Africa

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Die Schweizer Strassen-Meisterschaften 2026 finden im Jura statt. Courtételle bei Delsberg ist Start- und Zielort für Zeitfahren und Strassenrennen.

Fabio Nogueira, a leader of the Menino Jesus Quilombola Afro-descendant community, stands in front of a proposed landfill, which is 500m from their homes. Credit: Joyce Chimbi/IPS

By Joyce Chimbi
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 20 2025 (IPS)

Just 30 minutes from where the UN climate negotiations are unfolding in the port city of Belém, Afro-descendant communities are engaged in a fierce struggle for the full recognition and legal titling of their ancestral territories—critical as their security and livelihoods are compromised by businesses wanting to set up contaminating landfill sites and drug cartels.

A boat ride along the expansive Amazon basin takes you inside the forest. It is the largest rainforest in the world, estimated to be 5.5 to 6.9 million square kilometers and spanning eight countries.

In the forest are the Quilombos or communities founded by descendants of Africans who escaped enslavement. They have defended their rights for generations. Across Latin America and the Caribbean, they may be known by different names, but they are all Afro-descendant communities with shared histories.

Well over 130 million people in Latin America identify as Afro-descendant, descendants of those forcibly brought to the Americas during the transatlantic slave trade. In Brazil, Ecuador, Colombia, and Suriname, these communities collectively hold recognized management rights to nearly 10 million hectares, or nearly 24 million acres, of land.

Açaí is harvested in an Afro-descendant community near Belém, Brazil, where COP30 is underway. Açaí is part of the daily diet and is historically known as a source of subsistence. Credit: Joyce Chimbi/IPS

But the Amazon is the backdrop for the struggle for the full recognition and legal titling of their ancestral territories, as guaranteed by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988.

IPS spoke to Fabio Nogueira, a leader among the Menino Jesus Quilombola community home to 28 families about their struggles and successes.

“Without titles, Quilombolas are exposed to invasion and displacement from big companies, ranchers, farmers and land grabbers.”

Alarmingly, criminal gangs target the Quilombola communities and their leaders for illegal activities.

Increased surveillance and drug seizures on direct routes from Latin America to Europe have turned the Amazon into a drug corridor. In Brazil, drug traffickers use ‘rios de cocaine,’ or cocaine rivers, jeopardizing the safety of the Quilombos along the Amazon rainforest.

Major rivers and remote areas in many Quilombola territories serve as key “cocaine corridors” for drug trafficking. The lack of state presence and land titling makes these communities soft targets.

Today, the Amazon rainforest is also the scene of a fierce struggle against landfills or sites for the disposal of waste material. He says landfills in the Amazon cause significant problems, including contaminating the soil and water with heavy metals and other toxins and releasing greenhouse gases like methane.

“We are currently 15 kilometers away from the lixão de Marituba landfill and it still pollutes our air and environment. Now they want to bring a landfill only 500 meters from our community. The landfill will be 200 hectares in size. We are saying no to landfills and have a case in court,” Nogueira said.

“The Menino Jesus quilombola community is in a legal dispute. We are resisting the proposed landfill project.”

Belém is a port city and gateway to Brazil’s lower Amazon region. A 30-minute boat ride through the expansive Amazon River takes you inside the forest. Credit: Joyce Chimbi/IPS

The project was planned without recognition of their existence or the impact it would have on them. The Public Defender’s Office of Pará has filed legal action and recommended the project’s suspension, citing that the land is public and part of the area traditionally occupied and claimed by the community for twenty years.

If the Brazilian State maintains the current pace of land regularization of quilombola territories, it will take 2,188 years to fully title the 1,802 processes currently open at the National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform.

The slow pace of titling negatively affects forest preservation. Despite two studies indicating that the Quilombola play a crucial role in climate solutions, their ongoing struggle for basic recognition makes it difficult for them to secure their rights or access climate finance in formal spaces, such as COP30, according to Malungu, the coordinator of Associations of Remaining Quilombo Communities of Pará, which represents and advocates for the Quilombola communities in the state.

Two recent studies indicate that titling is a determining factor for the success of Quilombos in protecting the Amazon and titled territories maintain 91 percent of their forests, while non-titled territories preserve 76 percent.

“Alarmingly, self-declared territories that do not yet have certification (necessary for starting the titling process) had a rate of forest loss 400 percent higher than that of titled territories, highlighting the urgency of recognition to halt degradation.”

During COP30, a visit to the two Quilombos—Menino Jesus and Itaco-Miri—in the Amazon rainforest demonstrates the significance of communal land titling. It illustrates how this titling enhances the well-being of Afro-descendant peoples across the Amazon and how secure land tenure contributes to climate goals through carbon absorption, forest protection, and biodiversity preservation through traditional agriculture.

Throughout six generations, Quilombola communities stand out as caretakers and conservers of the Amazon rainforest’s biodiversity, using sustainable practices passed down through generations.

Menino Jesus and Itacoã-Miri territories and other Afro-descendant community lands ‘have high biodiversity and irrecoverable carbon and were associated with a 29 to 55 percent reduction in forest loss compared to control sites.’

Still, communities deliver better results with tenure security. Key data from Instituto Social Ambiental’s Study on Quilombo Territories in the Brazilian Amazon shows that while Quilombos face significant land tenure challenges, approximately 47 percent of mapped Quilombos lack even basic delimitation or fixing of boundaries, and over 49 percent of communities have not even passed the first step.

Along the Amazon basin, communities often live in houses facing the river. The forest is their backyard. Credit: Joyce Chimbi/IPS

Meanwhile, they remain outstanding in their conservation performance. They have preserved nearly 92 percent of mapped Quilombo territories, including forests and native vegetation. From 1985 to 2022, these territories lost only 4.7 percent of original forest cover, compared to 17 percent loss in private areas.

But political recognition has moved much more slowly than scientific recognition. Shortly before COP30, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva visited the Afro-descendant communities of Menino Jesus and Itacoã-Miri near Belém, Pará, as part of an agenda of preparatory meetings for the COP30 climate conference.

It has taken 30 COPs for a historic breakthrough, as COP30 has included the term ‘people of African descent’ in draft negotiating texts of the UN climate convention for the first time. This inclusion is a significant step toward formally recognizing this population in global climate policy.

The term ‘people of African descent’ has been incorporated into draft documents, including those related to the Just Transition and the Gender Action Plan. This had never happened in the history of the UN climate convention system, which has often been more technical and less focused on human rights and racial justice.

The Belém Declaration on Fighting Environmental Racism is a political commitment that was joined by 19 countries at the leaders’ summit before COP30 began. The text acknowledges the disproportionate exposure of people of African descent, Indigenous Peoples, and local communities to environmental harms and climate risks.

