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A street market in Yangon, Myanmar’s biggest city. Residents are anxious about high inflation and also fear recent floods will drive food prices higher. Credit: Ant/IPS

By Guy Dinmore, and a reporter in Yangon
YANGON, Myanmar, Sep 23 2026 (IPS)

Isolated and at constant war with itself, Myanmar’s humanitarian crisis is deepening as global challenges far exceed the capacity to respond of a military regime increasingly focused on its own survival.

The climate crisis, soaring commodity prices triggered by wars in Europe and the Middle East, plus worldwide cuts in donor aid are all hitting Myanmar hard. The regime’s inability to govern a fragmented and restive country with nearly four million internally displaced people has been exposed to the full since it seized power over five years ago.

Widespread floods caused by heavy monsoon rains since July have affected over 470,000 people, according to an assessment by the World Health Organization. Cases of malaria and dengue have been increasing, as well as outbreaks of cholera.

“Everyone is starving and cut off. Yes, everyone is facing food shortages,” said an activist calling himself Bruce, describing the situation in Shwebo township in the north-central Sagaing region, one of the main conflict zones and rice transshipment centres hit by floods.

Local and international aid organisations struggle to get help through conflict zones where the military is fighting a shifting array of ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) and local resistance groups while syphoning off what it can.

“Armed hostilities, movement restrictions and administrative requirements continue to block access, underscoring the need for safe, sustained and unhindered humanitarian reach to vulnerable communities,” the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said in a July bulletin.

“Myanmar remains one of the world’s most severe humanitarian crises, with more than 16 million people in need as conflict, displacement, protection risks and access constraints intensify urgent needs nationwide,” OCHA said, noting that by end-March “humanitarian partners” had managed to reach 1.6 million people.

Floods have driven up food prices, already exacerbated by rising costs of fuel and fertilisers caused by Russia’s war on Ukraine and Iran’s blockade of the Strait of Hormuz following attacks by the US and Israel.

All sides exact a price in Myanmar, Bruce said, with cargo trucks moving north from the regime-controlled city of Mandalay to Shwebo having to pay fees at multiple military checkpoints and those run by other armed groups. Farmers in neighbouring Shan state growing rice and tomatoes are also facing “devastating losses” and being driven into deep poverty, he said.

Shwebo has experienced power blackouts of up to 20 consecutive days. As darkness falls, residents do not dare venture outside for fear of forced conscription by the regime, especially in rural areas. Households pay levies to avoid conscription, even those with only single women.

Some people are being forced into a second round of conscription as the military struggles to replenish its ranks, stretched across the country. Over 100,000 people have been conscripted, according to some estimates.

At night authorities inspect mobile phones. If they find online games, evidence of Starlink use or unauthorised communication devices then the individuals are immediately taken for military service.

Inflation and extortion reach deep into prisons too, said Bruce, a former political prisoner. Skin diseases like scabies are common, and the cost of a particular drug bought by relatives has soared more than eight times, while even traditional medicines like neem leaves have gone up fivefold.

Prison staff and those manning checkpoints even take their cuts of peanut snacks, driving up prices paid by prisoners.

The numbers displaced by conflict continue to rise. Fighting in the central Magway region in recent months has added over 200,000 more since May, according to some UN estimates. People fleeing conflict are moving to safer areas, but host communities have limited capacity to accommodate them.

U Than is a farmer in the Ayeyarwady delta and was struggling to make ends meet even before recent floods hit the major rice-growing region, destroying crops and jeopardising the next planting season. Fortunately his land has been spared destruction, but everyone is keeping a close eye on nearby levees.

“Farming has become a cycle of borrowing just to survive,” he said, complaining that the cost of fertiliser has risen five-fold and that fuel is increasingly expensive and difficult to obtain.

“We are working harder, borrowing more, and spending more, but the income from our harvest is no longer enough to cover the cost of farming or even our basic living expenses.” Families are forced to cut back their spending on health and education.

Yangon, Myanmar’s biggest city, feels somewhat insulated from the recent natural disasters and ongoing civil war. But inflation is hitting the pockets of its six million people, including city officials and their families, who squeeze more money from residents on trumped-up charges or bribes to avoid conscription.

