Africa

Nigeria fans are still hoping Fifa may rule in their favour over allegations that DR Congo fielded ineligible players during Africa's 2026 World Cup play-offs.

Die kleinste Bank am Zürichsee, die Regiobank Männedorf, wird in die Acrevis Bank integriert. Der überraschende Verkauf für 25,8 Millionen Franken verärgert Aktionäre. Hohe Gehälter und Kreditverluste haben das traditionsreiche Institut ins Wanken gebracht.

In der Schweiz sind Sportferien, doch gerade jetzt herrscht in den Bergen enorme Lawinengefahr. Entsprechend vorsichtig sollten die Wintersportler aktuell sein. Blick klärt die wichtigsten Fragen.

Zimbabwe qualify for the Super 8s at the T20 World Cup as rain washes out their Group B game against Ireland.

Chancellor Friedrich Merz delivered a keynote speech at the start of the Munich Security Conference in which he emphasised that Europe must preserve its own values, actively protect its freedom and build on its strengths. "We must flip the switch in our minds," he said, outlining a sovereign Europe that breaks free from its excessive dependence on the US. Europe's media examine Merz's vision and point to potential flaws.

The future of the global development architecture will be defined by choices made among competing visions already present today. A turn toward nationalist and transactional approaches risks further fragmentation and diminished support for the most vulnerable countries. More selective forms of multilateralism may preserve existing institutions while narrowing their ambition. Pluralist cooperation offers flexibility but weakens coherence and shared standards. A renewed emphasis on global solidarity would strengthen collective capacity to address global public goods, but requires sustained political commitment and institutional reform.

La Société de Gestion des Déchets et de la Salubrité (SGDS SA) a mis en service une nouvelle base logistique située à Akpakpa, PK3, dans le 4ᵉ arrondissement de Cotonou.

La Société de Gestion des Déchets et de la Salubrité (SGDS SA) dispose désormais d'une infrastructure moderne à PK3 qui renforce ses capacités opérationnelles. Il s'agit d'une base logistique implantée sur une superficie de deux hectares. Selon Arcadius Jerry Aniambossou, chef du service matériel et logistique, le complexe comprend un bloc administratif de plus de 469 m², une cantine de 113 m², une salle polyvalente de 100 places, une infirmerie, un guichet automatique bancaire ainsi qu'une station-service interne dotée d'une capacité de stockage de 80 000 litres de carburant, offrant jusqu'à deux mois d'autonomie.

Construite aux normes Hygiène, Sécurité et Environnement (HSE), la base abrite également deux magasins de stockage d'environ 180 m² chacun, un vaste espace de stationnement pouvant accueillir 160 camions, 163 bennes, 10 remorques et 80 motos. Deux aires de lavage équipées de fosses de décantation y sont aménagées. Le site dispose en outre d'aménagements paysagers et d'une autonomie énergétique et hydraulique. « Ici, toutes les opérations sont effectuées à l'interne », a indiqué le chef du service matériel et logistique. A l'en croire, l'intégration de cette base permettra de réduire les temps d'immobilisation des camions. « Il n'y avait pas d'atelier pour remédier aux différentes pannes. Aujourd'hui, l'atelier est là, bien outillé et équipé. Cela va nous permettre de réduire les temps d'immobilisation et d'avoir plus de camions à déployer », a-t-il expliqué.

Au total, près de 400 agents travaillent sur la base. La cantine, le guichet bancaire et l'infirmerie contribueront à réduire les temps de transit et à améliorer la prise en charge du personnel. « La population constatera une amélioration dans la propreté de nos camions. Nous maintenons les villes propres, nous devons aussi maintenir nos matériels propres », a-t-il ajouté.

De bonnes pratiques en matière de sécurité routière

À l'occasion de la mise en service, la SGDS SA a organisé, en collaboration avec la Police républicaine, une séance de sensibilisation à l'endroit des conducteurs et opérateurs. Selon Mauriak Ahomagnon, chef secteur Hygiène, Sécurité et Environnement à la SGDS SA, cette initiative s'inscrit dans une démarche continue de prévention. La séance a porté sur les règles de courtoisie et la conduite défensive.

Le commissaire du premier arrondissement de Cotonou a insisté sur des principes clés tels que l'anticipation, l'adaptation, le respect des distances de sécurité, la visibilité et le calme au volant. « Il faut toujours rappeler ces règles aux conducteurs pour éviter les accidents », a-t-il souligné.

Le commissaire a par ailleurs salué le travail « formidable » mené par les agents de la SGDS pour une ville propre et durable, tout en invitant la population à faciliter leur mission. Avec cette nouvelle base logistique, la SGDS SA entend optimiser les opérations de collecte et de traitement des déchets, tout en renforçant la sécurité et les conditions de travail de son personnel.