This declaration is an international agreement that seeks to foster a global dialogue on the intersection of racial equality, climate change, and environmental justice. The declaration recognizes the global ecological and racial justice crises as intertwined and proposes cooperative actions to overcome historical inequalities affecting access to environmental resources.

Its goals include reinforcing human rights and social justice in environmental policy, broadening the scope of equality in sustainable development, and building a more equitable future for all.

Coelho Teles from the Quilombo community told IPS that he is not aware of this recognition because they have “been sidelined. We do not know how to get involved and participate in COP30.”

Brazil identified forests and oceans as twin priorities and launched the Brazil-led Tropical Forests Forever Facility at COP30, seeking to compensate countries for preserving tropical forests, with 20 percent of funds reserved for Indigenous Peoples.

Science has shown communities keep forests standing. For the Tropical Forests Forever Facility to achieve desired results, those in Quilombo territories say their recognition and participation will need to be significantly more substantial.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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A Community Health Worker in a door-to-door campaign to vaccinate people in communities in Nanyamba village, Mtwara Region, in southeastern Tanzania. Credit: Kizito Makoye/IPS

By Desta Lakew and Richard Muyungi
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 20 2025 (IPS)

Around the world, the climate crisis is fast becoming the biggest public-health threat of the century. Extreme heat now kills more Europeans than any other natural disaster. Floods in Asia displace millions and contaminate water supplies. Mosquito-borne diseases once confined to the tropics are appearing in southern Europe and the United States.

Nowhere, however, are these impacts more visible—or the responses more instructive—than in Africa, which stands at a pivotal moment in the global climate discourse. Home to 17 percent of the world’s people yet responsible for less than four percent of global emissions, the continent is on the frontline of a crisis it did little to cause.

From the Horn of Africa to the Sahel, droughts, floods, and heatwaves are fueling outbreaks of malaria, cholera, and dengue, while undermining already fragile health systems. The climate crisis is no longer a distant environmental threat; it is a daily public health emergency.

Desta Lakew, Amref Health Africa Group Director for Partnerships & External Affairs

While the Paris Agreement implicitly recognized the importance of health in climate action, it was COP28 in Dubai that marked a watershed moment. For the first time, the world finally began to acknowledge what communities across Africa have long known: climate policy is health policy.

The UAE Declaration on Climate and Health, endorsed by more than 120 countries, acknowledged that every degree of warming worsens public health outcomes and that protecting health systems is essential to climate resilience. Africa’s negotiators were central to that breakthrough—pushing health from the margins to the main stage of climate diplomacy.

Their advocacy has paved the way for the next critical milestone: the Belém Health Action Plan, being launched at COP30 in Brazil. The plan’s pillars—disease surveillance, early-warning systems, climate-smart health infrastructure, and health equity—mirror the priorities laid out in the Common African Position on Climate and Health adopted in Lilongwe and reaffirmed in the Africa Group of Negotiators’ (AGN) Declaration, which came out of the Africa Climate Summit in Addis Ababa.

The AGN was decisive in appointing a climate and health lead coordinator to ensure that health is a key thematic stream within the group, and it is now a key component of their work. The message from Africa is clear: protecting people’s health is the clearest measure of whether climate action succeeds.

Yet the global financing system has not caught up. Less than one percent of adaptation finance targets health, even as climate-sensitive diseases multiply. Despite new pledges at COP28—$300 million from the Global Fund and $100 million from the Rockefeller Foundation—the gap is measured in the hundreds of billions. Africa alone will need roughly $300 billion annually by 2030 to build resilient systems and respond to climate-related loss and damage.

Dr. Richard Muyungi, African Group of Negotiators on Climate Change (AGN) Chair

Philanthropy is waking up—the recently formed Climate and Health Funders Coalition brings together 35 institutional and individual funders and they have just committed an initial $300 million at COP30, but structural challenges remain.

Most existing climate funds remain locked behind complex applications or arrive as loans that deepen debt in economies already under strain. That approach is not solidarity—it is self-defeat. Pandemics, heat-related mortality, and vector-borne diseases do not respect borders. A health emergency anywhere can quickly become a threat everywhere.

COP30 offers the chance to change course. The Belém Health Action Plan must not become another well-intentioned declaration—it needs financing hardwired to outcomes that save lives: clinics able to function through heatwaves and floods, vaccine cold chains powered by clean energy, and community health workers trained to respond to shifting disease patterns.

To make that happen, global donors, multilateral banks, and high-emitting nations should agree on three urgent steps. First, earmark a defined share of climate finance for health adaptation—not as an afterthought but as a performance metric in every climate-finance report; second, shift from loans to grants for health-related climate resilience to prevent compounding debt crises; third, invest in African-led solutions that the rest of the world can adopt or learn from—from Kenya’s heat-health action plans in Nairobi to Tanzania’s clean cooking agenda.

Africa’s experiences offer valuable lessons for the world. The ingenuity that kept health services running through droughts and pandemics is precisely what other countries will need as wildfires, vector migration, and heat emergencies escalate globally. The world should be studying and scaling these innovations—not waiting for crises to reach their own doorsteps.

Ultimately, if the climate crisis has taught us anything, it is that health security is climate security. What happens in Nairobi or Niamey reverberates in New York and New Delhi. COP30 must deliver ambitious and just outcomes that strengthen adaptation and protect the most vulnerable. We will consider COP30 a failure if it does not deliver an ambitious adaptation decision that resonates with Africa’s climate change impacts and realities.

Leaving Belém with promises alone would be a failure of vision and of justice. Leaving with funded commitments would signal a turning point: proof that the world finally understands that safeguarding health is not a regional concern—it is the foundation of collective resilience and of our shared future.

Desta Lakew is Amref Health Africa Group Director for Partnerships & External Affairs; Dr. Richard Muyungi is African Group of Negotiators on Climate Change (AGN) Chair

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Excerpt:

Less than one percent of adaptation finance targets health, even as climate-sensitive diseases multiply. Africa alone will need roughly $300 billion annually by 2030 to build resilient systems and respond to climate-related loss and damage.

Ethiopia has welcomed the return as part of a broader push to repatriate items of national significance.

Delegates met at the Global Climate-Smart Agriculture Conference in Brasília before the COP30 climate talks. Credit: 2025Clim-Eat/Flickr

By Ana Maria Loboguerrero and Dhanush Dinesh
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 20 2025 (IPS)

The language of agricultural sustainability changes like the seasons—from “climate-smart” to “regenerative,” “agroecological,” and “nature-positive.” Each term reflects good intentions, but the growing list risks duplication, confusion and delays.

The recent CSA Conference in Brasília gathered leaders from policy, science and finance ahead of COP30 to focus not on buzzwords but on the shared foundations of sustainable food systems, which is all the more important in the Grave New World. For all the various theories of change, many share the same principles of soil health, crop innovation, inclusive finance and resilient livestock production.

