European Parliamentary Research Service Blog

With European elections coming up in May 2019, you probably want to know how the European Union impacts your daily life, before you think about voting. In the latest in a series of posts on what Europe does for you, your family, your business and your wellbeing, we look at what Europe does for defenders of media freedom in accession countries.

Twitter Hashtag #EUandME

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Do you think you should be able to express your opinions without being censored? Do you care about who controls the media in our democracies? If you do, the EU institutions share your views. Freedom of speech is a core value of the European Union. Where the EU can act, it puts programmes to support media freedom in place.

One such programme is the annual Media Pluralism Monitor that surveys risks to media freedom and pluralism across the EU. Conducted by the Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom, it systematically, objectively and scientifically examines all factors that pose a risk to media freedom. These reports are freely accessible for use by citizens, scientists and policy-makers.

The European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), funded by the European Parliament, launched a programme devoted to fighting media freedom violations and helping journalists under threat. It supports investigative reporters, with grants and workshops on a safe digital working environment. The Mapping Media Freedom programme, conducted by ECPMF, and managed by the Index on Censorship and European Federation of Journalists, maps media freedom threats across Europe and tackles them through awareness campaigns, policy recommendations and training.

Viewers can get more than just a national perspective through independent news production, covering EU affairs from a pan-European point of view. An EU programme supports the European Data News Hub and the European Data Journalism Network, which serve as a data and information hub, providing accurate data-driven news.

Further information

• Website of the Media Pluralism Monitor at the Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom, http://cmpf.eui.eu/media-pluralism-monitor/
• European Commission’s website on media freedom projects, https://ec.europa.eu/digital-single-market/en/media-freedom-projects
• Mapping Media Freedom programme, https://mappingmediafreedom.org/#/

Written by Marcin Grajewski,

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Innovation in the economy is a priority for the European Union, vital to its competitiveness in the global economy, and for growth and jobs. The EU is implementing a number of policies and programmes that support innovation to increase investment in research and development, and to better convert research into improved goods and services. Yet, according to many analysts, despite the roll-out of numerous pro-innovation initiatives, the EU is still lagging behind the United States and China both on innovation and in relation to the related digitalisation process.

This note offers links to recent commentaries, studies and reports from major international think tanks on innovation in the EU and related issues. More papers on innovation, notably on the digital economy, can be found in a previous item in this series published in July 2018

Impulses for European democracy and initiatives for the digital future: Annual report
Bertelsmann Stiftung, March 2019

Standing up for competition: Market concentration, regulation, and Europe’s quest for a new industrial policy
European Centre for International Political Economy, March 2019

Innovation en santé: Soignons nos talents
Institut Montaigne, March 2019

En route pour la sino-mondialisation
Institut des relations internationales et stratégiques, March 2019

Artificial Intelligence: Ethics, governance and policy challenges
Centre for European Policy Studies, February 2019

AI tool builders and their users: What should we expect from the tools and who is responsible when they fail?
German Marshall Fund, February 2019

Contribution to growth: The European Digital Single Market
Bruegel, February 2019

Construire la souveraineté numérique de l’Europe
Confrontations Europe, February 2019

European innovation partnerships: How successful have they been in promoting innovation in the EU?
Wiener Institut für Internationale Wirtschaftsvergleiche, January 2019

Science, technology and innovation diplomacy: A way forward for Europe
Vrije Universiteit Brussel, January 2019

Innovate Europe: Competing for global innovation leadership
World Economic Forum, January 2019

Big data analytics need standards to thrive: What standards are and why they matter
Centre for International Governance Innovation, January 2019

How will Artificial Intelligence change the character of war?
Beyond the Horizon, January 2019

Keeping up with innovation: Designing a European sandbox for fintech
Centre for European Policy Studies, January 2019

Vertical restraints and e-commerce
Bruegel, January 2019

How Europe could yet take the lead in the global electric-vehicle development race
Bruegel, January 2019

Four internets: The geopolitics of digital governance
Centre for International Governance Innovation, December 2018

Eco-innovation: drivers, barriers and effects: A European perspective
Wiener Institut für Internationale Wirtschaftsvergleiche, December 2018

Transformation numérique de l’industrie: L’enjeu franco-allemand
Institut français des relations internationales, December 2018

Ethics and artificial intelligence
Bruegel, December 2018

Digital Europe: Next steps, – European agenda for the Digital-9+
Lisbon Council, November 2018

In pursuit of autonomy: AI and national strategies
Observer Institute Foundation, November 2018

Harnessing digital tools to revitalize European democracy
Carnegie Europe, November 2018

China’s embrace of AI: Enthusiasm and challenges
European Council on Foreign Relations, November 2018

The next steps for the digital single market: From where do we start?
European Centre for International Political Economy, October 2018

Wie future skills die Personalarbeit verändern
Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft, October 2018

Online platforms, economic integration and Europe’s rent-seeking society: Why online platforms deliver on what EU governments fail to achieve
European Centre for International Political Economy, October 2018

Responsible, safe and secure AI
Lisbon Council, October 2018

Cyber finance challenges demand a unified response
Centre for European Policy Studies, October 2018

Delivering the goods: E-commerce logistics transformation
World Economic Forum, October 2018

Do data policy restrictions impact the productivity performance of firms and industries?
European Centre for International Political Economy, October 2018

The European answer to the digital revolution: How to ensure Europe’s competitive advantage?
Notre Europe, September 2018

Building a forward-looking EU policy strategy on blockchain
College of Europe, September 2018

The future of work: Robots cooking free lunches?
Wilfired Martens Centre, September 2018

Artificial intelligence and political science
OCP Policy Center, September 2018

Europe’s payments revolution
Centre for European Policy Studies, September 2018

Skills, entrepreneurship and new business models: Ways to rejuvenate the German industrial model
Institut der deutschen Wirtschaft Köln, August 2018

The impact of artificial intelligence on employment
Bruegel, July 2018

Artificial intelligence: A game-changer for the world of work
European Trade Union Institute, June 2018

Online platforms and how to regulate them: An EU overview
Jacques Delors Institute, Berlin, Bertelsmann Stiftung, June 2018

Artificial Intelligence and international affairs: Disruption anticipated
Chatham House, June 2018

‘TECHNOPOLY’ and what to do about it: Reform, redress and regulation
ResPublica, June 2018

Read this briefing on ‘Innovation in Europe‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Naja Bentzen,

Trust and truth have been two sides of the same coin since the late Neolithic/early Bronze Age. The words trust and truth originate from the same linguistic root: proto-indo-European –deru, meaning something firm, solid and steadfast – like wood. Today, several thousands of years later, we are seeing a new wave of pressure on facts and information, which are being manipulated for ideological and/or economic purposes, while emotions often trump evidence. The ongoing a crisis of facts, expertise and trust is a challenge for media, institutions and experts.

Some use the notion of post-truth – the Oxford Dictionaries choice as 2016 word of the year – while RAND experts use the idea of ‘truth decay’ to capture four related trends: growing disagreement about facts; blurred lines between opinion and fact; increasing influence of opinion and feeling over fact; and declining trust in traditionally respected sources of factual information. Some argue that we should call this development anti-enlightenment, to highlight that the development is pushed by groups of players who benefit from it: some state- and non-state actors strategically try to undermine our open democracies, while commercial players – big online platforms – monetise and instrumentalise our online behaviour and the personal data they collect.

Against this backdrop, the EPRS – whose explicit aim it is to empower through knowledge, and therefore has an obvious interest in countering pressure on facts and expertise – organised a Library discussion on 20 March. On the brink of Brexit and 60 days before the European elections, this event focused on questions on truth, trust and democracy that concern not only policy-makers, knowledge providers (including the EPRS and the wider expert community) and news media – but all voters in Europe and beyond.

Following a welcome by EPRS Director General, Anthony Teasdale, and a keynote speech from Ramón Luis Valcárcel Siso (European Parliament Vice-President responsible for the EPRS), we were privileged to welcome Shoshana Zuboff, Professor Emerita, Harvard Business School and author of ‘The age of surveillance capitalism‘ (2019) – who joined us via Skype from the USA – as well as Dr William Davies (Goldsmiths, University of London), author of ‘Nervous states – How feeling took over the world‘ (2018). Charles de Marcilly, Adviser at the European Political Strategy Centre also joined the discussion, which was moderated by Etienne Bassot (Director, Members’ Research Service), with Naja Bentzen as discussant.

