Africa

Former world number two Ons Jabeur announces that she is pregnant with her first child.

Former world number two Ons Jabeur announces that she is pregnant with her first child.

Family agriculture and land defenders in Colombia. Credit: Both Nomads/Forus

By Bibbi Abruzzini and Lucia Torres (Forus) and Jake Wieczorek (Hivos)
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 10 2025 (IPS)

As the world prepares for the next COP30 summit, a quieter battle is raging in courtrooms. Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) are the fossil-fuel industry’s new favourite weapon, turning justice systems into instruments of intimidation.

“Speak out, and you’ll pay for it”

On a humid morning in August 2025, two small environmental groups in Panama — Centro de Incidencia Ambiental and Adopta Bosque Panamá — found out through social media that they were being sued for “slander” and “crimes against the national economy.” Their offence? Criticising a port project on the country’s Pacific coast.

A few days later, across the border in Costa Rica, two environmental content creators woke up to find their bank accounts frozen and salaries withheld. Their “crime” was posting videos about a tourism project they said was damaging Playa Panamá’s fragile coastline.

In both cases, the message was straightforward: speak out, and you’ll pay for it.

These are part of a growing global trend that is particularly ominous as climate activists, Indigenous defenders, and journalists push their demands upon the upcoming COP30 negotiations. The battle to protect the planet increasingly comes with an additional cost: defending yourself in court.

SLAPPs: Lawsuits Designed to Scare, Not Win

The acronym sounds almost trivial — SLAPP — but its impact is anything but. SLAPP stands for Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation, a term coined decades ago to describe legal actions intended not to win on merit but to intimidate, exhaust, and silence those who speak out on matters of public interest.

According to Transparency International, “SLAPPs are also known as frivolous lawsuits or gag lawsuits, as they silence journalists, activists, whistleblowers, NGOs and anyone who brings facts to light in the public interest.”

These are not just lawsuits; they are in fact strategy. They don’t need to win, they just need to drain your time, your money, and your hope.

The claimants are usually powerful, ranging from corporations, politicians, or investors.

In the Costa Rican case, the company linked to the Playa Panama tourism project did not even allege material harm. Yet the court imposed “precautionary embargoes,” blocking credit cards, freezing wages, even restricting property rights, punishing through the process.

In Panama, the developers of the Puerto Barú port project filed a criminal complaint against environmental NGOs who had challenged the project’s environmental impact assessment before the Supreme Court. Those challenges are still pending. Rather than waiting for the judiciary’s ruling, the company launched a separate legal attack, accusing those NGOs of harming the national economy.

Observers call it “judicial intimidation.” The case triggered several alerts across the EU SEE Early Warning Mechanism, warning of a “chilling effect on civic participation.”

‘Unfortunately, in Panama, judicial harassment of journalists and activists by politicians and businesspeople is already common practice because criminal law allows it. Reform is needed in relation to so-called crimes against honour and the grounds for seizure of assets. International organisations such as the Inter-American Press Association have warned about this,’ says Olga de Obaldía, executive director of Transparency International – Panama Chapter, a national member of the EU SEE network.

In Costa Rica, the embargoes imposed on content creators Juan Bautista Alfaro and Javier Adelfang sparked outrage. Within days, 72 organisations and more than 3,000 individuals — from academics to Indigenous leaders — signed an open letter condemning the action as “an assault on public interest advocacy.”

The backlash worked: members of the Frente Amplio Party introduced a bill to restrict the use of preventive embargoes in cases involving public interest speech.

But for those already targeted, the damage – emotional, financial and reputational – has already been done.

We do not just see SLAPPs deployed in Latin America. Examples of SLAPPs as a means of lawfare by the rich and powerful have been around for a long time across the globe.

In Thailand, Thammakaset sued several members of the NGO Fortify Rights and other activists for denouncing abusive working conditions. Still today content posted by communities or NGOs, or even comments under local government posts, are often picked up and turned into criminal defamation cases.

Despite the existence of anti-SLAPP provisions in the Criminal Procedure Code, experiences indicate that they are largely ineffective. The constant threat of facing litigation based on online content disrupts CSO work and chills free speech.

Climate Activism Under Pressure

As the world heads toward another global climate summit in Brazil – where journalist Amanda Miranda faces a SLAPP by government officials for uncovering corruption – we face a paradox: while governments make promises about protecting the environment, environmental defenders are being prosecuted for holding them accountable.

