und globale Normen und Regeln, die für alle gelten. Und sie muss spezifizieren, für welche Veränderungen sie sich einsetzen will.

Groundnut is one of the significant sources of oil, food, and fodder in India. It is grown in marginal arid and semi-arid agro-ecosystems with wide yield fluctuations due to spatial variability of rainfall and soil. Climate change, which is predicted to increase the intra- and inter-annual rainfall variability will further constrain the groundnut economy in India besides the global and domestic economic, social and policy changes. Through this study we aim to examine the biophysical and social economic impacts of climate change on groundnut production and prices to provide a comprehensive analysis of how agriculture and the food system will be affected. Using projected climate data for India, we estimated the biophysical impacts of climate change on groundnut during mid-century using representative concentration pathway (RCP 8.5) scenario. We examined the impacts of changes in population and income besides environmental factors on groundnut productivity. This is to highlight the importance of holistic assessment of biophysical and socioeconomic factors to better understand climate change impacts. Modelled projections show that by 2050, climate change under an optimistic scenario will result in −2.3 to 43.2% change in groundnut yields across various regions in India when climate alone was factored in. But the change in groundnut yields ranged from −0.9% to 16.2% when economic (population and income) and market variables (elasticities, trade, etc.) were also considered. Similarly, under pessimistic climate change scenario, the percent change in groundnut yields would be −33.7 to 3.4 with only the climate factored in and −11.2 to 4.3 with the additional economic and market variables included. This indicates the sensitivity of climate change impacts to differences in socioeconomic factors. This study highlights the need to take into account market effects to gain a holistic understanding of how economic and environmental factors impact agricultural food systems and economies.

Displaced people face many challenges when integrating into the labor market in their host communities. They are also more likely than the host population to be employed in sectors that are highly impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic, such as manufacturing, accommodation, and food services. And they are mostly employed informally, and thus have no job security or access to social safety nets during the COVID-19 related economic downturn.

Pressure is mounting on international development cooperation agencies to prove the impact of their work. Private and public commissioners as well as the general public are increasingly asking for robust evidence of impact. In this context, rigorous impact evaluation (RIE) methods are increasingly receiving attention within the broader German development system and in GIZ. Compared to other implementing agencies such as DFID or USAid, the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH has so far relatively little experience in systematically applying rigorous methods of impact evaluation. This is particularly true in the governance sector. In order to gain more experience and to understand which methods and formats are best suited for GIZ governance programmes, the Governance and Conflict division and the Africa department launched the ‘Impact Initiative Africa’ in 2016, a cooperative effort with several programmes in Africa. The Initiative set out to apply the experiences from GIZ governance programmes to design and conduct RIEs, and to use the results to steer programme implementation. Initially, the Initiative included three countries: Benin (Programme for Decentralisation and Local Development), Malawi (Support to Public Financial and Economic Management) and Mozambique (Good Financial Governance in Mozambique). During its implementation, the Initiative also benefitted from the experience of two additional governance programmes which had already undertaken RIEs, namely Peru (Citizen-oriented State Reform Programme) and Pakistan (Support to Local Governance Programme II). This report summarizes the insights gained from these experiences and discusses opportunities and limitations regarding the use and usability of RIEs in GIZ governance programmes as well as proposals on how to organise RIEs to maximise learning potential and benefits for the specific programmes and the GIZ Governance sector at large.

The promotion of Policy Coherence for Sustainable Development is one of the 169 targets of the 2030 Agenda, and considered a key means of implementation. The 2030 Agenda, while noble and necessary to put humanity on a sustainable path, has vastly exacerbated the complexity and ambiguity of development policymaking. This article challenges two assumptions that are common in both policy discussions and associated scholarly debates: First, the technocratic belief that policy coherence is an authentically attainable objective; and second, whether efforts to improve the coherence within and across policies makes achieving the Sustainable Development Goals more likely. We unpack the conventional ‘win-win’ understanding of the policy coherence concept to illustrate that fundamentally incompatible political interests continue to shape global development, and that these cannot be managed away. We argue that heuristic, problem-driven frameworks are needed to promote coherence in settings where these fundamental inconsistencies are likely to persist. Instead of mapping synergies ex-ante, future research and policy debates should focus on navigating political trade-offs and hierarchies while confronting the longer-term goal conflicts that reproduce unsustainable policy choices.

Interest in agriculture has been increasing around the world. This also includes major agricultural investments by non-local entrepreneurs in the Global South. But not only do they bring welcome investments, they also create various risks for the local population. It is therefore incumbent on politicians to balance the interests of different players and to protect the local population.

Why should I integrate an impact assessment in my programme? How will the programme benefit from it? Are the benefits worth the effort and expenses? How do I design and implement it in detail? Who is addressable for support? What should I pay attention to in order to get the most out of it?
This note is meant to answer these questions. It addresses leaders and project staff of governance programmes who are interested in using this tool within their specific governance programme or project. This note provides a guideline and good practice recommendations on how to design and conduct an impact assessment and on how to fully utilise the benefits of the results for the programme and for communication with commissioners, partners and other donors. Additionally, this note will point to indirect benefits that can arise and that should not be ignored.

The Communication promises a renewed partnership with the Southern Neighbourhood. The document itself is ambitious and comprehensive and joins the ranks of highly readable and thought-provoking policy documents produced by the Commission and the EEAS in recent years. However, the Communication does not herald the arrival of a ‘new agenda’. It emphasises transition rather than transformation, particularly in terms of the kinds of reforms the EU promotes in neighbouring countries, the incentives the EU is prepared to offer, and the risks the EU is prepared to take, especially regarding standing up for its own principles when called upon to do so.

Impacts of social health insurance schemes are more far reaching than one would think. Given the fact that more countries are going to implement social health insurance schemes, it is paramount to understand their entire potential in reducing poverty. From a policy perspective, it is important to consider the indirect impacts of social health insurance schemes such as reduction of child labor and increase of school attendance in the cost-benefit analysis. Social health insurance is not merely about securing access to health care, it also has the potential to break the intergenerational cycle of poverty when families no longer have to engage in negative coping strategies.

This study analyses how strengths and weaknesses of economic, societal, political and environmental structures played out during the Covid-19 crisis in Africa since March 2020. Its main aim is to improve evidence on the direct and indirect effects of the pandemic on African countries and, based on that evidence, identify policy implications and formulate recommendations. It comprises the analysis of (a) direct impacts of the pandemic as well as of policy responses such as lockdowns and their potential determinants; (b) indirect effects of lockdowns and policy responses to the pandemic on economic, social, political and environmental domains in the light of structural strengths and weaknesses of African countries. In general, the study is based on the assumption that economic and other structures determine the magnitude and direction of the pandemic’s impact on the short and long run. Its added value is the thematic comprehensiveness and the comparative analysis of country clusters. Amongst many other findings, the analysis shows the important role of social cohesion for coping with the pandemic and for sustainable development on the longer run. This implies the need for (a) material and immaterial investments in good and trustful relationships within societies and between society and the state; (b) incentives for increasing cooperation of individuals for a common good need to be at the core of future development strategies. It identifies a trias of political priorities, which are all equally important and relate to each other. They contain (a) inclusive and green economic development that must be linked to (b) the establishment and improvement of universal social systems (health, education, social protection in case of poverty, old age and unemployment) as well as (c) a redesign of political institutions that are capable and inclusive to collect revenues and provide public goods. (d) None of these policy priorities will be effective on the long run without saving ecosystems.