In the midst of the COP30 climate talks, consensus will depend on recognizing that climate action and protecting livelihoods must advance together. Leaders must challenge themselves to measure success not only in emissions reduced, but also in the quality of life sustained by a thriving and resilient rural economy. With Brazil’s COP presidency determined to accelerate agreements into action, the challenge now is to accept and advance context-specific approaches in pursuit of a shared goal.

At present, fragmentation continues to divide institutions, donors, NGOs and producers, with competing ideologies slowing progress toward sustainability at the speed and scale required. For example, while a vast number of organizations are currently backing the concept of regenerative agriculture, others tread the paths of sustainable intensification or climate-smart agriculture. But some of the practices, such as agroforestry, could fall under each of these concepts.

And the Koronivia Joint Work on Agriculture (KJWA), established prior to COP26, has been succeeded by Sharm el-Sheikh Joint Work on the Implementation of Climate Action on Agriculture and Food Security and yet farmers are still waiting for clear national strategies to emerge from years of workshops and working papers. While the principles underpinning these joint work programs are sound, they have not generated action at the speed needed.

On the other hand, the six CSA Conference themes—from soil health and crop innovation to finance and policy—offer a fundamental framework around which there is already much agreement and can deliver results under whichever buzzword it is categorized. The themes also reflect the priorities of Brazil’s Action Agenda and ABC+ Plan, highlighting practical areas of consensus.

Brazil’s experience offers tangible examples of how shared priorities can move from discussion to delivery. The ABC+ Plan (2020–2030) forms the backbone of the country’s low-carbon agriculture strategy, integrating sustainable practices like no-till farming, pasture recovery and biological nitrogen fixation into a coherent national framework. It represents a direct contribution to the COP30’s Action Agenda’s agricultural pillar, transforming abstract goals on soil health and productivity into measurable outcomes.

Building on this, Brazil’s RENOVAGRO is the financing arm that enables the implementation of the ABC+ Plan, demonstrating how public policy can activate private investment to move all Action Agenda ambitions forward together. By tying credit eligibility to verified adoption of low-carbon practices, the program allows farmers to commit to transitions that would otherwise be out of reach. This realizes the ABC+ Plan’s policy objectives and shows that progress depends not necessarily on new ideas, but on acting decisively on the systems that already work.

At COP30, the challenge is not to settle on the right language but to sustain the right actions—whatever this might look like according to local circumstances and resources. Progress depends on scaling what we already agree on: sound policies, accessible finance that doesn’t exclude vulnerable populations and resilient food systems that keep production within environmental limits. The next phase must prioritize implementation over invention.

Leaders have an opportunity to move from promises to performance. The task ahead is to scale what already works—not to define new concepts, but to deliver proven solutions faster.

Brazil’s example shows that integration works better than focusing on the continued search for a universal solution. There is no single path forward, only a combination of context-specific approaches bound by diplomatic agreement and sustainable financing.

By focusing on fundamentals, we can avoid the paralysis of competing definitions and begin to act collectively by applying the policies and practices we know work in ways that fit local realities.

Ana Maria Loboguerrero, Director, Adaptive and Equitable Food Systems at Gates Foundation
Dhanush Dinesh, Chief Climate Catalyst at Clim-Eat

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Excerpt:

In the midst of the COP30 climate talks, consensus will depend on recognizing that climate action and protecting livelihoods must advance together.

Rising debt, geopolitical instability and declining aid flows are intensifying external pressure on African economies. In a briefing to the Africa Group of ambassadors at the United Nations headquarters last July, Claver Gatete, Executive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), highlighted the economic pressures facing African countries and outlined ECA’s response, from budget stabilization and strengthened data systems to advancing regional priorities. Held at the Permanent Mission of the African Union to the UN, the session came amid growing uncertainty for African economies, with many facing debt distress, inflation and trade disruptions driven by global policy shifts.

By Danny Bradlow
PRETORIA, South Africa, Nov 20 2025 (IPS)

The end of South Africa’s G20 presidency does not mean the end of its ability or responsibility to promote the issues it prioritised during 2025. It can still advocate for action on some of these issues through its further participation in the G20 and in other international and regional forums.

In this article, I argue that going forward South Africa should prioritise the financial challenges confronting Africa that it championed in 2025.

South Africa established four overarching priorities for its G20 presidency. Two of them dealt with finance. One sought to “ensure debt sustainability for low-income countries”. The other was to mobilise finance for a just energy transition.

The importance of debt, development finance and climate to Africa’s future is clear. Over half of African countries are either in debt distress or at risk of being in distress. More than half of Africa’s population live in countries that are spending more on servicing their debt than on health and/or education.

In addition, 17 African countries experienced net debt outflows in 2023. This means that they were using more foreign exchange to pay their external creditors than they received in new debts that could be used to finance their development. The continent is also experiencing extreme weather events that are adversely affecting food security and human wellbeing.

In short, African countries are caught in a vicious cycle. The impacts of climate and their struggle to meet their debt obligations are interacting in ways that undermine their ability to meet their sustainable development goals.

South Africa’s priorities

South Africa’s priorities for its G20 presidency were ambitious. Success required meaningful action at three levels:

Awareness. South Africa would need to bring the international community to a better understanding of the nature of the debt and development finance challenges confronting African countries and of the consequences of failing to address them.

Process. South Africa would need to convince the G20 to correct the shortcomings in the Common Framework it had devised to deal with low-income countries seeking debt relief.

The examples of Zambia and Ghana showed that the Common Framework was cumbersome, slow and unduly favourable to creditors. For example, the framework requires the debtor to engage separately with each group of its creditors in a sequential process. This means that it should not negotiate with its commercial creditors until it has successfully negotiated with its official creditors.

Commercial creditors can’t give debt relief until the official creditors are satisfied with their deal and are confident that the commercial creditors will not receive more favourable treatment from the debtor than they have received.

Another complication is the IMF’s multiple roles in debt restructurings as an advisor to and a creditor of the debtor countries. In addition, it does the debt sustainability analysis that determines the amount of debt relief that all other creditors are expected to provide to the debtor country in order for it to regain debt sustainability.

The more optimistic its assessment, the smaller the contributions the various creditors, including the IMF, are expected to provide. These contributions can either be in the form of new funding or new debt terms.

Substance. The current debt restructuring process treats debt as a technical financial and legal problem rather than as the complex multifaceted problem that is experienced by debtor countries. The former perspective limits the scope of debtor-creditor negotiations to the terms of the financial contracts.

The negotiations focus on the adjustments that must be made to these terms because the debtor cannot comply with its originally accepted obligations. They treat as largely outside the scope of the discussions the adverse impact the debt situation has on the sovereign debtor’s other legal obligations and on the social, political, environmental and cultural situation in the debtor country.