“The junta stooges are resorting to all sorts of methods, legal or illegal, to recruit people while at the same time making money in the process,” one long-time resident told IPS.

“Life in Yangon is morphing into a new normal, with people feeling less safe about their lives as crimes are widespread. So many cases of theft and robberies go unreported or under-reported.”

A cholera outbreak in central Yangon in August, the second in two years, was blamed on poor hygiene among street vendors whose cheap food is even more attractive as inflation bites. The regime responded by shutting down their businesses in six city townships. Outbreaks have also been reported in Sittwe, one of the last regime strongholds in Rakhine State, as well as flood-affected areas.

Reports that CCTV artificial intelligence and facial scanning technology were deployed at a checkpoint in Mandalay city have raised fears that the regime is adopting widespread surveillance controls pioneered by China, its closest ally.

Min Aung Hlaing, leader of the 2021 coup, has proved resilient and uncompromising in directing a brutal retaliation against the popular resistance and was confident enough to swap his general’s uniform for a civilian suit as president after tightly orchestrated elections this year.

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, set up by the UN Human Rights Council, stated in its annual report that its findings “show a pattern of deliberate aerial attacks on civilians, arbitrary detentions, torture and sexual violence committed by the Myanmar military.”

The military escalated its aerial attacks and other crimes against civilians in the lead-up to the elections, and these have continued unabated, the IIMM said, listing the targeting of homes, schools, medical facilities, religious buildings and camps for internally displaced persons.

“This underscores the urgent need to hold those responsible to account,” it said. The IIMM is also investigating alleged atrocities involving armed groups opposed to the military.

For the moment, accountability seems a distant prospect, at best.

Since Min Aung Hlaing’s assumption of the presidency in April, the former general has been accepted on official visits to Belarus, Russia, Kazakhstan, India, China, Laos, Vietnam and Thailand. The Trump administration has not rolled out the red carpet but has eased sanctions against some of the regime elite and is engaging on matters of particular concern to the US, such as scam centres.

The regime’s growing de facto recognition abroad poses a further threat to the struggling efforts to exert its authority in liberated areas by the parallel National Unity Government (NUG). Established by lawmakers ousted in 2021 when Aung San Suu Kyi and other prominent leaders were jailed, the NUG managed to conclude agreements in March with several major ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) in an attempt to forge a unified political and military resistance.

Calling themselves the Steering Council for the Emergence of a Federal Democratic Union (SCEF), the alliance has stated its commitment to a negotiated political solution that would end military rule and exclude the generals from politics.

“To get there we’re pursuing all available avenues, including military means,” a senior resistance official told IPS.

However, there is scepticism that Min Aung Hlaing will deal with the new collective entity and will continue to insist on bilateral ceasefire talks with individual EAOs while refusing to recognise the NUG as an interlocutor. Several major armed groups dependant to varying degrees on neighbouring China have also kept the SCEF at arm’s length.

“Substantive negotiations between the Tatmadaw [the Myanmar military] and SCEF members are likely to prove challenging,” Morgan Michaels, a southeast Asia defence expert, wrote in a recent analysis for the International Institute of Strategic Studies.

“Meaningful progress in Myanmar – whether political, economic or humanitarian – would need to start with a broad conflict de-escalation, which at a minimum would require ceasefires between the Tatmadaw and the EAOs. Unfortunately, the path to de-escalation is likely to be long and fraught with dilemmas.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

 

 

 

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Indigenous Peoples, local communities, and Afro-descendant Peoples protest exclusion and lack of recognition at the UNCCD COP17 in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. Credit: Lucas Wasson for Rights and Resources Initiative

By Bayarsaikhan Namsrai, Gregoria Jimenez Amaya, Isabel Davila Pereira and Stephen Basele
ULAANBAATAR, Mongolia, Sep 23 2026 (IPS)

Rightsholders came to Ulaanbaatar from across the world, carrying declarations, demands and years of experience defending the lands on which their communities depend. Indigenous Peoples, local communities, Afro-descendant Peoples, women and youth were equally clear about what they needed from COP17. But being in the room is not the same as having power in the room.

In a year when the International Year of Rangelands and Pastoralists and the three Rio Conventions were supposed to create momentum for rights, recognition and implementation, the negotiations showed how quickly those gains can be diluted when the people concerned are not able to shape the language that governs their lands.