Brazil’s baseline snapshot on an enabling environment also highlights a related trend: environmental defenders are frequently framed as “anti-development,” a narrative used to delegitimise their work and undermine public support. SLAPPs reinforce this strategy. Beyond draining time and resources, these lawsuits inflict reputational harm, serving as tools in broader campaigns to discredit and silence critics.

According to research from the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre, the highest number of SLAPPs – almost half of them – took place in Latin America, followed by Asia and the Pacific (25%), Europe & Central Asia (18%), Africa (8.5%), and North America (9%). Nearly three-quarters of cases were brought in countries in the Global South and 63% of cases involved criminal charges. Furthermore, most individuals and groups facing SLAPPs raised concerns about projects in four sectors: mining, agriculture and livestock, logging and lumber, and finally palm oil.

In an International Center for Non-Profit law – ICNL – study on over 80 cases of SLAPPs across the Global South, out of them “91% were brought by private companies or company officials(…) 41% brought by mining companies and (…) 34% brought by companies associated with agriculture.”

According to data from the CASE Coalition, SLAPP cases have risen sharply in recent years: from 570 cases in 2022 to over 820 in 2023 in Europe alone. Around half of those targeted climate, land, and labor rights defenders. Fossil fuel and extractive industries remain the most frequent initiators.

It is important to remember that those numbers under-represent the extent of SLAPP use, they are based on reported legal cases and can’t include the many cases in which the mere threat of a lawsuit was enough to silence before filing a complaint

The Business & Human Rights Resource Centre has documented that companies linked to mining, tourism, and large infrastructure projects are increasingly using SLAPPs to paralyse critics ahead of international events like COP, when scrutiny intensifies.

The danger of SLAPPs lies in their quietness. They happen behind closed doors, in legal language, far from the marches and hashtags. The trials often do not even end up in lawsuits. Yet their effect is profound. Every frozen bank account, every unpaid legal fee, every public apology extracted under duress weakens the collective courage needed to hold power to account.

Across regions, SLAPPs follow the same playbook: identify outspoken defenders, sue them on vague charges like “defamation” or “economic harm”, drag the process out for years, win by exhausting, not convincing.

Of course, the specific tactics vary by legal context. In some countries, certain charges carry strategic advantages. For example, in the Philippines, authorities frequently rely on serious, non-bailable allegations — including charges like illegal possession of firearms — to keep activists detained for extended periods.

The Philippines remains the most dangerous country in Asia for land and environmental defenders with frequent attacks linked to mining, agribusiness, and water projects.

Political repression persists and civil society groups continue to face “red-tagging” and SLAPPs, further enabled by the passage of the Anti-Terrorism Act, the Anti-Money Laundering Act of 2001, and the Terrorism Financing Prevention and Suppression Act of 2012.

Authorities have also used fabricated firearms and explosives charges to target activists, journalists, and community leaders, often accompanied by asset freezes, surveillance, and prolonged detention. In these settings, SLAPPs can “weaponise” the criminal justice system itself to remove critics from public life entirely.

SLAPPs have become the invisible front of the climate struggle, a slow-motion suppression campaign that rarely makes headlines.

Tactics to Fight Back

In early 2024, the European Union adopted its first-ever Anti-SLAPP Directive, a milestone achievement after years of campaigning by journalists and civil society. It sets out minimum standards to prevent abusive lawsuits and protect public participation.

But implementation remains uncertain. The Vice-President of the European Commission, Vera Jourova, called the Directive “Daphne’s law,” in memory of the Maltese journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia, who was killed in 2017 while she was the victim of numerous legal proceedings against her, and whose tragic story helped raise awareness of the issue.

Beyond the European context, similar efforts to counter SLAPPs have emerged elsewhere, for example in Colombia with the Guerra v. Ruiz-Navarro case. This case illustrates the importance of investigating sexual violence and abuse of power, recognising it as a matter of public interest that warrants protection. This ruling sets a strong precedent against the misuse of courts to silence the press by influential figures and underscores that defending victims and informing the public are acts of defending human rights.

In Indonesia, another country where SLAPPs are being deployed, civil society groups continue to advocate for stronger legal protections, including legislation to protect from SLAPPs. A small step forward came in September 2024, when the Ministry of Environment and Forestry issued Regulation No. 10/2024, on legal protection for environmental defenders.