This approach in effect leaves the debtor to deal with these other issues on its own. This artificial distinction between the debtors’ other legal obligations and those it owes to its creditors makes it very difficult for the debtor to escape the vicious debt, development and climate cycle in which it is trapped. It forces it to choose between its commitments to its creditors and its development obligations.

Over the course of 2025, South Africa has been very effective in raising awareness of the African debt crisis and its dire impact on African countries. South Africa persuaded the G20 finance ministers and central bank governors to issue a declaration on debt sustainability at the end of their October meeting.

The declaration is the G20’s eloquent acknowledgement of the problem and of the need for more discussion of how these debt issues are managed by both debtors and creditors. Unfortunately, it does not contain any firm G20 commitments on what it will do to remedy the situation.

There has not been substantial progress at the process and substance levels. This is unlikely to change in the remaining weeks of South Africa’s G20 presidency.

But there are three actions that South Africa can take beyond the end of its term to ensure that the African debt crisis continues receiving attention.

Three actions

First, it should ask a group like the African Expert Panel that it established to advise the president to prepare a technical report that identifies and analyses all the barriers to Africa accessing affordable, sustainable and predictable flows of external development finance.

This report should be submitted to the South African president in the first half of 2026. Next year, South Africa will still be a member of the G20 Troika, which consists of the current, immediate past and the incoming G20 presidents.

Consequently, next year, it will still be able to table the report at the G20. South Africa can also use the report to promote action in other appropriate regional and global forums.

Second, South Africa and the African Union should create an African Borrower’s Club that is independent of the G20. This club should be a forum in which African sovereign debtors can share information and lessons learned about negotiating sovereign debt transactions and about responsible debt management. When appropriate, the club can work with regional African financial institutions.

The club, working with regional organisations like the African Legal Support Facility, can also sponsor workshops in which interested African sovereign debtors can share information and more critically assess their financing options. They can also work to improve their bargaining capacity in sovereign debt transactions.

The African Borrower’s Club should also be mandated to establish an African Sovereign Debt Roundtable that is modelled on the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable. This entity should be an informal forum, based on the Chatham House Rule in which the various categories of stakeholders in African debt can meet to discuss the design of a sovereign debt restructuring process that is effective, efficient and fair and that adopts an holistic approach to a sovereign debt crisis.

Third, South Africa should capitalise on the fact that the impacts of climate, inequality, unemployment and poverty on Africa’s development prospects are now acknowledged to be macro-critical, and so within the IMF’s macro-economic and financial mandate. South Africa should call for a review of the IMF’s operating principles and practices and its governance arrangements.

This call should note that the multilateral development banks have been the object of G20 review for a number of years and that this has resulted in important enhancements in their capital frameworks and operating practices.

On the other hand, the IMF has not been subject to a similar review despite the fact that its operations have had to undergo possibility even more extensive revisions.

Daniel D. Bradlow is Professor/Senior Research Fellow, Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship at the University of Pretoria.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Entrance to the Hangar Convention Center of the Amazonia in the northeastern Brazilian city of Belém. The climate summit, which began on November 10 and is due to conclude on Friday the 21st, is debating issues such as the phase-out of fossil fuels and adaptation goals. Credit: Emilio Godoy / IPS

By Emilio Godoy
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 20 2025 (IPS)

The heat in the Hangar Convention Center of the Amazonia, in the northeastern Brazilian city of Belém, has reached the negotiation rooms of the climate summit. Over the past 72 hours, one of the most delicate and significant discussions of this climate meeting has been taking place: the path to progressively abandon the production and use of coal, gas, and oil.

In recent hours, a global coalition of rich and developing countries, led by Colombia, has doubled down on pushing for a fossil fuel phase-out roadmap, while major producer countries resist it.

“The plan must have differentiated commitments, the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies, and the reform of the international financial system, because foreign debt payments are punishing us,” Colombian Environment Minister Irene Vélez explained to IPS.

For the official, the 30th United Nations Conference of the Parties (COP30) on climate change must result in a roadmap. “People are mobilizing, demanding climate action; we have to start now,” she urged.

In Belém, the gateway to the planet’s largest rainforest, it is no longer just about reducing emissions but about transforming the foundation of the energy system, thus acquiring a moral, political, and scientific urgency. What was initially meant to be the “Amazon COP” has mutated into the “end-of-the-fossil-era-COP,” but the roadmap to achieve it is a toss-up.“The plan must have differentiated commitments, the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies, and the reform of the international financial system, because external debt payments are punishing us” –Irene Vélez.

Two years after the world agreed at COP28, held in 2023 in Dubai, to move away from fossil fuels, Belém is the moment of truth, upon which the effort to keep global warming below the 1.5° Celsius limit largely depends—a goal considered vital to avoid devastating and inevitable effects on ecosystems and human life.

Thus, the discussion among the 197 parties to the United Nations climate convention has shifted from the “what” to the “how,” and especially to the “when,” questions that have turned potential coordinates into a geopolitical labyrinth.

In that vein, a coalition of over 80 countries emerged on Tuesday the 18th to push the roadmap, including Colombia, Chile, Guatemala, and Panama among the Latin American countries.

One challenge for the roadmap advocates is that the issue is not explicitly part of the main agenda, a resource that the Brazilian presidency of COP30 could use to shirk responsibility on the matter.

The issue appears on the thematic menu of COP30, which started on the 10th and is scheduled to conclude on the 21st, and whose official objectives include approving the Global Goal on Adaptation to climate change and securing sufficient funds for that adaptation.

Approximately 40,000 people are attending this climate summit, including government representatives, multilateral agencies, academia, and civil society organizations.

An unprecedented indigenous presence is also in attendance, with about 900 delegates from native peoples, drawn by the ancestral call of the Amazon, a symbol of the menu of solutions to the climate catastrophe and simultaneously a victim of its causes.

Also present and very active in Belém are about 1,600 lobbyists from the hydrocarbon industry, 12% more than at the 2024 COP, according to the international coalition Kick Big Polluters Out.

The clamor from civil society demands an institutional structure with governance, clear criteria, measurable objectives, and justice mechanisms.

“The roadmap has become a difficult issue to ignore; it is already at the center of these negotiations, and no country can ignore it. The breadth of support is surprising, with rich and poor countries, producers and non-producers, indicating that an agreement is about to fall,” Antonio Hill, Just Transitions advisor for the non-governmental and international Natural Resource Governance Institute, told IPS.

Activists protest on Wednesday the 19th against fossil fuel exploitation at the entrance to the venue of the Belém climate summit, in the Amazonian northeast of Brazil. Credit: Emilio Godoy / IPS

Poisoned

The push for the roadmap comes from the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty, promoted by civil society organizations, strongly adopted by Colombia, and which so far has the support of 18 nations, but no hydrocarbon-producing Latin American country, such as Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador, Mexico, or Venezuela.