What happened in Ulaanbaatar should concern anyone advancing land restoration, climate resilience and biodiversity conservation. These cannot succeed while the rights of the people who govern these landscapes remain negotiable.

Ahead of COP17, the demands were clear: 2026 could not be a symbolic year. It had to be a year when secure and customary tenure for Indigenous Peoples, local communities, pastoralists, Afro-descendant Peoples, women and youth was translated into real protections and implementation across the Rio Conventions.

Pastoralists, Mobile Peoples, Indigenous Peoples, Afro-descendant Peoples and local communities are proven leaders in land stewardship, biodiversity conservation and climate resilience. Achieving global restoration goals requires recognizing their rights, knowledge and leadership.

Secure and flexible tenure and mobility rights were an urgent ask in the context of the IYRP. RRI’s legal analysis of seven countries found that only Nepal and Niger recognize pastoralists as distinct rightsholders and only Niger considers mobility as a fundamental right. Even where rights exist on paper, they routinely fail against agricultural encroachment, mining, conservation expansion and green energy projects. Tenure should not be secondary to these initiatives, but a pre-condition before any projects are attempted in community lands.

Communities requested land and customary governance rights as a formal and permanent agenda item following past land tenure decisions, with customary institutions recognized as implementing bodies rather than consulted stakeholders and Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) as a precondition for any Land Degradation Neutrality action.

Finance is not a technical question. It is a question of power. At a COP supposedly focused on implementation, it should have been a central matter that communities cannot implement priorities they did not define, using resources they do not control. Yet too much climate, biodiversity and land finance still travels through institutions far removed from the communities whose territories generate environmental benefits.

For communities, direct and flexible finance is about more than getting money to the last mile. It is about trusting organizations and customary institutions to decide what resilience, restoration and development mean in their own territories.

Rightsholders were ready to advance their distinct rights during COP17. The presence of pastoralists at COP17 was significant, but presence alone does not translate into influence. Pastoralists arrived organized, with a global declaration and clear demands, yet the experience of the negotiations showed that meaningful participation requires more than being present in the conference halls. It requires the knowledge, resources, relationships and sustained capacity to follow negotiating texts, understand procedures, build alliances and influence language as decisions are being shaped.

On Land and People Day, the Indigenous Peoples Caucus delivered the Sacred Lands Declaration directly to the UNCCD Executive Secretary, demanding recognition grounded in self-determination, a permanent seat on the Committee on Science and Technology, and a dedicated fund for Indigenous-led restoration.

The local communities caucus asked for institutional status equal to the Indigenous Peoples’, Gender and Youth Caucuses rather than as a facilitative mechanism sidelined when convenient, plus a self-determined representation model and sustained funding for its operation.

Afro-descendant Peoples asked for what the other two Rio Conventions have already conceded: to be named. Afro-descendant Peoples across Latin America and the Caribbean steward territories degraded or acutely at risk — drylands, deforested frontiers, dry forests, riverine and coastal lands. They asked the UNCCD to open an Afro-descendant desertification agenda for the first time.

Women’s demands cut across all of this. Parties have built agreed gender language across three COPs. The ask was that it hold and be implemented.

For youth, being called “the future” has become another way of postponing their participation in the present. Young rightsholders are already living the consequences of drought, shrinking mobility, changing economies and pressures on their territories. They are not waiting to inherit these challenges. What they need is more than a voice now, it is representation, resources and authority in the institutions making decisions about their future. Their minimum requests included recognition as drivers of present-day adaptation, a permanent space within UNCCD processes, culturally appropriate education, and direct financing for youth-led organizations.

How the Negotiations Went

Based on prior COP decisions, COP17 should have been the continuation of a road towards implementation. Instead, the days in Ulaanbaatar became much more focused on protecting past progress rather than operationalizing it.

The institutional failures began on day one. At the opening plenary on 17 August, only two State Parties objected to agenda items, yet no vote was held and instead the presidency provisionally adopted the agenda. Future Strategic Framework, synergies with other conventions, gender, and participation of civil society were all deferred pending consultation. The COP closed with no decision at all on civil society participation, the Riyadh mandate to bring the Indigenous Peoples’ Caucus and the Local Communities’ Caucus to full Terms of Reference under Decision 5/COP.16 was pushed to COP18, and Rio synergies were removed from all decisions. Gender never reached the negotiation floor; instead, a quiet Gender Caucus convened in Plenary as the agenda block was sustained.