Against the backdrop of the increasing pressure on our information space – including disinformation campaigns by state and non-state actors and the ‘dictatorship of algorithms’, which dictates the level of our knowledge, Ramón Luis Valcárcel Siso called for the selection process for information to be transparent and for people to maintain a critical spirit towards the information they receive.

Europe is our hope, our vanguard

Shoshana Zuboff – who has been called one of the 11 most influential business thinkers – condensed her expertise and research in a memorable speech, in which she warned that ‘surveillance capitalism’ – big tech companies that mine and monetise our data – use our actions and behaviour as raw material for behavioural data. She highlighted that surveillance capitalism represents a model of asymmetric knowledge and a social inequality of knowledge: the companies know everything about us, but we have no insight into what they are doing. Against this backdrop, the question ‘is knowledge power?’ has never been more potent, nor more dangerous, Shuboff noted. Shuboff concluded by underlining that the EU is ‘our vanguard’: our responses to the threats of surveillance capitalism – including our anti-trust rules – have significant impact beyond Europe. On the same day, EU Commissioner Margrethe Vestager, in charge of competition policy, fined Google €1.49 billion (1.29% of Google’s turnover in 2018) for breaching EU anti-trust rules.

The challenge of communicating in a post-truth era

Dr Will Davies

Building on Shoshana Zuboff’s speech, Will Davies drew on his 2018 book ‘Nervous States: How Feeling took over the world‘ to identify some of the main drivers that are undermining objectivity and expertise in democracies today. Whereas facts have allowed strangers to believe each other regardless of predisposed beliefs and opinion, he said, in a post-truth society this is increasingly difficult. Looking at loss of trust in traditional centres of expert knowledge and professional judgement, Davies asserted that this has a much longer, deeper history than the focus on the last few years, but that it has been radicalised by the economic and technological upheavals of the past decade.

The EU’s response

Charles De Marcilly explained how the EU is gearing up to protect the upcoming European Parliament election in May 2019. A new EU rapid alert system to share real-time warnings, react and ensure coordination between EU capitals and Brussels has been active since March 2019. Spearheaded by the EU, the first-ever global industry Code of Practice, setting out self-regulatory standards to fight disinformation and increase transparency was agreed last September. This voluntary mechanism is a first step in shaping global norms to fight online disinformation. In addition, the EU has set up an independent European network of fact-checkers to establish common working methods, exchange best practices, achieve the broadest possible coverage across the EU, and participate in joint fact-checking and related activities. These different measures can be seen as a step towards greater resilience.

Is knowledge still power? Yes, but …

The discussion showed us that the knowledge-power-nexus is constantly evolving. The phrase ‘knowledge is power’ can mean very different things: In authoritarian systems it means controlling access to information, often violating freedom of expression, which also includes the freedom to form opinions. For surveillance capitalism, knowledge is instrumentarian power, meaning controlling access to our data, monetising our public debate to not only shape our ability to form opinions, but even modifying our behaviour and purposely breeding ignorance.

In an open, peaceful democracy, knowledge shared is power multiplied. In order to make informed, democratic choices, we need to be able to base our opinions on facts, rather than create ‘alternative facts’ that match our opinions. At the EPRS we are already working to share knowledge beyond our bubble. Thereby, we are already contributing to bridging the trust gap between informed elites and the mass population, as the Edelman Trust Barometer 2019 showed. However, as our discussion illustrated, if we want to maintain shared realities, where we can trust each other, much more needs to be done. The EU’s final (= post-election) response to the behaviour of online platforms and the results of Code of Practice agreed ahead of the European elections will have an impact beyond the EU and may even set a new global standard.

Meanwhile, one major question remains: How do we reclaim the public space for debate, both political and social? How do take back the monetised information space? And where is the neutral, non-commercial space where we can have the necessary public debate on these questions?

Written by Maria Niestadt,

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Artificial intelligence is changing the transport sector. From helping cars, trains, ships and aeroplanes to function autonomously, to making traffic flows smoother, it is already applied in numerous transport fields. Beyond making our lives easier, it can help to make all transport modes safer, cleaner, smarter and more efficient. Artificial intelligence-led autonomous transport could for instance help to reduce the human errors that are involved in many traffic accidents. However, with these opportunities come real challenges, including unintended consequences and misuse such as cyber-attacks and biased decisions about transport. There are also ramifications for employment, and ethical questions regarding liability for the decisions taken by artificial intelligence in the place of humans.

The EU is taking steps to adapt its regulatory framework to these developments, so that it supports innovation while at the same time ensuring respect for fundamental values and rights. The measures already taken include general strategies on artificial intelligence and rules that support the technologies enabling the application of artificial intelligence in transport. In addition, the EU provides financial support, in particular for research.

Read this briefing on ‘Artificial intelligence in transport: Current and future developments, opportunities and challenges‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

The European Parliament regularly receives enquiries from citizens asking what the European Union (EU) is doing about climate change.

The European Union – a world leader on climate action

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A 2050 low carbon objective, adopted by the European Council in 2009, seeks to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 80 to 95 % by 2050, compared with 1990 levels, as part of a global effort to limit temperature increases to below 2°C. In addition, a 2030 climate and energy framework, adopted by the European Council in 2014, sets three targets to be met by 2030:

• at least 40 % cuts in greenhouse gas emissions, compared with 1990 levels;
• a minimum 27 % share for renewables in the energy mix;
• and an improvement in energy efficiency of at least 27 %.

Mind the gap

Meanwhile, the 2015 Paris Agreement aims to keep the global temperature rise well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels, and to pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C. Today, global temperature is 0.9°C above pre-industrial levels. A 2018 report by the intergovernmental panel on climate change highlighted the need for urgent action to meet these goals, while a 2018 UN Environment emissions gap report indicated that current national efforts worldwide would lead to an estimated 3.2°C warming by 2100.

In 2018, the European Commission published a 2050 long-term strategy presenting eight scenarios for a transition to a low-carbon economy, in line with the Paris Agreement objective.

In a resolution of 14 March 2019, the European Parliament called for net-zero global greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, an enhancement of national efforts worldwide by 2020 and a more ambitious EU target of a 55 % emission reduction by 2030.

What the EU can do

Under the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, EU environmental policy aims at providing ‘a high level of protection’.

The European Union is competent to act in most areas of environment and climate policy, although its powers are rather limited on certain topics (such as tax, land use and energy mix). The main responsibility for implementation lies with EU countries, and in some cases with regional and local authorities.

What the EU has been doing

As regards funding, 20 % of the EU budget is to be spent on climate-related objectives. This share is expected to rise in the future.

As regards climate change mitigation, most of the EU regulatory framework up to 2030 was set in 2018-2019. Parliament and Council have adopted new rules and 2030 emission targets for specific sectors, strengthening and extending previous targets. For example:

• emissions from energy and industry covered under the EU emissions trading system (ETS) must be reduced by 43 % by 2030;
• emissions from transport, buildings and agriculture must be reduced by 30 % by 2030;
• new CO2 standards for trucks and buses and for cars and vans are being set.

As regards climate change adaptation, EU policy is defined in a 2013 adaptation strategy, designed to encourage EU countries to adopt comprehensive policies; to promote adaptation in key vulnerable sectors (such as agriculture, fisheries and cohesion policy); and to develop knowledge about adaptation to enable better informed decision-making. In 2018, 25 EU countries had developed a national adaptation strategy.

Continue to put your questions to the Citizens’ Enquiries Unit (Ask EP)! We reply in the EU language that you use to write to us.

Further information

• The EU, a world leader in fighting climate change, European Parliamentary Research Service, 2018.
• The EU spending on fight against climate change, Policy Department on Budgetary Affairs, Directorate General for Internal Policies of the Union, 2018.