Colombia, despite also being a producer and exporter of fossil fuels, has presented its Roadmap for a Just Energy Transition, with which it seeks to replace income from coal and oil with investments in tourism and renewable energy.

Colombia’s 2022-2052 National Energy Plan projects long-term reductions in fossil fuel production. The country announced US$14.5 billion for the energy transition to less polluting forms of energy production.

But for the rest of the region, the duality between maintaining fossil fuels and promoting renewable energies persists.

A prime example of this duality is the COP30 host country itself, Brazil. While the host President, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, and his Minister of Environment and Climate Change, Marina Silva, have insisted on the need to abandon fossil fuels, the government is promoting expansive oil and gas extraction plans.

In fact, just weeks before the opening of COP30, the state-owned oil group Petrobras received a permit for oil exploration in the Atlantic, just kilometers from the mouth of the Amazon River.

But Lula and his team committed that this summit in the heart of the Amazon would be “the COP of truth” and “the COP of implementation,” and the issue of fossil fuels has become central to the negotiations, which Lula joined on Wednesday the 19th to give a push to the talks and the outcomes.

In their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs)—the set of mitigation and adaptation policies countries must present to comply with the Paris Agreement on climate change signed in 2015 at COP21—Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, or Chile avoid mentioning a managed phase-out of fossil fuels.

Simply put, they argue they cannot let go of the old vine before grasping the new one. This stance also involves a delicate aspect, as nations like Ecuador depend on revenues from hydrocarbon exploitation.

Therefore, the Global South has insisted on its demand for funding from rich nations, due to their contribution to the climate disaster through fossil fuel exploitation since the 17th century.

The result of the presented policies is alarming: although many countries have increased their emission reduction targets on paper, they lack details on phasing out production. The only existing roadmap is the growing extractive one.

In fact, the Global Stocktake of the Paris Agreement process, originating from COP28, demanded that countries take measures to move towards a fossil-free era.

The argument is unequivocal: various estimates indicate that fossil fuels contribute 86% of greenhouse gas emissions, the cause of global warming.

But a key point is where to start. For Uitoto indigenous leader Fanny Kuiru Castro, the new general coordinator of the Coordinator of Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin –which  brings together the more than 350 native peoples of the eight countries sharing the biome–, the starting point must precisely be at-risk regions like the Amazon.

“It is a priority. If there isn’t a clear signal that we must proceed gradually, it means the summit has failed and does not want to adopt that commitment. We will have another 30 years of speeches,” she told IPS, alluding to that number of summits without substantial results.

In the Amazon, oil blocks threaten 31 million hectares or 12% of the total area, mining threatens 9.8 million, and timber concessions threaten 2.4 million.

And in that direction, a major obstacle arises: how to finance the phase-out. The roadmap has a direct link to the financial goals aimed at the Global South, with a demand for US$1.2 trillion in funding for climate action starting in 2035.

“Can the COP deliver the financial backing that countries need to reinvent their economies in time to guarantee just and inclusive development?” Hill questioned.

The atmosphere in Belém is of a different urgency compared to Dubai or Baku, where COP29 was held a year ago. The roadmap to a world free of fossil fuel smoke remains a blurry map, drawn freehand on ground that is heating up far too quickly.

In Belém, humanity is deciding whether to brake gradually or to accelerate, with the air conditioning on and a full tank.

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Negotiations take place throughout the day and now late into the night. Credit: UN Climate Change/Kiara Worth

By Joyce Chimbi
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 19 2025 (IPS)

At a Conference of the Parties, where science intersects with politics, reaching agreements is often a tricky business. What is inside the last-minute negotiations as the COP presidency tries to get the parties to agreement at the final plenary?

COP negotiators are diplomats and government officials who meet at the Conference of the Parties to negotiate and agree on how to address climate change. They are also often joined by COP delegates’ representatives from civil society, social movements and businesses.

As representatives of their respective countries that are parties to the UNFCCC treaty, they discuss, debate, and haggle over their preferred wording of texts and legally binding agreements regarding how to address climate change during closed-door sessions.

Windowless Closed-Door Meetings

These closed-door meetings are often also windowless, and negotiators often lose track of time as they work through extensive documentation and diverse national positions to form a final agreement towards the end of the COP summit schedule.

COP 30, Belém, is posting a daily photographic glimpse into the collective effort to build trust, dialogue, and cooperation to accelerate meaningful climate action and deliver its benefits to all. Many hope this message will permeate inside these rooms.

The UN climate summit has now entered its final stages. The Brazilian COP30 Presidency has extended working hours, scheduling late-night meetings for the last two nights—Monday and Tuesday, Nov 17 and 18, 2025.

Tonight might not be any different, as the COP30 Presidency pushes for a rapid compromise and conclusion of a significant part of negotiations to pave the way for a “plenary to gavel the Belém political package.”

After all, the COP is where the science of the Paris Agreement intersects with politics.

The Elusive True Mutirão 

The COP30 Presidency is urging all “negotiators to join in a true mutirão—a collective mobilization of minds, hearts, and hands,” saying this approach helps “accelerate the pace, bridge divides, and focus not on what separates us, but on what unites us in purpose and humanity.”

But this is the point in the negotiations, even in a ‘COP of truth,’ as COP30 was staged to be, where the real claws come out amid accusations of protectionism, trade tensions and geopolitical dynamics as the worlds of business, politics and human survival intersect.

Even as UN officials urge parties to accelerate the pace, warning that “tactical delays and procedural obstructions are no longer tenable” and that deferring challenging issues to overtime results in collective loss, reconciling deep differences among nations is proving easier said than done even within the Global Mutirão—a concept championed by the COP30 presidency.

It calls for worldwide collective action on climate change, inspired by the Brazilian and Indigenous Tupi-Guarani tradition of mutirão, which means “collective effort.” The bone of contention at this juncture is what some parties see as weak climate commitments, insufficient financial pledges from the global North to South, and trade measures.

Protectionism

Trade measures are turning contentious and deeply debatable in Belém because of a difference of perspective—developing countries view them as protectionism, while some developed countries see them as necessary to level the playing field for their climate policies.

For developing countries, protectionism is a deliberate strategy by more developed countries to limit imports to protect their industries from foreign competition and therefore give them an undue advantage.  Developing nations say this is unfair because it restricts their ability to export and gain access to larger markets.

The core of the debate at COP30 is the inclusion of issues like the EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) in climate talks. For some countries, CBAM is a direct part of climate action and belongs at COP. Others say it is an agenda best discussed at the World Trade Organization.

The EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) is a tool to put a price on the carbon emissions of certain imported goods, ensuring that the carbon price for imports is equivalent to that for domestic EU production. Its main goals are to prevent “carbon leakage,” or companies moving production to countries with weaker climate policies, encourage cleaner production globally, and protect EU businesses by creating a level playing field.