Quelques images

Die Zukunft der globalen Entwicklungsarchitektur entscheidet sich zwischen schon heute konkurrierenden Visionen. Eine Entwicklung hin zu nationalistischer und transaktionaler Zusammenarbeit birgt das Risiko weiterer Fragmentierung und geringerer Unterstützung für die verletzlichsten Länder. Selektivere Formen des Multilateralismus können Institutionen erhalten, verengen aber ihr Mandat. Pluralistische Kooperation bietet Flexibilität, verringert jedoch Kohärenz und gemeinsame Standards. Eine neue Betonung globaler Solidarität stärkt die kollektive Fähigkeit, globale öffentliche Güter bereitzustellen, verlangt aber dauerhaftes politisches Engagement und Reformen.

Une autre aventure vers Guinness World Records a débuté, ce lundi 16 février 2026, avec le Guépard des fourneaux, chef Delphin Agbetogan, au Majestic Cinéma (Ex Canal Olympia).

A la suite de l'Amazone en cheffe, Keith Sonon, un autre Béninois s'engage dans la course Guinness World Records du plus long marathon culinaire. Le Guépard des fourneaux Chef Delphin Agbetogan s'engage pour 25 jours de cuisine. Son objectif c'est d'atteindre 600 heures avec 500 plats offerts par jour pour les plus vulnérables.

"Ce défi n'est plus seulement le mien. C'est celui de tout un peuple. C'est une bataille pour les orphelins", a-t-il écrit sur sa page Facebook. Le défi est en cours au Majestic Cinéma (Ex Canal Olympia).

L'Amazone en cheffe a fait 384 heures, soit 16 jours consécutifs de cuisine avec 2 heures de pause par jour. Le Guépard des fourneaux, Chef Delphin Agbetogan, veut battre un record de 25 jours.

Is today’s global turbulence a sign of collapse, or of overdue rebalancing? There is little doubt about the relevance of Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos. It was a strong intervention, not least because it drew on Eastern European experience through its explicit reference to Václav Havel’s 1978 essay The Power of the Powerless. Carney’s call for “building coalitions that work” resonated widely especially because, without mentioning President Trump, he spoke with unusual clarity and candour as a Western leader about the state of the international system and the pressures it is currently under.

Bonn, 17. Februar 2026. Das zwischenstaatliche Gewaltverbot bleibt die zentrale Säule von Frieden und internationaler Sicherheit. Für Deutschland und Europa ist dies besonders zentral.

Am 3. Januar 2026 verschleppten amerikanische Spezialeinheiten den venezolanischen Diktator Nikolas Maduro in die USA, wobei mehrere Menschen getötet wurden. Maduro wurde wegen des Vorwurfs von Drogenkriminalität vor ein US-Gericht gestellt. US-Präsident Trump kündigte an, die USA würden nun von Venezuelas Ölreichtum profitieren und sprach von der „Donroe-Doktrin“ – eine Referenz auf die Monroe-Doktrin, mit welcher frühere US-Interventionen in Lateinamerika begründet wurden. Während Völkerrechtler*innen die Entführung Maduros einhellig als völkerrechtswidrig verurteilten, fielen die politischen Reaktionen in Europa zum Teil verhalten aus. Bundeskanzler Friedrich Merz bezeichnete die „rechtliche Einordnung“ des Einsatzes zunächst als „komplex“. Auch der britische Premierminister Keir Starmer und mehrere andere europäische Spitzenpolitiker*innen äußerten sich eher zurückhaltend. Viele betonten zwar, das Völkerrecht sei grundsätzlich immer zu achten, verwiesen aber auch auf den illegitimen, autokratischen Charakter des Maduro-Regimes und verurteilten die US-Intervention nicht explizit.

Zwischenstaatliches Gewaltverbot als Säule des Weltfriedens

Die in Artikel 2.4 der UN-Charta formulierte Pflicht der Staaten, in ihren internationalen Beziehungen jegliche Androhung und Anwendung von Gewalt zu unterlassen, ist die tragende Säule der regelbasierten Friedensordnung unter dem Dach der UN. Hiervon existieren nur zwei Ausnahmen: Erstens das in Art. 51 der UN-Charta verbriefe Recht der Staaten auf Selbstverteidigung bei einem Angriffskrieg. Und zweitens militärische Zwangsmaßnahmen, welche der UN-Sicherheitsrat nach Kapitel VII erlassen kann, wenn er den Weltfrieden oder die internationale Sicherheit gefährdet sieht. Auch Tatbestände wie Genozid und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit können im Sinne der Schutzverantwortung als Gefährdung des Weltfriedens gewertet werden. Jedoch ist dies auf schwerste Menschenrechtsverletzungen beschränkt. Insgesamt gelten damit nur wenige Ausnahmen vom zwischenstaatlichen Gewaltverbot – denn es ist die zentrale Lehre, welche die Staaten aus den Verheerungen des Zweiten Weltkriegs zogen. Keine dieser Ausnahmen traf auf den Fall Venezuela zu. Ein autokratisches Regierungssystem stellt keine völkerrechtliche Legitimation für eine militärische Intervention dar.