Written by Zsolt G. Pataki with Riccardo Molinari,

To promote the role of science in ensuring a sound basis for public policies and political decisions, the European Parliament’s Panel for the Future of Science and Technology (STOA) organised ‘Science Week at the European Parliament’, between 5-7 February 2019, in cooperation with the European Commission’s Joint Research Centre (JRC), and the European Research Council (ERC). The week of scientific events encompassed the ‘Brussels Week’ of STOA’s MEP-Scientist Pairing Scheme, the JRC’s ‘Science meets Parliaments’ event, a European Science-Media Hub (ESMH) workshop on ‘Tackling misinformation and disinformation in science’, and a STOA/ESMH-ERC Conference entitled ‘Investing in researchers, shaping Europe’s future’. The aim of these events was to strengthen the structured dialogue between scientists and policy-makers, to raise awareness about politically relevant, cutting-edge scientific issues and the importance of science for evidence-informed policy-making.

STOA and the JRC jointly launched the ‘Science meets Parliaments’ initiative in 2015 at the European Parliament (EP). This year’s event marked the official opening of the EU pilot project ‘Science meets Parliaments/Science meets Regions‘. The event discussed how science could play a bigger role in 21st century policy-making and a number of other topics, ranging from how artificial intelligence may influence our lives to building resilient societies and engaging citizens in decision-making. An accompanying exhibition focused on migration, resilience, mobility, fairness and digital transformation.

A high-level session moderated by Vladimír Šucha, Director-General of the JRC, featured statements by representatives of major stakeholders, including Tibor Navracsics, Commissioner for Education, Culture, Youth and Sport; Jerzy Buzek, Chair of the ITRE Committee; Mady DELVAUX, EP rapporteur on ‘Civil rules on robotics’, Ashley FOX, EP rapporteur on a ‘Comprehensive European industrial policy on artificial intelligence and robotics’, and Paul RÜBIG, STOA First Vice-chair.

During this ‘Science Week’, 13 paired scientists in the framework of the MEP-Scientist Pairing Scheme had an opportunity to follow their MEP counterparts in their daily political activities, and gain an understanding of the EU science, technology and research policy framework, including, in particular, EP work in this area. The feedback from participating scientists and Members suggests that the Pairing Scheme was very well received, and that all participants would recommend the scheme to their colleagues. Members gained an insight into specific areas of scientific research and developed their understanding of how scientists might support policy-making. In fact, regular editions of the scheme increase its impact as more Members and scientists are offered the opportunity to participate in the pairing experience. Several participants stressed the value of the scheme and how it has helped them gain insights into increasingly important areas both in the European Union and globally.

In parallel, the European Science-Media Hub (ESMH) workshop on ‘Tackling misinformation and disinformation in science’ provided for an exchange of good practices in tackling misinformation and disinformation in science, via the presentation of case studies, illustrating relevant initiatives touching upon different science disciplines.

The conference entitled ‘Investing in researchers – Shaping Europe’s future’ brought policy-makers and ERC-funded grantees together, with the aim of supporting evidence-informed policy-making and underlining how Europe’s future can be shaped by fundamental research on topics ranging from smart agriculture and food, via CRISPR, to migration and demography.

Written by Lieve Van Woensel,

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What if new-born babies were given a DNA report card that predicted their intelligence, their odds of getting a PhD, their chances of becoming a chain smoker or suffering depression, a heart attack or cancer? Thanks to ongoing genetic studies, a large amount of genetic data is available today involving millions of people. The wealth of information available to researchers allows them to create a polygenic risk score based on the DNA test of a person. This can be used to predict a person’s chances of getting a disease, his or her traits and behaviour, and many other things about their future. Are these predictions flawless? Who would benefit from them? What are their implications for a person’s life in general?

A single gene goes wrong. This results in diseases like sickle cell anaemia or BRCA breast cancer. With a few exceptions, genetic tests used by doctors today can already detect these rare, deadly variants in a single gene that lead to such uncommon forms of disease. However, most of the ‘big killers’, such as heart disease, are not caused by mutations in a single gene. These are rather a more complex case of hundreds or more changes in the genetic makeup that collectively influence the outcome. Tests for this type of changes are now possible, however, and produce what is referred to as a polygenic risk score.

Welcome to the world of polygenic risk scores: which promise to ‘unlock your future for less than €50’ upon submission of an uploaded DNA swab. Polygenic scores, as the name suggests, involve thousands of genes. A genome is a complete set of genetic instructions in an organism that contains all of the information needed to build that organism and for it to develop and function. These polygenic scores are derived from the combination of all the variants in a person’s inherited genome, and can spot risks of killer diseases, including those not manifested in either parent’s family history. Access to information from polygenic risk scores for different diseases provide insights that plot genetic architecture against a wide range of outcomes, behaviours and traits. This enables the prediction of risk factors, such as smoking or high cholesterol.

However, such genetic marker-based scores are not diagnoses, instead they offer a spectrum of probabilities from low to very high risk, and the scientific validity of these risk scores is up for debate. The accuracy of a polygenic risk score for an individual depends on how closely that person’s DNA resembles the DNA of the people whose genomic data was used to develop the score.

Possible impacts and developments

The availability of direct-to-consumer (DTC) genetic tests online and the possibility of using a polygenic risk score to discover the genetic roots of common ailments, not only open new options for public health care, but also transform the way we access personal genetic data and make informed decisions. However, are consumers of these DTC genetic tests fully aware of the impact the outcomes can have on their lives? Moreover, these predictions could be widely misinterpreted or abused. An individual’s genetic profile is, above all, a private matter, leading to questions as to whether such personal data can be protected. Another issue is that individuals have the right not to (want to) know what the future holds, for instance about diseases they cannot prevent. To interpret outcomes from genetic tests, medical framing is strongly recommended. It is therefore questionable, why an individual would choose to receive possibly unsettling medical information without medical guidance. With guidance from a medical professional, genetic testing data could be used proactively to make personal health decisions, concerning interventions such as screening, chemoprevention (using medication to prevent cancer in healthy people), or risk-reducing surgery for people with a high risk score for colorectal cancer.

There has been a boom in companies – Helix, 23andMe, Ancestry, Myriad Genetics, UK Biobank and Broad Institute, for example –collecting consumers’ DNA data to create genetic profiles. The risk scores obtained could drive the market of wearable devices and trackers, such as heart monitors. Users who download their genetic profile created by such commercial operators can then upload their genetic information to public family history (genealogy) sites and connect with other people of the same lineage. Indeed, one such public genealogy site helped police to crack a cold case. While, with the growing number of people enrolled for DNA tests, the accuracy of predictions is improving, it is obvious that sharing DNA on commercial databases could endanger individual’s privacy, and place sensitive information in the hands of a few companies.

Furthermore, like other data-driven technologies, genetic testing data is mostly available for certain racial/ethnic groups, raising concerns about the reliability of the predictions for other populations. This also presents an opportunity to expand the database to include the non-dominant population. A recent study shows that with the amount of DNA information housed in digital stores, more than 60 % of Americans with European ancestry can be identified through their DNA using an open genetic genealogy directory, regardless of whether they have acquired their polygenic score or not. This raises privacy concerns. The rapid expansion of these digital genetic directories makes it possible to trace any individual through their unsecured DNA. Unless the practice of conducting genealogy searches is properly regulated, anybody could experience genetic surveillance. Are individuals protected against potential abuse of such DTC genetic tests, for instance by insurance companies? Insurance companies with access to the polygenic scores could use them to decide not to offer insurance cover or to charge them exorbitant rates to people at a higher risk of disease.

These DNA tests can also be used to predict measurable human traits, including human behaviour. This will lead to predictions about the chances of a person committing crime, or about an individual’s IQ. Until a recently, no gene variant had ever been directly linked to IQ. The recent development linking 206 genetic variants to IQ has, however, resulted in a rapid genetic exploration. Psychologist Robert Plomlin talks about the possibility that human genome data will predict IQ in his book, ‘Blueprint‘. What if parents and educators used such predictions to determine the academic potential of their children? The polygenic scores could be used to customise education to each child’s needs, as not all children respond in the same way to teaching practices. These scores, which could predict the pattern of strengths and weaknesses in each child, could aid educators in designing different teaching practices for different children. The possibility of this technology to predict educational attainment has spurred many companies to invest in research on the genetics of educational attainment. In vitro fertilisation (IVF) clinics already permit a pre-implantation screening to detect embryos with rare genetic diseases before selecting the cells to be implanted. What if these were combined with IQ predictions and used to genetically select super-smart babies?