How to Go About a Just Transition?

The business of climate change is not the only thing that is complex and divisive. There are also small island states calling for rapid emissions cuts vis-à-vis the positions of major emerging economies. G77 and China are an intergovernmental coalition of 134 developing countries that work together to promote their collective economic and developmental interests within the United Nations framework.

China is not an official member and does not pay dues. It has been a partner since 1976, providing significant financial support and political backing to the G77. Developed countries such as the UK, Norway, Japan, and Australia are pushing back against their proposed global just transition, thereby prolonging the negotiations.

Developed nations are refusing the global just transition proposal by the G77 and China because they see it as a new and unnecessary mechanism and a duplication of existing structures. They refuse to accept the financial and technical support these countries are asking for to facilitate this transition. Simply put, they want a less strict framework that allows their own interpretations of existing institutions and funding structures for the just transition.

Where is the Adaptation Financing?

Finance for adaptation is similarly a sticking point. Developed nations are dragging their feet around committing sufficient funds to support developing nations to adapt to climate impacts and transition their energy systems. It is still not clear whether financial commitments will be embedded inside adaptation goals or remain as they are—separate.

Lobbyists and the Fossil Fuel Debate

Amidst growing tensions, it is also not clear whether this COP will phase out or phase down fossil fuels in the final agreement. The large delegation of fossil fuel lobbyists suggests it is too early to call. On the Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA), those who want indicators for measuring adaptation progress directly linked to financial commitments will not budge. The settlement of this matter could potentially take two years (or more).

Disagreements are ongoing about the mandate of the Mitigation Work Program, which seeks to raise ambitions on national emissions reduction. In general, insiders to the negotiations are saying general negotiation tactics are at play.

Some participants are employing delay tactics to buy time and ultimately weasel out of certain commitments; a lack of trust continues, as it has in previous COPs, along with generally slow progress on building consensus around various contentious issues.

This feature is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.

 

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Excerpt:

The COP30 Presidency is urging all “negotiators to join in a true mutirão—a collective mobilization of minds, hearts, and hands,” saying this approach helps “accelerate the pace, bridge divides, and focus not on what separates us, but on what unites us in purpose and humanity.”

Isla Mujeres national park is among the most popular in Mexico, especially due to its coral reefs. But these are under threat due to rising sea temperatures. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS

By Emilio Godoy
PUERTO MORELOS, Mexico, Nov 19 2025 (IPS)

Ezequiel Sánchez, a 63-year-old Mexican fisherman, owes everything to the sea. “My life, my work, my family,” he says, pointing around his office, which is located just a block from the ocean in Puerto Morelos town, in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo, Mexico.

Sánchez, who is married and has one son and three daughters, learned to fish at the age of 12 alongside his friends in this coastal town, which is located 1,630 kilometres southeast of Mexico City and had a population of almost 27,000 in 2020.

But the environment of yesteryear has changed, and fishermen are feeling the pinch. “Years ago, we used to catch more than 300 kilograms; now, we don’t even reach 200,” lamented Sánchez, who is also the Puerto Morelos Fishermen’s Cooperative Production Society director, in an interview with Inter Press Service. The society brings together 44 fishermen and 11 coastal fishing boats.

The causes for the decreased catch vary, including overfishing, rising sea temperatures, pollution, urbanization and the loss of habitats where fish feed and reproduce.

“This year, they are catching 80% fewer fish and 50% fewer lobsters. Development comes at a price, and we are paying it,” he argues, pointing to the increasingly built-up area around the office. “Now the buildings are taller. There is no drainage. So they drill holes in the ground and dump all the waste there. That ends up in the sea and affects the reefs”, he explains.

All of the above occurred despite Mexico’s commitment to implementing the Global Biodiversity Framework, which was agreed at the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity in 2022. The framework includes 23 goals, one of which is the conservation and management of 30% of terrestrial and coastal-marine areas by 2030, and an adequate budget for this purpose.

The Mexican government’s goal is to protect 30.8 million hectares of land and 19.6 million hectares of marine zones by 2030.

 

Ezequiel Sánchez, a Mexican fisherman, displays a lionfish, an invasive species that has become a culinary attraction in Puerto Morelos, in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo. But fishermen complain of declining catches due to the effects of climate catastrophe, including ocean warming, and other anthropogenic impacts, such as water pollution. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS

 

The government has drawn a roadmap for achieving the 30×30 target with 75 measures around effective management, equitable governance, representation and connectivity; Indigenous peoples and communities contributions, and sustainable use.

However, the lack of information on the actual state of the natural protected areas (NPAs) obscures the results, despite the 2020-2024 national programme and the National Commission of Protected Natural Areas’ (Conanp) outdated evaluations. The programme established goals on conservation, effective management, and ecological restoration.

IPS confirmed the problems during a tour of three natural areas in the state: Cancún, Puerto Morelos and Isla Mujeres. Meanwhile, Conanp did not respond to the journalist’s queries.

According to IPS’s freedom of information requests, this governmental institution, responsible for conserving Mexico’s natural heritage, lacks data on changes in rainfall patterns, temperature, air humidity, habitat transformation, and the magnitude of the risk of environmental degradation in the NPAs, even though that information should be registered according to the compulsory national programme and the guide to analyse social vulnerability an climate change impacts on PNAs.

In addition, they do not have the implementation and management index, which is essential to know the condition of the natural areas. The index measures the progress of the national programme within a NPA and reflects the level of effective management.

According to Rosa Rodríguez, a biologist at the Institute of Marine Sciences and Limnology at the National Autonomous University of Mexico, conservation efforts through the creation of NPAs and their management, at least in Quintana Roo, have been unsuccessful.

“For a while, the NPAs served to improve water activities and curb the number of permits, tourists and coastal constructions. Now, the impacts are being felt everywhere along the coast. The impacts are quickly observed”, she told IPS.

In the region, ‘Cancunization’, characterised by mass tourism, accelerated urbanisation and environmental destruction, is advancing.

 

View of the Nichupté vehicular bridge, which is under construction over the lagoon of the same name, which connects Cancún, in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo, with the hotel zone. The construction site borders the Nichupté Mangroves Flora and Fauna Protection Area, an ecosystem threatened by urbanization and one of the city’s few green spots. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS

 

Puerto Morelos is home to the 9,066-hectare “Arrecifes de Puerto Morelos” National Park and the 1,103-hectare “Manglares de Puerto Morelos” Flora and Fauna Protection Area. These are the main attractions of the area, which used to be a fishing village.

The mangrove swamp and reef are among the at least 25 protected natural land and marine sites in Quintana Roo. The state has a surface area of 44,705 km² –2% of the national territory– including a 900-km littoral zone, and had 1.86 million inhabitants in 2020. The state boasts 758,428 hectares under conservation –17% of the state territory. Overall, Mexico has 232 NPAs covering 23 million hectares of land–12.76% of the national surface–and almost 75 million hectares of marine territory, which is 23.78% of the national marine area.