Still, IYRP advocacy proved successful to some extent. Parties agreed to recognize the critical role of pastoralists as stewards of rangeland ecosystems, including the importance of transboundary mobility. However, compromise language was adopted, replacing “traditional knowledge” with “knowledge accumulated by pastoralists” in order to remove wording related to Indigenous Peoples and local communities.

This distinction matters. Pastoralist knowledge is not simply a body of information accumulated over time; it is embedded in living institutions, relationships, territories and systems of customary governance. When knowledge is separated from the peoples and institutions that hold and transmit it, it becomes a technical resource while the rights and authority of its holders remain unrecognized. Draft decisions on land tenure and sand and dust storms also advanced, but only by leaving the naming of rightsholders behind. The lack of language on Indigenous Peoples and local communities was one of the biggest gaps. Many negotiators backed Indigenous Peoples’ and local communities’ rights in plenary, but behind closed doors, agreed to language so general it protects no one in particular. Language proposed replacing references to Indigenous Peoples with “common places” or “common people.” In the land tenure text, “affected areas” was pushed toward “common areas,” a phrase with no grounding in any multilateral mechanism and no obligations attached.

This dilution of language is particularly consequential as pressure on rangelands grows from competing global agendas. Rangelands are increasingly being presented as spaces for carbon sequestration, renewable energy, conservation and large-scale restoration, often without adequately recognizing the pastoralists who already govern and steward these landscapes.

And this is where the politics of rangelands becomes unavoidable.

Rangelands are increasingly being seen as spaces for carbon, renewable energy, conservation and large-scale restoration. The danger is that landscapes already governed and stewarded by pastoralists begin to be treated as empty spaces available for solving someone else’s global environmental problem.

A green transition cannot become a new form of land dispossession.

If pastoralists are displaced in the name of renewable energy, excluded in the name of conservation, or turned into carbon credits in the name of climate action, then changing the colour of development does not change its underlying politics.

Climate, biodiversity and land restoration objectives must not be pursued by treating pastoralist territories as empty spaces or global environmental infrastructure while sidelining the people whose livelihoods, cultures and institutions are rooted in them.

The same principle applies to emerging carbon and other environmental markets. Pastoralist rangelands cannot be reduced to carbon sinks whose value is defined externally while the cumulative ecological, economic and cultural value of pastoralism remains invisible. Any financing or market mechanism operating in these territories must begin with secure tenure, meaningful participation, Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC), and fair recognition of the rights and contributions of pastoralist communities.

Right through the final day, negotiators discussed whether to reference synergies among the Rio Conventions, and whether to include gender at all. These questions were either resolved by adopting ambiguous and broad language that betrays the protection from past COP decisions or by simply delaying any decisions to COP18.

Across every draft negotiating text currently available, rangelands, drought, sand and dust storms, land tenure, Afro-descendant Peoples do not appear at all. Not contested and diluted; simply absent. On the year of the three Rio Conventions, this demonstrates how UNCCD is lagging. CBD Decision 16/6 made the Convention on Biological Diversity the first Rio Convention to name them explicitly and at UNFCCC COP30 they appeared in core negotiating text. The bridge that could have carried that recognition into the UNCCD was the synergies item blocked on day one. These synergies are urgent to deal with the intersections across climate, land degradation and biodiversity conservation.

When it came to drought, the COP also fell short. Decision ICCD/COP(17)/L.15 runs to four operative paragraphs: continue discussions at COP18 with a view to adopting a decision on proactive drought management; make drought a stand-alone agenda item; ask the secretariat and Global Mechanism to keep supporting Parties; and report back. After deferring at COP16 and again here, the working group toward a binding instrument did not materialize; the next window is 2028. In the current text, Indigenous Peoples and local communities appear as people affected by drought and consulted, rather than as rightsholders.

COP17 presented an unprecedented situation in which a small number of Parties blocked key issues from meaningful consideration. There is no Land Degradation Neutrality without human rights, no resilience without gender equality, no sustainable land governance without Indigenous Peoples, Afro-descendant Peoples and local communities.