This technology has also found a potential market in applications such as predicting the age at which Alzheimer’s could appear, or the time of an individual’s death. With the rise of new technologies such as DNA storage and genome editing, it is not far-fetched to predict that future forecasts based on polygenic scores are here to stay. Is genome prediction a breakthrough in medicine and disease prevention or a dystopia in the making?

Anticipatory policy-making

The growing popularity and the availability of direct-to-consumer (DTC) genetic testing raises concerns, for instance, about how individuals are warned of the implications of such tests.

A study on legislation of DTC genetic testing in Europe gives a general overview of the national legislation addressing genetic testing in Europe. It argues that the applicability of relevant legislation is complicated by the fact that DTC genetic testing is provided outside the traditional healthcare system. This makes the classification of DTC genetic testing as a medical or recreational product unclear. These genetic tests are sold online, further raising concerns on jurisdiction and enforcement.

Read the complete ‘at a glance’ note on ‘What if a simple DNA test could predict your future?‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

With European elections coming up in May 2019, you probably want to know how the European Union impacts your daily life, before you think about voting. In the latest in a series of posts on what Europe does for you, your family, your business and your wellbeing, we look at what Europe does for drone users.

Twitter Hashtag #EUandME

© Ingo Bartussek / Fotolia

Have you ever bought or been offered a drone, and wondered what you are allowed to do with it? Maybe you have already taken photos with your drone or tried to lift things up into the air. Or maybe your neighbours thinks you are spying on them…

Various European countries have regulated the use of drones. However, the rules differ from country to country and are not easy to follow. The European Union has helped drone users to navigate this vast mass of information, by co-funding the creation of a website on drone rules.

Providing information does not eliminate all obstacles to the creation of a truly open market for drones however. Drones can pose a risk to safety, security and privacy regardless of the country in which they are being flown. They can also be flown across national borders. That is why the EU has been working on common rules on the civil use of drones. These rules will be adopted step by step, starting from general principles and moving towards more detailed rules. The rules will take into account the risk caused by various drone uses and will include requirements such as the obligation for people flying heavier drones to register, or restrictions on flying drones in certain zones defined by each country.

Not all rules are written in drone-specific laws. For instance, if your drone is equipped with a camera or a video recorder, and you capture personal data, EU data protection rules could apply. These rules say that you are not allowed to take photographs, videos or sound recordings of people without their permission.

Further information

• Unmanned aircraft (drones), European Commission website, https://ec.europa.eu/transport/modes/air/uas_en
• New civil aviation safety rules, EPRS briefing, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document.html?reference=EPRS_BRI%282017%29595877
• Civil drones in the European Union, EPRS briefing, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document.html?reference=EPRS_BRI(2015)571305

With European elections coming up in May 2019, you probably want to know how the European Union impacts your daily life, before you think about voting. In the latest in a series of posts on what Europe does for you, your family, your business and your wellbeing, we look at what Europe does for people living near airports.

Twitter Hashtag #EUandME

© potowizard / Fotolia

Air traffic in the EU is rising, with 973 million passengers carried in 2016. Despite aircraft being 75% less noisy now than 30 years ago, they are still a major noise source. Studies suggest that living close to an airport may lead to health problems like heart disease and strokes, sleep disturbance, stress or hearing impairment.

If you live near an airport, you will be pleased to know that the EU is taking this problem seriously. According to its general rules on environmental noise, authorities must inform the public about the impacts of noise pollution and consult on planned measures. The EU has also adopted specific legislation establishing a clear procedure for the introduction of noise-related operating restrictions at its airports, with more involvement of local communities. Its aim is to balance air transport needs with those of airport neighbours, by lowering noise levels through the use of modern aircraft, better land-use planning, quieter ground operations and restrictions on night-time flying. The EU has also helped to limit noise by introducing common rules on civil aviation, and rules for the environmental certification of aircraft, as well as by regulating the operation of certain aeroplanes.

Finally, the EU co-finances research projects on issues such as innovative methodologies and technologies for reducing aircraft noise (IMAGE), aviation noise impact management through novel approaches (ANIMA), environmental impacts at airport level (CLAIRPORT), aircraft noise reduction technologies (ARTEM) or lower aircraft noise with new engines (ENOVAL).

Further information

• European Aviation Environmental Report 2016, https://ec.europa.eu/transport/sites/transport/files/european-aviation-environmental-report-2016-72dpi.pdf
• Directive 2002/49/EC relating to the assessment and management of environmental noise, http://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX%3A32002L0049
• Regulation (EU) No 598/2014 on the establishment of rules and procedures with regard to the introduction of noise-related operating restrictions at Union airports within a Balanced Approach, http://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX%3A32014R0598

With European elections coming up in May 2019, you probably want to know how the European Union impacts your daily life, before you think about voting. In the latest in a series of posts on what Europe does for you, your family, your business and your wellbeing, we look at what Europe does for EU citizens working in another EU country.

Twitter Hashtag #EUandME

© carlosgardel / Fotolia

Eight and a half million EU workers (3.6 % of the EU’s active population) either work or are looking for a job in another EU country, as permanent workers, cross-border workers or posted workers. The free movement of workers is one of the four fundamental freedoms enshrined in the EU treaties and a core element of EU citizenship, but is also key to completing the monetary union and the single market. Nevertheless, European workers move less than their US or Australian counterparts. Many are afraid of losing their social or pension rights or of being exploited. Others face language or cultural barriers or difficulties in getting their professional qualifications recognised.

The EU has taken several measures to make it easier for workers to move around. One of them, EURES (European network of Employment Services), is a network designed to facilitate free movement within the EU plus Switzerland, Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway, and to match workers with employers. Better social security coordination between countries now makes it possible to enjoy pension and social security rights all over Europe. The common rules on the recognition of professional qualifications have been updated. A European platform set up to combat undeclared work and the (ongoing) enforcement of the rules on posted workers aim to protect the rights of workers and fight against social dumping. All these initiatives are designed to help workers move around more easily but also to promote the welfare and productivity of mobile workers when they are working in another EU country.

Further information

• EPRS publication on ‘Amending social security coordination’, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2017/599322/EPRS_BRI%282017%29599322_EN.pdf
• EPRS publication on Posting of Workers Directive’, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2016/582043/EPRS_BRI%282016%29582043_EN.pdf
• European Commission’s Directorate General for Employment, Social Affairs & Inclusion website, 2016 annual report on intra-EU labour mobility
• European Commission’s Directorate General for Employment, Social Affairs & Inclusion website, 2017 annual report on intra-EU labour mobility.

With European elections coming up in May 2019, you probably want to know how the European Union impacts your daily life, before you think about voting. In the latest in a series of posts on what Europe does for you, your family, your business and your wellbeing, we look at what Europe does for vulnerable consumers.

Twitter Hashtag #EUandME

© De Visu / Fotolia

While EU laws protect you as a consumer against many misleading and aggressive commercial practices, they provide special protection for consumers who are particularly vulnerable due to their mental or physical infirmity. EU laws forbid sellers to profit from such disadvantages to get consumers to buy something they would not buy normally.

Some practices often used to prey on vulnerable consumers are now banned completely. EU laws ban sales techniques that impair the average consumer’s freedom of choice through harassment, coercion use of physical force, or by exploiting their unfortunate circumstances.

For instance, Europe has banned vendors from trying to make you believe you cannot leave a place without buying something. Equally, visiting your home, despite a request to leave or not to return, is also banned. Creating a false impression that you have won a prize, when there is no prize to be won, or that you have to advance money or buy something before claiming the prize, is also not allowed. Similarly, including an invoice seeking payment in marketing material that gives you the impression you have already ordered a product is also forbidden.