But less than 30% of every Mexican ecosystem is protected, according to the World Wildlife Fund-Mexico.

NPAs are the primary means of maintaining ecological integrity and conserving habitats by conserving species, cleaning air and water, and providing food and income to communities. Impacts from land use changes such as deforestation, pollution, overexploitation of water resources and habitat fragmentation can therefore cause disruption to NPAs.

However, the mangroves and reefs in Quintana Roo and other coastal regions of Mexico are at risk from urbanization, rising sea levels, poor water quality, intense storms, and the presence of plastics and sargassum. These issues constitute fundamental challenges for environmental authorities and local populations, due to their magnitude, the political and technical solutions involved and the financial requirements.

The fisherman Sánchez believes that “’what is happening to us is worse than what they are doing” for conservation.

 

An abandoned boat in the Nichupté Lagoon in Cancún, in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo, just a few meters from the Ministry of the Environment’s headquarters, despite the area being a conservation zone. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS

Pernicious anemia

Despite the increase in the number of NPAs since 2018, the lack of regular evaluations and budgets makes it difficult for Conanp to provide adequate care and enforcement.

The resources allocated for conservation per hectare fell by 81% between 2006 and 2024. Between 2018 and 2024, the annual average totalled 80 cents per hectare; the 2025 corresponding amount equates to 52 cents.

Conanp’s budget has fallen from $135 million in 2014 to approximately $54 million this year. The agency has indicated that it requires an overall budget of between $66 and $76 million to operate in protected areas. Conanp estimates that $197 million per year will be needed for the next six years to achieve the 30×30 goal.

At least the good news: the Mexican Congress assigned some $77.5 million for next year, a third higher than in 2025.

There are also operational problems, such as the lack of updated management programmes. Only 141 of the PNAs have an updated programme, while 91 do not.

The plan is the core regulation and planning tool providing for NPA management and stewardship activities, measures and basic guidelines. When the government creates a new protected area, they have one year to produce this plan. Every five years, the plan should be reviewed and updated—a process which has not occurred for many of the NPAs. The plan standards also specify that people living in the natural areas take part in the process.

Between 2014 and 2020, Conanp executed the Resilience project, which focused on 17 NPAs and resulted in the development of nine climate change adaptation programmes and four management programmes, with a budget of $10 million. However, there is no evidence that it has improved climate resilience, at least in Quintana Roo, and the project’s final report doesn’t cover the implementation process.

Similarly, in 2024, the Global Environment Facility approved $18.5 million for improved management of five terrestrial and four marine protected areas, but implementation has just begun.

Despite the 2016 non-binding recommendation by the government’s National Human Rights Commission regarding the lack of management programmes in NPAs and their relationship with human rights, the lack of plans persists.

This absence undermines the right to legal certainty, to a healthy environment, and to effective participation, particularly for indigenous peoples and local communities with regard to the protection, use, and benefits of their collective property.

For Julia Carabias, UNAM Faculty of Sciences academic, the problem involves a mix of lack of adequate tools and better management.

“The priorities should be science-based decisions, guarantee of efficient management, programmes elaboration and execution, enough budget, attention to the areas’ owners’ needs and collective, coordinated efforts”, she resumes.

The situation is particularly evident in states such as Quintana Roo.

 

Paradise lost

Fabiola Sánchez, a Puerto Morelos resident, points to the development model lacking emission reductions and the consequent advance of climate change, with local impacts.

“It’s like when your defenses are down and you get the flu, you recover and get sick again. It makes recovery longer. The environmental problem has no expiration date or political color”, she told IPS.

This is compounded by institutional limitations like staffing, budget and political will. “It’s more a lack of administrative capacity to move faster. You can see the institutional system’s failure to address environmental issues”, she adds.

Satellite pictures viewed by IPS demonstrate the advancement of the hotel sector in the coastal strip that connects with Cancun. While these constructions were scarce 20 years ago, they are now more visible.

Guadalupe Velásquez, a member of the Manos Unidas por Puerto Morelos collective, which campaigns for environmental protection in the town, questions the creation of an NPA without the necessary management tools, a situation exacerbated by the real estate boom that disrupts the flow of water between the mangroves and the coral reefs, with negative consequences for both.

“Hotels block the interaction between the wetland and the lagoon. They are important, interrupted points of water discharge. As a result, the quantity and quality of water has decreased. The authorities have turned a deaf ear”, she says.

In 2024, Quintana Roo received almost 21 million visitors, the second most popular destination in the country after Mexico City. Puerto Morelos, with 27,000 permanent residents, received 968,536.

Depending on their vulnerability, infrastructure and hotels are at risk of flooding.

 

Gisela Maldonado, from the consulting firm Kanantic, explains the situation in Isla Mujeres, which is part of the Isla Mujeres, Punta Cancun, and Punta Nizuc West Coast National Park, in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo. It is one of Mexico’s most popular protected natural areas for diving on the coral reef. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS

 

A wetland acts as a filter, moving water that helps produce nutrients from seagrasses and food for fish and algae, and they keep water from storms and release it when they go away. Atolls reduce wave strength under normal conditions and during storms, thus protecting the coastline and preventing beach erosion.

The mangrove area is home to red mangroves (Rhizophora mangle), white mangroves (Laguncularia racemosa), black mangroves (Avicennia germinans), buttonwood (Conocarpus erectus), several species of iguanas and lizards, as well as jaguars (Panthera onca) and endemic plant varieties, such as the granadillo (Platymiscium yucatanum).

The reefs are home to turtle grass (Thalassia testudinum), seagrasses, corals, and turtles.

Wilberto Antele, the Mangroves of Puerto Morelos flora and fauna deputy director, underscores “the efforts made” on NPAs, like vigilance, monitoring and the work with their inhabitants, but acknowledges the need for financial resources, surveillance personnel and biological monitoring.

“The work is too much and the most important thing is to work with the park’s allies. People are well aware that their livelihoods depend on the reef. There are many economic interests, many visions of development, and those shape which sites are preserved and which are not. Everything has a limit and those limits have become visible in recent years”, he told IPS, acknowledging that the main threat is land use change (deforestation).

 

Puerto Morelos, a fishing village in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo, has become increasingly touristy. This has had an environmental impact, with the proliferation of apartment buildings resulting in the generation of wastewater that ends up in the sea and damages nearby reefs. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS

 

Puerto Morelos is already experiencing the consequences of climate change, including rising sea levels and temperatures, and coral bleaching.

Since 2018, the Mexican Caribbean has experienced multiple episodes of coral bleaching and stony coral tissue loss disease that coincided with heat spikes in 2022 and 2024, causing the corals to peel and become defenseless. In 2024, further bleaching affected corals that had survived previous incidents.