COP17 also taught us something uncomfortable about participation. It is possible to be visible everywhere at a COP and still have very little influence over what finally enters the negotiating text.

Influence requires preparation. It requires people who understand the Convention, know the procedures, follow the text, build relationships with negotiators, organize across constituencies and remain engaged long after the cameras leave. Pastoralist movements have strong knowledge of their lands and livelihoods. What they need now is equal investment in the political and technical capacity required to defend that knowledge and those rights in global decision-making spaces.

If pastoralists want to shape the next COP, they cannot only prepare declarations. They must prepare negotiators.

What Happens Next

The answer cannot be another declaration.

The remaining COPs of 2026 must turn recognition into implementation. That means three things: name the peoples whose rights are at stake; put resources directly into the hands of their organizations and institutions; and give them meaningful authority over the decisions affecting their territories.

At CBD COP17 and UNFCCC COP31, Indigenous Peoples, Afro-descendant Peoples and local communities must be recognized as rights-holders and implementing partners, not folded into generic “vulnerable groups” language. At UNCCD COP18, the gains made on pastoralists, tenure and customary governance must not be allowed to disappear into vague language.

But the responsibility does not rest with the conventions alone. Pastoralist movements must also build the capacity to influence these processes. The period between COPs must be used to coordinate positions, prepare negotiators, track decisions and negotiating texts, build alliances across the Rio Conventions and engage governments between sessions. Pastoralist organizations need investment not only to attend COPs, but to understand and shape what happens inside them.

COP18 must deliver the adoption of Terms of Reference for the Indigenous Peoples’ and Local Communities’ Caucuses, restore gender and synergies to the agenda, open an Afro-descendant desertification agenda, advance a drought decision with the communities who live its consequences first, and restore the full recognition of traditional knowledge.

Vague language does not merely fail to establish obligations. It blurs the content of rights and leaves earned recognition in a regression limbo.

Naming peoples is the beginning of recognition, not the end of it. Recognition must lead to rights, rights must be backed by institutions and finance, and those institutions must have the authority to shape the decisions that affect their territories.

The peoples who shepherd the vast majority of the world’s lands do not need another symbolic year. They need their names written into the decisions, and their voices, institutions and authority protected long after the COP is over.

Bayarsaikhan Namsrai (Steps Without Borders), Gregoria Jimenez Amaya (CITAFRO/ODECO), Isabel Davila Pereira (Rights and Resources Initiative), Stephen Basele (Pastoralist Goals Foundation)

IPS UN Bureau

 

 

 

 

Le dimanche 20 septembre, le port de Djen Djen (Jijel) a transbordé 537 bobines d’acier arrivées de Chine, soit 5 700 tonnes, avant de les […]

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Le président de l'Assemblée nationale, Joseph Fifamin Djogbénou, a reçu en audience, mardi 22 septembre 2026 à Porto-Novo, les neuf maires du département du Zou, venus lui soumettre plusieurs préoccupations de développement nécessitant, selon eux, un accompagnement accru de l'État.
Réunis au sein de la Communauté des communes du Zou (CCZ), les élus locaux étaient conduits par Auguste Aïhunhin, maire de Covè et président de l'organisation intercommunale. Les députés Natondé Aké et Pauline Aïkpando ont également pris part à la rencontre.
Les maires ont remis à Joseph Fifamin Djogbénou plusieurs documents de référence, dont le plan de développement intercommunal et « Les priorités de la Communauté des communes du Zou pour la période 2026-2033, 9 communes pour un destin commun ». Une manière de placer entre les mains du président de l'Assemblée nationale une vision structurée des attentes du territoire et des projets jugés prioritaires.
Les échanges ont porté notamment sur le foncier et les anciennes opérations de lotissement, la gestion des déchets, la transhumance, la modernisation des marchés, la voirie, l'assainissement, les salles de classe, les centres de santé, l'éclairage public et l'accès à l'eau potable.
Sur plusieurs de ces questions, les communes souhaitent un accompagnement technique, financier ou institutionnel de l'État afin de renforcer leurs capacités d'intervention et de mieux répondre aux attentes des populations.