In addition, EU laws recognise vulnerable consumers as a special category in the context of energy poverty, referring to people that are not able to pay their energy bills, especially for heating and cooling. EU countries have to introduce measures to help such consumers, such as banning heating disconnection in winter or introducing social tariffs for electricity and gas.

Further information

• European Commission, Unfair commercial practices, https://europa.eu/youreurope/citizens/consumers/unfair-treatment/unfair-commercial-practices/index_en.htm
• European Commission, Energy Poverty Observatory, energypoverty.eu

Written by Marcin Grajewski,

© rea_molko / Fotolia

The run-up to the European Parliament elections on 23-26 May has intensified debate about the state of the European Union, the challenges it faces and the reforms needed, both to strengthen its resilience and to enhance its international role. Many analysts focus on the rise of anti-establishment movements and a perceived divide between the east and west of the Union regarding adherence to EU values and the rule of law. Some others discuss whether the EU should have more competence in areas such as defence, international relations, migration and taxation.

This note offers links to reports and commentaries from some major international think-tanks and research institutes on the state of the Union, proposed reforms and other issues being discussed ahead of the European elections.

Studies and commentaries on Brexit can be found in a previous item in the series. Papers on economic challenges faced by the EU and the euro area are available in still another. Some further analyses on the European elections can be found in a ‘What think tanks are thinking’ published in January.

The state of Europe
Friends of Europe, March 2019

The EU Global Strategy 2020
Egmont, March 2019

The changing global order and its implications for the EU
Finnish Institute of International Affairs, March 2019

L’Union européenne, grande absente des journaux télévisés
Fondation Jean Jaurès, March 2019

Germany’s options for European policy reform: Instruments for progressive EU economic and social policy
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, March 2019

No end in sight for the EU’s democracy and rule of law crisis
German Marshall Fund, March 2019

Hungary’s systematic threat to the EU core values
Clingendael, March 2019

Is Europe doing enough to protect its democracy?
Carnegie Europe, March 2019

La triste dérive de la France et de l’Allemagne
Institute Montaigne, March 2019

What comes after the last chance Commission? Policy priorities for 2019-2024
Centre for European Policy Studies, February 2019

Élections européennes 2019: Les grands débats
Institut français des relations internationales, January 2019

The 2019 European election: How anti-Europeans plan to wreck Europe and what can be done to stop it
European Council on Foreign Relations, February 2019

Shaking up the 2019 European election: Macron, Salvini, Orbán, and the fate of the European party system
Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik, February 2019

The European Council’s strategic agenda
Clingendael, February 2019

Joining forces: The way towards the European Defence Union
European Political Strategy Centre, February 2019

The European Court of Justice: Do all roads lead to Luxembourg?
Centre for European Policy Studies, February 2019

Shaping power: A strategic imperative for Europe
European Policy Centre, February 2019

Sleeping with the enemy: The dangers for Europe of accommodating nationalists
European Council on Foreign Relations, February 2019

Consultations citoyennes: Transformer l’essai
Confrontations Europe, February 2019

Italy in the EU: Shared priorities, provocative politics
European Council on Foreign Relations, February 2019

Austria’s toughest EU presidency
European Council on Foreign Relations, February 2019

Europa: Brauchen wir das noch oder kann das weg? Wie schauen junge Deutsche vor der Europawahl 2019 auf Europa und die EU?
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, January 2019

The resurgence of bilateral diplomacy in Europe
Egmont, January 2019

Is the EU a Union of values?
Clingendael, January 2019

A European Security Council: Added value for EU Foreign and Security Policy?
Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, January 2019

What political role for the EU’s fundamental rights agency?
Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies, January 2019

The Treaty of Aachen: New impetus for Franco-German defense cooperation?
Institut français des relations internationales, January 2019

Vers une intégration des économies française et allemande? Les ambitions du traité franco-allemand d’Aix-la-Chapelle
Institut français des relations internationales, January 2019

Non-euro countries in the EU after Brexit
Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, January 2019

Euros for oil: A first step, but towards what?
European Policy Centre, January 2019

The German-French Treaty: Sign of strength or of weakness?
LUISS School of European Political Economy, January 2019

Voting methods and issues at stake in the European elections of May 2019
Fondation Robert Schuman, Centre Kantar, December 2018

Taking stock on future of the EU according to Macron: Perspective from the V4
EUROPEUM, February 2019

An EU New Year’s resolution: Keep boosting the Single Market
European Policy Centre, December 2018

When populism meets nationalism: Reflections on parties in power
Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale, December 2018

EU agencies after 25 years
Clingendael, December 2018

Reconnecting European political parties with European Union citizens
International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, December, 2018

Safeguarding democracy in the European Union: A study on a European responsibility
Heinrich Böll Stiftung, December 2018

Europe in disarray
Council on Foreign Relations, December 2018

Populism in Central Europe 2018
Austrian Society for European Politics, December 2018

The future of EU science diplomacy: Conceptual and strategic reflections
Vrije Universiteit Brussel, December 2018

Security and defence policy: An agenda for 2019-2024
Wilfried Martens Centre, November 2018

Direct democracy in the EU: The myth of a citizens’ union
Centre for European Policy Studies, November 2019

Getting Europe’s direct democracy right
Carnegie Europe, November 2018

The European citizens’ consultations: Evaluation report
European Policy Centre, November 2018

Millennial dialogue on Europe: Shaping the new EU agenda
Foundation for European Progressive Studies, November 2018

Was 2018 der Demokratie in der EU gebracht hat : Und worauf es jetzt ankommt
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, November 2018

Shadows over the European elections: Three scenarios for EU-sceptical parties after the 2019 elections
Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, November 2018

Angela Merkel’s gradual retreat: What does it mean for Europe?
European Policy Centre, November 2018

Reconciling core state power integration with market regulation? The potential of the Macron-Rutte alliance
Center for European Neighborhood Studies, November 2018

EU scenarios for 2027
Real Instituto Elcano, October 2018

The power of the past: How nostalgia shapes European public opinion
Bertelsmann Stiftung, October 2018

Strengthening cohesion in the EU: How can structural reforms contribute?
European Policy Centre, October 2018

The four ‘classical federalisms’
Wilfried Martens Centre, October 2018

Attentes et ressentis, l’état des opinions publiques avant les élections européennes
Notre Europe, October 2018

The Nordic-Baltic region in the EU: A loose club of friends
Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies, October 2018

Spitzenkandidaten and shifting electorates: towards the 2019 EP elections
Institute for Development and International Relations, September 2018

State of the Union 2018: Our destiny in our hands
European Political Strategy Centre, September 2018

One size does not fit all: European integration by differentiation
Bruegel, September 2018

Read this briefing note on ‘State of the Union: Spring 2019‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Clare Ferguson,

European Parliament (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

European citizens are running out of patience with companies and people who do not pay their fair share of the taxes that support services for everyone. The agenda for Parliament’s second plenary session of March opens with a debate on Monday evening on the report of Parliament’s TAX3 Special Committee on the progress made and the work still to do to tackle financial crimes, tax evasion and tax avoidance. In response to successive scandals highlighting the extent of the issue, the committee proposes greater scrutiny over Member States’ tax systems, including the role of loopholes such as letterbox companies; stronger investigatory capabilities; and greater recourse at national level against money laundering activities.

With a view to reassuring EU citizens that taxpayers’ money is properly managed, all EU institutions are required to present their ‘accounts’ for scrutiny on an annual basis. Parliament then makes its ‘discharge’ decisions based on Budgetary Control (CONT) committee reports on the European Court of Auditors’ annual assessment and the Council’s recommendations. Most of Tuesday afternoon will therefore be taken up with a joint debate and vote on 53 reports recommending whether or not to agree to discharge the 2017 budget for the European Commission and all executive agencies, as well as EU joint undertakings (public-private partnerships) and decentralised agencies and the other EU institutions. This year, CONT proposes to grant discharge to the Commission and to all six executive agencies, as well as to all eight joint undertakings – subject to some improvements in financial management. The committee recommends granting discharge to all but one of the 32 agencies – the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) – in the light of irregularities uncovered by the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF).