“While the Ministry of Environment and Forestry Regulation No. 10/2024 represents an initial step toward safeguarding environmental defenders, civil society organisations expect its effective implementation, coupled with broader anti-SLAPP legislation, to ensure comprehensive protection against retaliatory lawsuits and foster a secure environment for public participation in environmental governance,” says Intan Kusumaning Tiyas of INFID, national civil society platform in Indonesia.

Civil society groups are calling for action on immediate priorities.

These include stronger legal safeguards by enacting robust national anti-SLAPP laws that allow for early case dismissal, ensure defendants can recover legal costs, and penalise those who file abusive lawsuits.

Setting up solidarity and support through regional and global networks can quickly mobilise legal assistance, mental health support, and emergency funding for those targeted.

Finally, actions around visibility and accountability are needed to bring SLAPPs into the public eye and raise awareness. SLAPPs need to be framed not as ordinary legal conflicts, but as violations of human rights that weaken an enabling environment for civil society, democratic participation and obstruct climate justice.

At COP30, negotiators will debate carbon credits and transition funds. But the real test of climate commitment may lie in whether states protect the people defending rivers, forests, and coastlines from powerful interests.

Civil society hopes to push a bold message into COP30 discussions: defending the environment requires defending those who defend it and supporting an enabling environment for civil society.

This article was written with the support of the Forus team, particularly Lena Muhs, and members of the EU SEE network.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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As Nigeria, Cameroon, DR Congo, Gabon face off in African play-offs, BBC Sport Africa looks at how one nation can still reach the 2026 World Cup.

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The post Les industries de l’alcool, du tabac et de l’agroalimentaire se déchirent pour échapper aux taxes européennes appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Damaged greenhouse in Bent Jbeil, Nabatieh governorate. Credit: Action Against Hunger

By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, Nov 10 2025 (IPS)

Food security and livelihoods in southern Lebanon are under severe threat as the repercussions of Israeli bombing continue to be felt across the region, a report released today (NOV 10) has warned.

Almost a year since a ceasefire was agreed, many farmers in Southern Lebanon are still denied access to their land due to displacement, ongoing Israeli attacks, and soil contamination, a joint report from Action Against Hunger, Oxfam and Insecurity Insight has found.

The impacts of the war, coupled with regular Israeli attacks and occupation, have wiped out farmland and destroyed crops and essential food infrastructure, threatening food security and livelihoods in some of the country’s most fertile and productive areas, according to the report.

“Food insecurity is a huge concern in Lebanon, affecting around a fifth of its population, and this report shows how damage and displacement are devastating production in some of its most fertile lands. As winter approaches, more and more families face hunger and poverty,” Suzanne Takkenberg, Action Against Hunger Country Director, told IPS.

The report, “’We Lost Everything’: The Impact of Conflict on Farmers and Food Security in Lebanon,” lays bare the effects of repeated and ongoing attacks by Israeli forces on Lebanese agricultural land and food production.

It highlights the lasting disruption to the agricultural sector and damage to the rural economy as seeds, fuel and other items necessary to plant and harvest, such as fertilizer and fuel, fodder, workers, and equipment, have become harder to obtain, while damaged roads mean transporting goods can sometimes be impossible.

Displacement and continued lack of access to land are among the major problems farmers are facing.

Almost half of the farmers interviewed for the report had been internally displaced and nearly a year on since the ceasefire was agreed, approximately 82,000 people remain unable to go home due to ongoing Israeli occupation and armed violence.

The ongoing presence of Israeli troops in southern Lebanon, despite a February 2025 deadline for their withdrawal, is also preventing people from accessing land to farm.

“Agricultural losses are not only caused by shelling or burning. When farmers cannot reach their land because of displacement or military presence, the outcome is the same: fields go unplanted, and food disappears,” Christina Wille, Director of Insecurity Insight, told IPS.

The five areas in southern Lebanon remaining under Israeli occupation as of September 2025.
Credit: Map: Insecurity Insight. Base Map: UN OCHA

But farmers have also complained of another serious effect of the bombings – contamination with/from explosive remnants of war (ERW) and white phosphorus.

White phosphorus can have detrimental effects on soil fertility and plant growth, which affects farmers’ ability to grow and harvest crops – with a knock-on effect for food security.

“ERW also poses a serious risk, as not only can these weapons degrade over time and contaminate water and soil, but they can also lead to serious injury and even death if unexploded ordnance detonates unexpectedly,” explained Wille.