Face aux préoccupations exposées, Joseph Fifamin Djogbénou a salué la démarche collective des neuf maires. Il a surtout marqué sa disponibilité à jouer pleinement son rôle de relais institutionnel en portant leurs préoccupations auprès des autorités et structures compétentes.

Cette posture donne à l'audience une portée qui dépasse la simple écoute. En accueillant les priorités des collectivités, en les inscrivant dans un échange institutionnel et en acceptant d'en assurer le relais, le président de l'Assemblée nationale se situe à l'interface entre les réalités du terrain et les centres de décision publique.
La rencontre met ainsi en évidence une dimension du rôle de Djogbénou à la tête du Parlement : faire de l'institution non seulement un lieu de législation et de contrôle, mais également un espace où les territoires peuvent être entendus et leurs préoccupations mieux portées.
Pour les communes du Zou, l'enjeu est désormais de faire évoluer ce plaidoyer collectif vers un suivi concret des priorités présentées.

Une nouvelle ère s'ouvre sur la coopération entre les Émirats arabes unis et le Bénin dans les domaines des transports, des infrastructures et de la logistique. Le nouvel Ambassadeur des Émirats arabes unis a rencontré ce lundi à Cotonou le Ministre du Cadre de Vie et des Transports, chargé du Développement durable.

Son Excellence Hazza Mohammed Al Qahtani, Ambassadeur des Émirats arabes unis près la République du Bénin, s'est entretenu, le 21 septembre 2026, avec Monsieur Georges ALE, Ministre du Cadre de Vie et des Transports, chargé du Développement durable, sur les perspectives de renforcement de la coopération entre les deux pays dans les domaines des transports, des infrastructures et de la logistique.

La rencontre, qui s'est tenue au siège du ministère à Cotonou, a permis aux deux parties d'échanger sur les possibilités de développer la coopération, de partager les expertises et d'explorer les opportunités d'investissement disponibles dans ces secteurs.

Les échanges ont également porté sur l'importance de renforcer la concertation entre les deux pays et d'identifier de nouveaux domaines de coopération susceptibles de contribuer au développement durable du Bénin et au renforcement du partenariat entre les Émirats arabes unis et la République du Bénin.
Les Émirats arabes unis constituent aujourd'hui l'un des principaux partenaires du Bénin dans la région du Golfe.

La championne du monde Masters W40, Noélie Yarigo, était au cabinet du chef de l'État, Romuald Wadagni, ce mardi 22 septembre 2026.

Après le coup de fil du président de la République la félicitant pour son sacre aux Championnats du monde Masters 2026 à Daegu, en Corée du Sud, Noélie Yarigo a rencontré le chef de l'État ce mardi 22 septembre 2026. Cette rencontre avec le chef de l'État selon l'athlète, est un privilège. « J'ai eu le sentiment d'être reçue comme quelqu'un de sa famille. Comme un père qui écoute sa fille. Comme un grand frère qui écoute sa petite sœur », a confié Noélie Yarigo à sa sortie d'audience.

Sa déclaration après la rencontre avec le chef de l'État
"Aujourd'hui, j'ai enfin eu ce privilège.Il a pris le temps de m'écouter. De comprendre mon parcours, mes difficultés, ce que je prépare pour la suite, ce que je veux faire maintenant et surtout mes rêves.J'ai eu le sentiment d'être reçue comme quelqu'un de sa famille.
Comme un père qui écoute sa fille.
Comme un grand frère qui écoute sa petite sœur.
Mais j'ai aussi compris une chose importante pendant cette rencontre : pour lui, cette médaille n'est pas une fin. C'est une étape. Je repars avec le cœur rempli de gratitude… mais aussi avec une nouvelle mission : continuer à me battre pour faire encore plus retentir le nom du Bénin."

Young voters are being courted with football slogans, promises of jobs and anti-Israel rallying calls.

Young voters are being courted with football slogans, promises of jobs and anti-Israel rallying calls.

DIGITAL 20H : Avez-vous tenté votre chance ?

Le tirage DIGITAL 20H N°200 a livré son verdict !

Mardi 22 Septembre 2026

Avez-vous joué ?

Avez-vous misé sur vos numéros porte-bonheur ?

RÉSULTAT : 36 • 08 • 57 • 50 • 17

Félicitations aux heureux gagnants !

Pas encore cette fois ? Gardez le sourire.