While the focus on economic, single market and climate change, external relations and disinformation had to make way for further discussion on Brexit at the European Council meeting of 21 and 22 March 2019, (Members are due to hear European Council and Commission statements on the conclusions on Wednesday morning), Parliament will debate a number of salient issues during this session.

One of these, possibly bringing two years of negotiation to a close, concerns a debate on a compromise agreement on copyright in the digital single market on Tuesday morning. This highly contentious file deals with the opportunities and drawbacks of creating, producing, distributing and exploiting content online, and the balance to be struck between remunerating creators and publishers, and protecting consumers. Between them, proposed Article 11 on the status of hyperlinks (press publishers’ rights) and Article 13 on the value gap (best known for the controversy over memes) have generated quite a few headlines. Although a text has been agreed, some EU Member States continue to oppose the compromise on the proposed new directive.

Members are also due to debate three sensitive files relating to overhauling the current legislation on road transport on Wednesday morning. Parliament had previously referred the three reports, on driving times, posting and cabotage, back to the Transport committee. However, the committee could only reach agreement on the cabotage file, which seeks to clarify the rules for international haulage operations, particularly on minimum turn-around times. Nevertheless, political groups will be able to table amendments to the proposals on social and market rules that seek to level the playing field between posted and local drivers and improve working conditions.

In a joint debate on Monday evening, Members debate compromise agreements on four proposals for new rules regarding the internal market for electricity. Squeezed between the necessity to respond to climate change and the need to guarantee affordable fuel supplies for citizens and businesses, the electricity market faces multiple challenges. The proposed changes to the rules would give consumers stronger rights when dealing with electricity suppliers, and provide extra protection for vulnerable consumers. Still on consumer rights, Parliament will also consider proposals to harmonise the EU rules on representative actions for the protection of the collective interests of consumers later on Monday evening. Although the proposed rules do not provide for the type of class action seen in the USA, they seek to make it easier for groups of consumers whose rights are violated to launch a collective action for redress, and to obtain compensation if successful. Parliament’s Legal Affairs Committee is keen to ensure that the qualified representative entities that would be authorised to mount such actions (rather than lawyers) are required to disclose publicly how they are financed, organised and managed.

On Wednesday afternoon, Members return to the legislative proposals on reducing the impact of plastic products on the environment, particularly plastic marine litter. An agreement reached with Council extends bans on products beyond cutlery, plates, and straws to include oxo-degradable plastics and expanded polystyrene packaging. The proposals also set out annual collection rates for recycling plastic fishing gear, among other measures, which could ultimately become binding. Members are also likely to vote to formally adopt an agreement on a Commission proposal to transpose recommendations from the General Fisheries Commission for the Mediterranean into EU law on Tuesday. The measures, supported in a Fisheries committee report, aim to encourage fish stock recovery and protect vulnerable habitats in the Adriatic, Alboran and Black Seas.

In another initiative to deter harmful effects on the environment on Wednesday afternoon, Members will debate an agreed text on CE-marked fertilising products. While inorganic fertilisers increase crop yields, they can also contain harmful chemicals, such as cadmium. The agreement proposes gradual reduction of the heavy metal content in fertilisers, with a longer transition, and to extend legislation to cover organic or recycled waste alternatives, ensuring a high level of protection of human, animal, and plant health, safety and the environment. Parliament will also vote on formal adoption of the next in a series of proposals to amend the Carcinogens and Mutagens Directive to protect workers against exposure to a further number of cancer- or mutation-causing chemical agents on Wednesday. The five priority chemical agents include formaldehyde, cadmium and arsenic, among others, and the measures seek to provide clarity in the workplace for workers and employers alike.

As it becomes more common for investors to consider the environmental sustainability of their economic activity, Members will debate the establishment of a framework to facilitate sustainable investment on Thursday morning. A joint report from Parliament’s Economic Affairs and Environment committees agrees that gradual harmonisation of what ‘environmentally sustainable’ actually means will help investors throughout the EU to ensure that their investments take account of the environmental impact over the entire value chain and the life-cycle of technologies. However, the committees’ report also warns against creating unnecessary administrative burden.

Finally, central counterparties provide guarantees on financial performance. In the light of the financial crisis, Parliament’s Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs wishes to ensure that this important role is fully supported with effective recovery plans. On Wednesday Members are to vote on proposals that central counterparty recovery and resolution include comprehensive stress-testing to avoid that central counterparties themselves become a systemic risk.

A list of all material prepared for this Plenary Session: New rules for the EU internal electricity market (available in DE – EN – ES – FR – IT – PL) Protecting workers against carcinogens and mutagens: Third proposal (available in DE – EN – ES – FR – IT – PL) Reducing marine litter from plastics (available in DE – EN – ES – FR – IT – PL) Copyright in the digital single market (available in DE – EN – ES – FR – IT – PL) CE-marked fertilising products (available in DE – EN – ES – FR – IT – PL) Central counterparty recovery and resolution (available in DE – EN – ES – FR – IT – PL) Representative actions for the protection of collective interests of consumers (available in DE – EN – ES – FR – IT – PL) TAX3 Special Committee report (available in DE – EN – ES – FR – IT – PL) Mediterranean fisheries management measures (available in DE – EN – ES – FR – IT – PL) A framework to facilitate sustainable investment (available in EN) Discharge for 2017 budget – European Commission and executive agencies (available in EN) Road transport: Social and market rules (available in EN) Discharge for 2017 budget – EU decentralised agencies and joint undertakings (available in EN)

Written by James McEldowney,

© aerostato / Fotolia

The common agricultural policy (CAP) is one of the oldest common policies in the EU. Its significance is reflected in the proportion of the EU’s budget devoted to it, representing approximately 40 % of the total. Developed at a time when Europe was unable to meet most of its own food needs, it was necessary to encourage farmers to produce food by means of guaranteed prices. The policy has undergone regular reform and has evolved over the years. These reforms have sought to improve the competitiveness of the agricultural sector, promote rural development and address new challenges in areas such as the environment and climate change.

Evidence from a series of Eurobarometer surveys indicates how EU citizens have a high level of awareness of this policy area. There is a recognition that it is succeeding in meeting citizens’ expectations in terms of delivering healthy high-quality food as well as contributing to the protection of the environment.

When it comes to agriculture, Parliament’s eighth term has focused on taking forward not only implementation of the last CAP reform in 2013 but also a series of significant legislative achievements. The areas covered include, for example, animal health, plant health and the organic sector, as well as a range of policy-related simplification measures that entered into force on 1 January 2018. On the non-legislative front, Parliament has pursued its scrutiny role rigorously.

Looking to the future, there are still a number of substantial issues for the current Parliament to address. These include determining in co-decision with the Council the future policy direction of the CAP for the post-2020 period, negotiations over the next multiannual financial framework (MFF) including the overall budgetary allocation for the next CAP, and the associated legislative framework.

Read this complete briefing on ‘EU policies – Delivering for citizens: Agriculture‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Elena Lazarou,

© niyazz / Fotolia

Security and defence policy in the European Union is predominantly a competence of the Member States. At the same time, a common security and defence policy, which could progressively lead to a European defence union, is enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty. Since 2016, there has been significant progress in that direction, with several initiatives in the area of security and defence having been proposed and initiated under the current mandate of the Commission and the European Parliament.

The idea that the European Union should deliver in the area of security and defence has become more and more popular with EU citizens. The crises in the EU’s eastern and southern neighbourhoods, such as the occupation of Crimea and conflicts in the Middle East, have created an environment of insecurity in which the EU is called upon to do more. Following the Council decision of 2013 and particularly since the launch of the EU global strategy in 2016, the EU had been working to respond to these needs predominantly by implementing in full the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty. In recent years, it has begun the implementation of ambitious initiatives in the area of security and defence, such as permanent structured cooperation (PESCO), the European defence action plan including a new defence fund to finance research and development of EU military capabilities, closer and more efficient cooperation with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), a plan to facilitate military mobility within and across the EU, and a revision of the financing of its civilian and military missions and operations to make them more effective.