“Explosive contamination freezes life in place. It keeps people displaced, fields uncultivated, and entire communities in limbo. Farmers told us that the war didn’t just destroy their crops but also their confidence. Food security is not only about seeds and soil. It is also about whether people feel safe enough to work the land,” she added.

The scale of the losses farmers have endured since the start of the conflict is immense.

“Our findings show that around 90% of farmers we interviewed have seen their food production drop since October 2023. That is a systemic collapse, not a seasonal shock,” Drew East, Researcher at Insecurity Insight, told IPS.

The food production of several farmers in Khiam, Bodai, Saaideh, Baalbek and Aitaroun has completely stopped, depriving them of their main income sources.

Meanwhile, farmers in areas of southern Lebanon and Bekaa that have seen some of the worst conflict incidents have seen losses not just of land but of homes, livestock, and agricultural assets.

But it is not just the livelihoods of farmers that have been ruined.

“Some farmers have lost everything and this will have devastating repercussions not just for them and their families, but also for the communities they help to feed,” said Wille.

The ongoing threat of violence and the levels of destruction witnessed throughout the conflict have also had a profound impact on the physical and psychological well-being of affected communities, according to the report.

“Farmers across Lebanon are already in crisis as historically low rainfall has led to the worst drought on record. This climate stress is being exacerbated by the ongoing effects of the conflict, including contamination of the land, restricted access and disruption to supply chains. Urgent action is needed to restore hope for farmers and communities who rely on them,” said Takkenberg.

Farmers also warned of the need for urgent assistance to address worsening hunger and poverty among communities.

Experts believe that until the ceasefire agreed upon one year ago is fully adhered to, affected farmers will not be able to recover fully.

“The repeated attacks on farmland in South Lebanon and Bekaa are not only destroying livelihoods but undermining Lebanon’s food security. There must be an immediate end to these violations and the full withdrawal of Israeli forces so that farmers can safely return to their land and rebuild their lives,” Oxfam in Lebanon Country Director Bachir Ayoub said.

“Three key elements farmers identified that would enable them to end the negative cycle afflicting southern Lebanon and fully resume food production were financial assistance, a complete cessation of hostilities, and the clearance of ERW-contaminated land,” added Wille.

The report comes just months after the same groups warned at least 150,000 people had been left without running water across the south of Lebanon after Israeli attacks had damaged and destroyed swathes of water sanitation and hygiene (WASH) facilities since the beginning of the conflict.

A report detailed how repeated attacks on Lebanese water infrastructure between October 2023 and April 2025 had led to long-term disruption to supplies of fresh water and caused losses estimated at USD171 million across the water, wastewater and irrigation sectors.

Meanwhile, a severe rainfall shortage had exacerbated the problem, increasing risks of outbreaks of waterborne diseases.

In the latest report, its authors point out that all parties to the conflict have clear obligations under International Humanitarian Law to protect objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population, including foodstuffs, agricultural areas, crops and livestock.

And they have issued a call for urgent action to push for more humanitarian and development material support and funding to help with the situation and have stressed the need for a full withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanese territory as part of the ceasefire.

“The most urgent call could be to help people to safely return home and to work and address food insecurity as soon as possible,” said Wille.

“This is not last year’s conflict. The report tells the story of communities that are not just struggling to recover but under ongoing attack- as we’ve seen most intensely in the last few days,” said Takkenberg.

“Our teams are operating in this highly volatile environment to support those in need – rebuilding greenhouses, restoring roads, distributing cash and providing essential agricultural inputs. Working side by side with local authorities and communities, we are doing what we can to repair livelihoods and create space for renewal. But ultimately, this won’t be possible until we have lasting peace,” she added.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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The post Budget de l’UE : Ursula von der Leyen fait des concessions au Parlement appeared first on Euractiv FR.

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An elderly man reads a newspaper while working on a street in Bangkok. Social protection is a safety net for vulnerable groups to ensure quality living. Credit: Unsplash/Jacky Watt

By Armida Salsiah Alisjahbana
BANGKOK, Thailand, Nov 10 2025 (IPS)

The Second World Summit for Social Development, held in Qatar earlier this month, marked an important moment for global efforts to advance inclusive, equitable and sustainable development. Throughout the Summit, contributions from the Asia-Pacific region demonstrated that diversity is not a barrier but a strength in crafting people-centred solutions.

Countries showcased innovative and scalable approaches to social protection, intergenerational solidarity, care economy transformation and poverty reduction. These efforts, rooted in local realities and scaled through regional cooperation supported by ESCAP, offer valuable lessons for the world.