Rendez-vous à 00H pour le prochain tirage.

Jouez dans les points de vente ou : Tapez *590# ou rendez-vous sur lnbloto.bj

Jouez avec modération et responsabilité. Le jeu doit rester un plaisir.

L'Agence béninoise de protection civile (ABPC) renforce ses moyens d'intervention et de suivi des déplacements de populations. Elle a reçu, mardi 22 septembre 2026, un important lot d'équipements offert par l'Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), avec le financement de l'Union européenne.

L'Agence béninoise de protection civile (ABPC) reçoit de l'Organisation Internationale pour les Migrations (OIM) un don composé de 20 motos de type Apache avec leurs accessoires, 4 motos de type dame, des ordinateurs, des tablettes, des écrans TV et divers équipements informatiques. L'ensemble est évalué à environ 54. 000.000 de FCFA.

Cette dotation intervient dans le cadre du projet « Appui à la résilience des personnes déplacées de force et des communautés d'accueil au Nord-Bénin, en Côte d'Ivoire, au Ghana et au Togo ». L'initiative vise notamment à renforcer les capacités nationales en matière de suivi et de gestion des déplacements de populations.

Pour le ministre Djibril Mama Cissé, les déplacements forcés constituent désormais une préoccupation importante pour les États et les communautés. Les nouveaux équipements devraient ainsi permettre à l'ABPC d'améliorer ses capacités opérationnelles, notamment dans le suivi des personnes déplacées, la circulation de l'information et la coordination entre les différentes structures concernées.

Étienne Banga de l'OIM a mis en avant la coopération avec le ministère de l'Intérieur et de la Sécurité publique. Selon lui, ces équipements doivent également faciliter le travail des équipes de terrain, notamment pour la collecte, le stockage, l'analyse et la visualisation des données sur les mouvements de populations.

Le nom de QNET est régulièrement utilisé par des individus pour proposer de fausses opportunités d'affaires, des emplois, des voyages ou encore des gains financiers. Pour lutter contre ces pratiques et permettre aux victimes ou aux personnes approchées de signaler les cas suspects, l'entreprise a lancé l'initiative « QNET Against Scams ». Déjà mise en œuvre au Ghana, elle devrait progressivement être déployée dans d'autres pays africains, notamment francophones.

Le phénomène n'est pas nouveau. Des individus utilisent le nom de QNET pour attirer des personnes à travers différentes promesses qui ne correspondent pas à ses activités. « Beaucoup de gens, malheureusement, utilisent le nom et la marque de QNET à mauvais escient pour exploiter des gens et commettre des arnaques », a confié Chérif Sarr, directeur régional de QNET pour l'Afrique centrale et l'Afrique de l'Ouest.

Pour faire face à ces pratiques, QNET a lancé l'initiative « QNET Against Scams ». Elle repose sur la sensibilisation du public et le signalement des cas suspects. Des campagnes permettent d'alerter les populations sur les méthodes utilisées par les personnes qui se présentent frauduleusement comme des représentants ou partenaires de QNET. Au Ghana, QNET a noué un partenariat avec l'Economic and Organised Crime Office (EOCO), l'agence ghanéenne chargée notamment de lutter contre la criminalité économique et organisée. Selon Chérif Sarr, un canal WhatsApp a été mis en place, ce qui permet aux populations de transmettre des informations ou des plaintes. Ces signalements peuvent ensuite être exploités et transmis aux autorités compétentes.

« On a eu en un an plus de 161 personnes, des criminels qui ont été arrêtés à travers cette initiative-là », affirme le responsable. Pour lui, la vigilance doit rester permanente. « Les criminels, malheureusement, sont très inventifs, ils cherchent toujours de nouveaux moyens », souligne-t-il.

Une extension annoncée dans les pays francophones

Après son déploiement dans plusieurs marchés anglophones, QNET entend étendre davantage le dispositif dans les pays francophones. Selon le directeur régional de QNET, l'année 2027 devrait notamment être consacrée au renforcement de cette approche dans des pays comme le Bénin, le Togo et le Sénégal.

Au Bénin, l'entreprise dit ainsi vouloir explorer, avec les institutions compétentes, des actions de sensibilisation et de partage d'informations destinées à aider les populations à reconnaître les signes d'un recrutement frauduleux et les usages abusifs de son nom.