These new initiatives are illustrated in the relevant proposals in the new multiannual financial framework (2021-2027) and the accompanying off-budget instruments. Given EU leaders’ current support for further initiatives in EU security and defence policy, important debates are likely to take place in future on the possible progressive framing of a European defence union.

Read this complete briefing on ‘EU policies – Delivering for citizens: Security and defence‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Matthew Parry,

© TK99 / Fotolia

The principle of subsidiarity means that the European Union (EU) should act where it can do so more effectively than its constituent Member States individually, and this also holds true in the area of public finance – the EU’s budget together with off-budget tools for financing EU policies. At €160.1 billion in 2018 – or approximately 1 % of Member States’ collective gross national income (GNI) – the EU budget is a great deal smaller in relative terms than EU national governments’ budgets. It serves mainly as a vehicle for investment, particularly in the areas of rural and regional development, industrial research and support for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), and political and economic development in neighbouring countries. These policies are designed to yield European public goods, with benefits that go beyond the national borders of individual EU countries. The Commission calculates that they do so for less than the cost of one cup of coffee a day per citizen.

During the 2014-2019 parliamentary term, the EU has been buffeted by challenges to its capacity to act, including financially, by geopolitical instability in the wider region, the migration and refugee crisis, and unresolved questions about the future of the euro, linked to the legacy of the economic, financial and sovereign debt crises. However, the EU has also seen several notable achievements. These include the update to the financial rules governing the use of EU funds, simplifying the rules and strengthening the focus on performance and results; the creation of a European Public Prosecutor’s Office to help address the roughly 0.35 % of the EU budget at risk of fraud; a mid-term revision of the multiannual financial framework (MFF), enhancing its flexibility to provide for a more responsive EU; the development of proposals for new sources of revenue in time for negotiations on the post-2020 MFF; and policy innovation in the field of financial engineering, helping EU finance go further by leveraging private investment.

The 2019 elections will mark a turning point in the future financing of EU policies, as negotiations on the next multiannual spending plan gather pace. The Commission has proposed a 2021-2027 MFF totalling 1.11 % of the post-Brexit EU-27’s GNI, and new sources of EU revenue to reduce the burden on national treasuries and forge a clearer link between revenue and policies. It also proposes to consolidate progress made in the current term with regard to budgetary flexibility, financial integrity and the rule of law, and in encouraging private investment in Europe.

Read this complete briefing on ‘EU policies – Delivering for citizens: Future financing of EU policies‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

EU budget and general government public spending (aggregate of EU Member States’) in the EU (2017, € billion)

Written by Joanna Apap and Anja Radjenovic,

© Alberto Masnovo / Fotolia

Refugee movements and migration are at the centre of global attention. In recent years, Europe has had to respond to the most severe migratory challenge since the end of the Second World War. The unprecedented arrival of refugees and irregular migrants in the EU, which peaked in 2015, exposed a series of deficiencies and gaps in EU policies on asylum, external borders and migration. In response to these challenges, the EU has embarked on a broader process of reform aimed at rebuilding its asylum and migration policies based on four pillars: reducing the incentives for irregular migration by addressing its root causes, improving returns and dismantling smuggling and trafficking networks; saving lives and securing the external borders; establishing a strong EU asylum policy, and providing more legal pathways for asylum-seekers and more efficient legal channels for regular migrants.

The record migratory flows to the EU witnessed during 2015 and 2016 had subsided by the end of 2017 and 2018. However, in order to deliver what the Commission calls an effective, fair and robust future EU migration policy, the EU, based on the Treaties and other legal and financial instruments, has been implementing both immediate and longer-term measures. Europe, due to its geographic position and its reputation as an example of stability, generosity and openness against a background of growing international and internal conflicts, climate change and global poverty, is likely to continue to represent an ideal refuge for asylum-seekers and migrants. This is also reflected in the growing amounts, flexibility and diversity of EU funding for migration and asylum policies inside as well as outside the current and future EU budget.

See also the parallel Briefing on ‘EU support for democracy and peace in the world’.

Visit the European Parliament homepage on migration in Europe.

Read this complete briefing on ‘EU policies – Delivering for citizens: The migration issue‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Nicole Scholz,

© Carlos David / Fotolia

Mobile phones are an integral part of everyday life, and it is hard to imagine a world without them. There are nevertheless health concerns, and the debate is ongoing.

There is a vast body of research on the potential risks from exposure to radiofrequency electromagnetic fields such as those emitted by mobile phones. Yet scientific opinion remains split over the possibility of a link between mobile phone radiation and health problems. The results of research in this area have been interpreted in a variety of ways, and studies have been criticised for their methodological flaws, lack of statistical significance, and bias.

In 2011, the International Agency for Research on Cancer, a branch of the World Health Organization, classified radiofrequency electromagnet fields as possibly carcinogenic (cancer-causing) to humans. The European Union defined basic restrictions for limiting exposure to electromagnetic fields in Council Recommendation 1999/519/EC, setting maximum values that should not to be exceeded. Moreover, in view of the scientific uncertainty, the European Environment Agency advises taking a precautionary approach.

Two sets of large-scale experimental studies involving laboratory animals, one from the United States National Toxicology Program and another from the Italian Ramazzini Institute, have recently brought the debate to the fore again. Both found varying levels of evidence of certain tumours in some of the animals tested. The results have nevertheless prompted diverging conclusions.

Read the complete briefing on ‘Mobile phones and health: Where do we stand?‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Carmen-Cristina Cîrlig,

© tanaonte / Fotolia

In November 2018, the European Union (EU) and the United Kingdom (UK) endorsed, at leaders’ level, an agreement that would ensure an orderly UK withdrawal from the EU on 30 March 2019, as well as a political declaration setting out the main parameters of the future EU-UK relationship.

The withdrawal agreement is an extensive legal document aiming, among other things, to preserve the essential rights of UK nationals living in the EU-27 and EU citizens living in the UK; to ensure that all financial commitments vis-à-vis the EU undertaken while the UK was a Member State are respected; and to conclude in an orderly manner ongoing processes in various areas (e.g. circulation of goods already on the market and ongoing judicial procedures). Importantly, the agreement establishes a 21-month transition period, extendable once, to help businesses and citizens to adapt to the new circumstances, and the EU and UK to negotiate their future partnership agreements. During this time, the UK will be treated as a Member State, but without any EU decision-making and representation rights. Furthermore, one of the agreement’s three protocols, the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland contains a legally operational ‘backstop’, aiming to avoid a hard border on the island of Ireland in the future. It has long been the most contested aspect of the withdrawal deal. The political declaration, by contrast, is a non-binding text, providing the basis for future EU-UK economic and security cooperation, taking into account both sides’ red lines and principles.

With just days to go to the Brexit deadline, the procedures to approve the withdrawal deal have still not been finalised, due to continuing opposition within the UK Parliament. While extending the Article 50 negotiating period now appears highly likely, all scenarios are still possible, including the UK leaving the EU without a deal at the end of March 2019.

This Briefing updates the earlier EPRS paper on The EU-UK withdrawal agreement: Progress to date and remaining difficulties, of July 2018.

Please also visit the European Parliament homepage on Brexit negotiations.

Read the complete briefing on ‘Brexit: Understanding the withdrawal agreement and political declaration‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Written by Ralf Drachenberg and Marko Vukovic,

© kamasigns / Fotolia

On 21 and 22 March 2019, the European Council was due to focus primarily on economic, single market and climate change issues, as well as on external relations and disinformation. Due to the second negative vote in the House of Commons on the withdrawal agreement, on 12 March, Brexit is now expected to dominate the agenda of EU Heads of State or Government again. An extra meeting of the European Council (Article 50) has been added to the programme, to discuss possible next steps in the process, including possibly deciding on an extension of the negotiation period.

Regarding jobs, growth and competitiveness, the European Council is expected to discuss the future development of the single market, the capital markets union, industrial policy and European digital policy, in preparation for the next strategic agenda. In the external relations field, the focus will be on the forthcoming EU-China summit.