Climate resilient and inclusive social protection

Social protection is a powerful tool for reducing poverty and inequality. With the right investments and reforms, it has even greater potential to drive inclusive and equitable development in the future as countries face added risks due to climate change.

Indonesia’s large household cash transfer programme, Program Keluarga Harapan, has helped improve households’ livelihood capital and coping capacities in the face of climate change events, especially those relying on climate-sensitive sectors such as food systems or other natural resource-dependent activities.

Public work programmes, such as the Fiji for Jobs 2.0 or Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, help rural households adapt to climate shocks and improve livelihoods while creating climate resilient community infrastructure. For many countries in the region, top-ups to non-contributory cash transfers are often used to swiftly extend emergency relief to large numbers of households.

In Nepal, forecast-based financing allows the release of funding for pre-defined early actions, including social protection transfers, before a disaster occurs. This reduces the impact on vulnerable communities.

Intergenerational solidarity

Demographic shifts are reshaping societies across Asia and the Pacific. Ageing populations, youth, migration and changing family structures demand new approaches to social cohesion and equity.

The Maldives, in partnership with ESCAP, marked a major milestone in addressing population ageing by launching its National Policy in September 2025, presenting a comprehensive framework to promote active and healthy ageing.

The Lao People’s Democratic Republic also recently adopted a decree and a policy on ageing and is now working to put them into practice. These recent developments demonstrate the commitment of countries in Asia and the Pacific in recognizing that today’s youth are tomorrow’s older persons, that ageing should be viewed over the life course and that intergenerational solidarity benefits all. The ESCAP repository of policies on ageing and related database of good practice support countries in sharing experiences, and contribute to more effective regional cooperation.

Transforming the care economy

Valuing unpaid care and domestic work and investing in the care economy are central to building inclusive, resilient economies and achieving sustainable development. Malaysia’s Selangor state became the country’s first state to adopt a comprehensive care economy policy in November 2024, addressing the entire care ecosystem.

From training home-based caregivers to childcare subsidies, the policy demonstrates how subnational governments can transform care through integrated multi-stakeholder action. The Philippines offers a strong example of embedding care into local budgets to reach the most vulnerable women at the community level.

Municipalities have pioneered local care ordinances that mandate an annual allocation for care programmes, mainstreamed into social welfare and gender initiatives. This approach is now being replicated by thirty local government units.

The Republic of Korea expanded its parental leave system in 2024 with the “6+6 scheme,” providing enhanced wage compensation for the first six months when both parents take leave within the child’s first year of life, encouraging fathers’ participation and shared caregiving responsibility.

Regional collaboration: scaling solutions across borders

One of the most powerful messages from the Summit was the importance of regional cooperation. As the examples show, the Asia-Pacific region’s diversity has not hindered progress, rather, it has enriched it. Frameworks such as the Action Plan to Strengthen Regional Collaboration on Social Protection have facilitated resource mobilization and knowledge exchange.

The Doha Political Declaration proposes a regional mechanism to monitor commitments made at the Summit, ensuring accountability and continuous learning. The region’s emphasis on multilateralism and solidarity offers a model for global cooperation in tackling shared challenges.

ESCAP is fully committed to supporting the regional follow-up of the Declaration. Building on its established platforms, including the Committee on Social Development and the Asia-Pacific Forum on Sustainable Development, ESCAP will continue to provide inclusive spaces for dialogue, review and policy coherence aligned with the 2030 Agenda and reflecting regional priorities, including on leaving no one behind, gender equality, decent work, social protection and intergenerational solidarity.

ESCAP will also continue to strengthen regional capacity to collect disaggregated social development data and support national statistical systems to monitor progress and inform policy, helping ensure that progress toward the 2030 Agenda is accurately tracked and gaps are identified.

The Asia-Pacific region leading the way on social development

This region has shown that sustainable and inclusive social development is not a distant goal. Rather, it is achievable through inclusive, locally grounded, regionally coordinated and forward-looking action. From care to climate, from youth to ageing, the region’s solutions are shaping a future where no one is left behind.

As the world reflects on the outcomes of the Second World Summit for Social Development, Asian and Pacific contributions stand out not only for their innovation but for their deep commitment to equity, resilience and human dignity. The journey continues, led by a region that understands that development must be for all, by all.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Excerpt:

Armida Salsiah Alisjahbana is Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations and Executive Secretary of the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP)

The bloc’s priorities are at odds with everybody else’s

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