Monitoring of 70 sites in Mexico by Healthy Reefs for Healthy People, a scientific network of countries in the Mesoamerican Reef System (MAR), found in its 2024 report that 20% were in critical condition, more than a third in poor condition, a third in regular condition and only 9% in good condition. The MAR, which is the second largest coral reef system in the world, extends more than 1,000 kilometers through Mexico, Guatemala, Belize and Honduras.

Despite this situation, Mexico has not provided any updated reports on the state of these environments since 2018.

To alleviate this scenario, since 2019 the state government has contracted the Parametric Insurance for the Protection and Conservation of Reefs and Beaches of Quintana Roo, which is designed to insure reefs and beaches in the Mexican Caribbean against hurricanes with speeds greater than 185 km/hr.

In 2020, the government received $440,000 in compensation for damage caused by Hurricane Delta, and in 2024, $850,000 for damage caused by Hurricane Beryl. This year, the government invested approximately $3.6 million in the mechanism, which factors in the speed of wind, the area where the storm happens and the compensation, depending on damages in the affected area. The Quintana Roo government has earmarked the proceeds for coral restoration, but it takes some years to see the results.

As if the storms and hurricanes that hit the Caribbean coast were not enough, the region has also been facing the growing arrival of sargassum, an algae from off the Atlantic African coast, for more than 10 years. This algae feeds on the organic matter present in the water as it passes through.

According to the Ministry of the Environment, the amount of sargassum appearing between March and August in 2025 was 60% higher than in 2024.

So far, some of their ecological and social effects are known, like beach erosion, nearshore waters eutrophication, mangrove ecosystems disruptions, risks to human life, and threats to the tourism and fishing industry.

But there are still many unknown aspects of it. “Reefs are exposed to many factors of stress and harm, which are difficult to divide. The sargassum leachate kills coral larvae, affects its embryo development. In nearshore zones, there have been reports of dead corals and marine pastures. But we need a better understanding of how it’s hitting fisheries, for instance”, explains the biologist Rodriguez, an expert on marine life and one of the few Mexican specialists on sargassum.

When floating and rotting, this algae blocks the sun and takes oxygen from corals, weakening them and leaving them vulnerable to germs, the main impact so far on them.

If the sargassum affects reefs, this could imply less habitat for fish and fewer catches. But so far there is no evidence of that chain in Mexico yet.

 

Fantasy island

Isla Mujeres, located around 20 kilometers off the coast from Cancun, is also not immune to the effects of tourism, pollution and a warmer sea.

At first glance, everything appears spectacular: the turquoise water and seagrasses are particularly striking. Visitors arrive on the island, which had a population of 22,686 in 2020, by ferry from Cancun in a journey of about 20 minutes. The island received 284,687 visitors in 2024, since the park is one of the most visited natural areas.

Gisela Maldonado, from the environmental consulting firm Kanantic, considers the impact of environmental protection measures on phenomena like the warming ocean and sea level rise that are beyond the control of the authorities.

“There is little the municipality can do. It doesn’t matter how many instruments there are if they are not going to be applied”, said the specialist, who spends much of her working life on the island. “The place depends on tourism and fishing. But it is already facing difficulties. Fishermen complain about a drop in lobster catches”, as in Puerto Morelos, she says.

For thousands of visitors, the reef, which is part of the MAR, is a great attraction for diving. The island, which is about eight kilometers long and almost one kilometer wide, is home to species of mangrove, coral and lobster (Panulirus argus).

But that massive attraction leaves a toll on the island, since they generate trash, plastics in one form or the other, and liquid waste.

The future influence of climate catastrophe could be significant. A one-meter rise in sea level would flood 35 hectares, equivalent to 6.6% of the island’s territory, affecting 832 people. With a three-meter rise, the loss would exceed a quarter of the island’s surface area (147 hectares).

Despite the urgency, there is no specific evidence that all of the measures stipulated in the Isla Mujeres-Puerto Morelos Corridor Climate Change Adaptation Programme have been applied; one seems half-finished and only two fulfilled. This lack of action seeds doubt about the future of other existing protected areas and ones yet to be established.

 

Satellite images show the advance of hotel complexes on the coast of Puerto Morelos, in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo, and their consequent environmental impact. These buildings disrupt vital water flows for terrestrial and marine environments, which can lead to flooding. Credit: Google Earth

Nakedness

In the heart of Cancún lies the Nichupté Lagoon, a haven nestled between urban sprawl and a row of hotels alongside the sea. The 4,257-hectare Nichupté Mangrove Flora and Fauna Protection Area plays a crucial role in coastal defense, but it faces threats due to its location within the city. Its resilience depends on legal protection and hydrological restoration.

The ecosystem, which is home to mangroves and crocodiles, is in moderate to poor condition due to disturbances, and is moderately vulnerable to the impact of storms and rising sea levels.

In the city, which had 934,189 inhabitants in 2020, only patches of mangroves remain, survivors of predatory construction. If they could speak, they would scream about how they were cut down to make room for houses, hotels and streets.

Despite the well-known situation and the fact that Conabio has issued a full alert due to the threats to the ecosystem, the federal government has been drilling the lagoon since 2022 with the piles of a vehicular bridge, which is almost nine kilometers long and affects the boundaries of the NPA, to connect the city with the hotel strip.

The environmental impact assessment recognises species migration and death, as well as loss of surface area and mangrove habitat fragmentation.

If the temperature were to increase by two degrees Celsius, coastal areas of Cancún in the southeastern state of Quintana Roo would be flooded by the end of this century.

Demands

Although the sources consulted disagree on the effectiveness of protection measures, they all agree that better measures are needed.

In light of the urgent situation regarding the NPAs, fisherman Sánchez is urging the authorities to be more vigilant in protected marine areas. “A comprehensive review is needed to refocus all activities,” he says.

Fabiola Sánchez, a Puerto Morelos resident, requests greater interest from the government in understanding the area’s natural phenomena and citizens’ rights. “You have to tighten the screws. The sea is not a pool; it flows and moves. What goes from point A to D of the NPA will affect areas outside the polygon. It is reductionist to assume that the NPAs are isolated islands,” she says.

Antele believes that tools such as the land use plan are useful for protecting the areas more effectively. “It will provide the legal basis to stop construction. Our efforts are geared towards ecosystem services and conservation,” he says.

For biologist Rodríguez, a prompt solution does not appear on the horizon, as determination and a larger budget are urgently needed.

“The strategies are not applied. There are a lot of meetings and nothing happens. That’s where we stay, in meetings, documents, strategies. But we fell short in the instrumentation. There are few mitigation actions,” she says..

 

IPS produced this article with the support of Internews’ Earth Journalism Network

 

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