1. Implementation: Follow-up on previous European Council commitments

The Leaders’ Agenda identified economic issues and trade as topics for the March 2019 European Council meeting. This is more or less reflected in the annotated draft agenda, which puts emphasis on jobs, growth and competitiveness. However, the issue of economic and monetary union (EMU), which was due to be discussed in a Leaders’ Agenda session at this European Council meeting, will most likely not be addressed. Moreover, this will be only the second formal meeting of EU Heads of State or Government since April 2015 at which migration is not on the agenda.

At the start of the meeting, following the address of the President of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani, the President of Romania, Klaus Iohannis, whose country currently holds the presidency of the Council of Ministers, will provide an overview on the progress made in implementing previous European Council conclusions. In terms of previous European Council commitments, the most relevant for this meeting are the call for an in-depth discussion on the future development of the single market, and for the provision of guidance on the overall direction and political priorities on climate change.

Policy area Previous commitment Occasion on which the commitment was made Single market Hold an in-depth discussion on the future development of the Single Market and European digital policy in preparation for the next Strategic Agenda December 2018 Disinformation Continue work on this issue and report back to the European Council December 2018 Climate change Provide guidance on the overall direction and political priorities December 2018 2. European Council meeting Strengthening the economic base of the EU

At the March 2019 meeting, the Heads of State or Government will discuss the future development of the single market in all its dimensions. Building on the Commission’s communication on the internal market in a changing world, requested by the European Council to gauge progress on single market strategies, EU leaders will prepare the ground for the next strategic agenda for the single market, the European digital policy, capital markets union and industrial policy. A year ago, in its March 2018 conclusions, the European Council called ‘for increased efforts to deliver’ on the various single market strategies, and set yet another deadline for their completion by the end of the current legislative cycle. As underlined in the above-mentioned Commission communication, with only one third of the 67 legislative proposals already adopted as of November 2018, there is a need for renewed political commitment to the project.

Industrial policy is likely to be centre stage in the debate on competitiveness. In a Manifesto for a European industrial policy fit for the 21st Century, France and Germany called for a radical overhaul of the EU’s competition policy, to allow for the creation of European industrial champions. This initiative from February 2019 was triggered by the European Commission’s decision to block the merger of rail businesses owned by Germany’s Siemens and France’s Alstom. It also highlights the need for investment in new technologies (through InvestEU, the European Innovation Council and IPCEI) and the development of artificial intelligence (AI) in Europe.

Another contribution to the debate was provided in a February letter of 17 Heads of State or Government, from predominantly smaller Member States, to the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk, as an input to the European Council’s next strategic agenda. It calls for an ‘offensive industrial policy to innovate and remain globally competitive in key technologies and strategic value chains’. Although, France and Germany stand out as not being among the signatories, both the manifesto and the letter focus on the challenges of digitalisation, artificial intelligence, where the EU needs to lead by unleashing the data economy, and the importance of integrated capital markets to finance investment and innovation.

The 17 also call for proper implementation and enforcement of the Services Directive. Professional qualifications should be guaranteed and Member States should commit to improving their performance in reducing service restrictiveness. As a contribution to the debate on services, Ireland, Finland, Denmark and the Czech Republic commissioned a report, ‘Making EU trade in services work for all’, published last November, which argues for more ambitious measures to remove obstacles to the cross-border provision of services in the EU. The report calls for full implementation and enforcement of the services directive which could, on a conservative estimate, add at least two per cent to the EU’s GDP.

The European Council is also expected to endorse the Council recommendation on the economic policy of the euro area, which is part of the 2019 European Semester exercise.

Climate change

The European Council is expected to give guidance and set the EU’s overall political priorities on climate policy. Climate change has regularly been on the agenda of the European Council in recent years, with EU leaders repeatedly reaffirming the EU’s commitment to the full implementation of the Paris Agreement. In response to a request formulated by the European Council in December 2018, and based on the European Commission communication, ‘A Clean Planet for all’, as well as a Presidency background note, the Council held ‘a policy debate on the EU’s long-term strategic vision for a prosperous, modern, competitive and climate neutral economy’. The Romanian Presidency undertook to inform the President of the European Council of the outcome of the policy debate held in the Council.

External relations EU-China summit

The European Council will discuss the preparation of the forthcoming EU-China Summit, to be held in Brussels on 9 April 2019. The summit, which takes place annually, might address a wide range of issues of mutual interest, including security, trade, climate change, research and cultural cooperation, as part of the comprehensive strategic partnership defined by the EU-China 2020 Strategic Agenda for Cooperation. Ahead of the European Council meeting of 21-22 March, on 12 March 2019, the European Commission and the High Representative published a joint communication entitled ‘EU-China – A strategic outlook’. They call for ‘full unity’ of the EU and its Member States in their relations with China, and invite EU leaders to endorse a set of ten actions. Some of the actions have a broad scope, which would require strategic reflection on the rules and functioning of the internal market. This is notably the case for rules applicable to EU industrial policy, where several Member States have recently put forward a set of proposals (see above). China was previously on the agenda of the European Council in March 2017, as part of a broader debate on trade. EU leaders then stressed that trade relations ‘should be strengthened on the basis of a shared understanding of reciprocal and mutual benefits’.

Other items Fighting disinformation

Disinformation has been a regular item on the European Council agenda over the past year. In response to a request made by the European Council in June 2018, the European Commission and the High Representative presented an ‘action plan against disinformation‘ in December 2018. EU leaders then mandated the European Commission to start implementing the action plan and to continue work on countering disinformation, in particular through ‘decisive action at both European and national levels on securing free and fair European and national elections’. The Heads of State or Government are expected to take stock of progress made in the meantime, ahead of the European elections in May 2019.

25th anniversary of the European Economic Area (EEA)

EU Heads of State or Government will also hold an exchange of views with the prime ministers of Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway, to mark the 25th anniversary of the EEA.

3. European Council (Article 50) meeting

On 21 March 2019, EU-27 leaders will also meet in a European Council (Article 50) format to discuss the latest developments in the process following the United Kingdom’s notification of its withdrawal under Article 50 TEU.

On 11 March 2019, in Strasbourg, UK Prime Minister, Theresa May, and the President of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, agreed on an instrument relating to the draft withdrawal agreement and on a joint statement supplementing the political declaration. President Juncker stressed that the instrument ‘provides meaningful clarifications and legal guarantees on the nature of the backstop’, thereby complementing the withdrawal agreement without reopening it.

On 12 March 2019, the withdrawal agreement, including the additional instrument, was defeated by 391 votes to 242 in the House of Commons. Following this second rejection of the negotiated withdrawal agreement, on 13 March, Members of the UK Parliament also voted to rule out a no-deal scenario. On 14 March, MPs voted by 413 to 202 in favour of a requesting an extension of the Article 50 negotiation period from the EU.

Following these developments, the European Council (Article 50) is now expected to assess the next steps, and possibly decide upon the request for an extension of the Article 50 negotiation period, if so requested by the UK Prime Minister. The Treaty on European Union (TEU) stipulates that the European Council, in agreement with the Member State concerned, can decide unanimously to extend this period. President Tusk indicated that he would ‘appeal to the EU-27 to be open to a long extension if the UK finds it necessary to rethink its Brexit strategy and build consensus around it’.

Attending the European Parliament’s plenary debate, in advance of this upcoming European Council meeting, the Romanian Secretary of State for European Affairs, Melania Gabriela Ciot, representing the Council Presidency, stated that the European Council will require ‘credible justification’ by the UK government for a technical extension of the Article 50 negotiations. Similar reactions came from other EU leaders, including the Dutch Prime Minister, Mark Rutte, the European Commission President, Jean-Claude Juncker and the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk. The European Commission’s chief negotiator, Michel Barnier, reiterated that, if the UK wants to leave the EU in an orderly fashion, the negotiated withdrawal agreement is the only possible way. He also stressed that ’the responsibility for the Brexit decision belongs solely to the United Kingdom, and today the responsibility to find a way out of the impasse that the negotiations are in, lies fair and square with the United Kingdom’.

During the plenary debate, some MEPs expressed their regret that yet another European Council meeting would be dominated by the Brexit debate, and that, as a result, other more pressing issues for the EU would not receive the necessary attention. MEPs also stressed that a prerequisite for a prolongation was for the UK Government to specify concretely what it intends to use the time for