Des espaces physiques pour mieux faire connaître QNET

En parallèle de la lutte contre les arnaques en ligne, QNET mise également sur des espaces physiques de présentation de ses activités. L'entreprise prévoit notamment l'ouverture prochaine d'un « Experience Center » au Togo.

Ces espaces doivent permettre aux consommateurs, aux autorités et aux populations de découvrir les produits et le modèle commercial de l'entreprise et de poser directement leurs questions. QNET dispose déjà de tels centres au Ghana et au Nigeria.

Pour Chérif Sarr, cette proximité avec le public doit aussi contribuer à réduire les confusions autour de la marque. « Les populations pourront librement venir poser toutes leurs questions, voir ce qu'est réellement QNET », explique-t-il.

QNET appelle à la vigilance

Face à l'utilisation frauduleuse de son nom, le responsable régional appelle les populations à vérifier systématiquement les propositions qui leur sont faites. « Quand une opportunité d'affaires est trop belle, trop facile, il faut vraiment être vigilant », conseille-t-il.

Il recommande notamment de consulter les informations officielles disponibles sur le site de QNET avant toute démarche. L'entreprise dispose d'une plateforme WhatsApp (+233 2566 30005) permettant de vérifier l'identité d'une personne qui se présente comme appartenant à son réseau. « Quand vous êtes approché par quelqu'un, envoyez un message sur cette plateforme-là », insiste Chérif Sarr.

QNET rappelle que ses activités ne consistent pas à proposer des emplois. « QNET n'est pas une agence de voyage, QNET n'est pas une agence qui promet du travail ou bien des rendements ponctuels », précise le responsable.

L'initiative « QNET Against Scams » s'inscrit ainsi dans une stratégie de sensibilisation qui, après le Ghana et d'autres marchés africains, doit progressivement s'étendre aux pays francophones.

Akpédjé Ayosso

À propos de QNET

QNET est une entreprise de renommée mondiale spécialisée dans le bien-être et le mode de vie, qui s'appuie sur un modèle commercial de vente directe pour proposer une large gamme de produits exclusifs permettant à chacun d'adopter un mode de vie plus sain et plus équilibré.

Depuis 1998, les produits innovants de QNET et son modèle économique axé sur le commerce électronique ont contribué à bâtir une communauté mondiale de clients satisfaits et de micro-entrepreneurs, animés par la mission RYTHM (Raise Yourself To Help Mankind). Parmi les marques de produits phares proposées par QNET figurent la gamme Bernhard H. Mayer de montres et bijoux de luxe, la gamme de produits d'entretien ménager HomePure, la gamme de bien-être Amezcua, la gamme de soins personnels Physio Radiance et les forfaits vacances de la marque QVI.

QNET est fière d'être membre de l'Association de la vente directe dans plusieurs pays, de l'Association des aliments santé de Hong Kong, de l'Association de l'industrie des compléments alimentaires de Singapour, et bien d'autres. QNET est également active dans plusieurs parrainages sportifs internationaux, notamment en tant que partenaire officiel de vente directe du Manchester City Football Club et de la Confédération africaine de football (CAF), soulignant ainsi son engagement envers l'excellence et son rayonnement mondial.

LES RÉSULTATS LOTO FORTUNE SONT LÀ !

TIRAGE N°152/26

Mardi 22 septembre 2026 (18H)

39 • 88 • 71 • 18 • 24

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Pas encore gagné ? Gardez le sourire !

Rendez-vous au prochain tirage de 20h pour une nouvelle chance.

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Jouez avec modération et responsabilité. Le jeu doit rester un plaisir.

LES RÉSULTATS DOUBLE CHANCE SONT LÀ !

LOTO FORTUNE Tirage N°152

Mardi 22 septembre 2026 (14H)

– Zone A (5 premiers numéros) :

71 • 79 • 35 • 58 • 70

– Zone B (5 derniers numéros) :

57 • 66 • 87 • 62 • 49

Félicitations aux heureux gagnants.

Pas encore cette fois ? Gardez le sourire !
Rendez-vous à 18H pour le prochain tirage.

Jouez avecmodération et responsabilité. Le jeu doit rester un plaisir.