Sicherheit in Zeiten von Großmachtpolitik

Seit dem Angriff Russlands auf die Ukraine stellt sich für Deutschland und Europa die Frage, wie sie in einer Zeit, in der die Bedrohung durch aggressive Großmächte zunimmt, ihre Sicherheit am besten garantieren können und welche Rolle das Völkerrecht dabei spielt. Die 2023 verabschiedete Nationale Sicherheitsstrategie Deutschlands formuliert hierauf eine klare Antwort: „Wir treten ein für eine freie internationale Ord­nung auf Grundlage der Charta der Vereinten Nationen […] und des Völkerrechts. […] Den Versuchen, die Welt in Einflusssphären einzuteilen, stellen wir das positive Modell einer solchen regelbasierten Ordnung entgegen“, heißt es da. Dieses Eintreten wird aktuell nur wichtiger. So konstatiert der zur Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz veröffentlichte MSC Report 2026, die Welt sei „in eine Phase der Abrissbirnenpolitik eingetreten“ und schlussfolgert: „Wer der Bulldozer-Politik lediglich zuschaut […] darf nicht überrascht sein, wenn geschätzte Regeln und Institutionen bald in Trümmern liegen.“ Dies gilt auch für die zwingende Norm (ius cogens) des völkerrechtlichen Gewaltverbots. Mit jedem Verstoß – und jedem Verzicht darauf, einen solchen Verstoß öffentlich zu verurteilen – wird das zwischenstaatliche Gewaltverbot zwar nicht rechtlich, aber de facto geschwächt. Die Folge ist größere Unsicherheit – vor allem für solche Länder, die militärisch mit den Großmächten nicht Schritt halten können.

Dennoch mehrten sich nach der Entführung Maduros Stimmen, die argumentierten, dass die Entscheidung politischer Führungspersonen, diese Intervention öffentlich nicht zu verurteilen, zwar völkerrechtlich falsch, jedoch realpolitisch geboten sei. Denn schließlich seien Deutschland und Europa nach wie vor auf den militärischen Schutz der USA angewiesen. Wie nicht zuletzt die neue Nationale Sicherheitsstrategie der Trump-Regierung und die Debatte um Grönland zeigen, berücksichtigt diese Sichtweise jedoch zu wenig, dass auf diesen Schutz bereits jetzt vermutlich kein Verlass mehr ist. Daher müssen Deutschland und Europa nicht nur selbst wehrhafter werden, sondern auch ihre außen- und sicherheitspolitischen Beziehungen diversifizieren. Hierfür ist auch wichtig, dass sie sich glaubwürdig als Partner präsentieren können, welche für eine regelbasierte internationale Ordnung eintreten und das zwischenstaatliche Gewaltverbot hochhalten. Den Eindruck politischer Doppelmoral zu erwecken, steht diesem Ziel entgegen. Ein klares Bekenntnis zum Völkerrecht ist daher nicht nur normativ und rechtlich geboten, sondern auch aus pragmatischen Gründen.

Officials allege that an empty coffin was placed over concealed bags of charcoal in a hearse.

The Security Council armed with veto powers. Credit: UN Photo/Manuel Elías

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 17 2026 (IPS)

As the campaign for the next Secretary-General gathers momentum – at a relatively slow pace – there is widespread speculation that any candidate running for the post of UN chief will have to abide by the dictates of a politically hostile White House or face a veto in the Security Council.

So far, there are only two declared candidates: former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet and former Director-General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Rafael Grossi from Argentina—with more candidates expected to join the race.

The winning candidate, who will take office in January 2027, will be elected by the 15-member Security Council and subsequently ratified by the 193-member General Assembly (UNGA).

Annalena Baerbock, the president of UNGA, said the selection process is already underway, and the interactive dialogues with candidates have been scheduled for the week of 20 April, where they will present their “vision statements”.

Meanwhile, the US has publicly declared its opposition to some of the basic goals in the UN’s socio-economic agenda, including gender empowerment and policies relating to diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI), while dismissing climate change as “a hoax” and a “giant scam.”
The Trump administration has also downplayed human rights and adherence to international laws—two concepts ingrained in the UN system.

In an interview with the New York Times last January, President Trump said he does not “need international law” to guide his actions, arguing that only his own “morality” and “mind” will constrain his global powers.

So, what would be the fate of any candidate— male or female—who advocates these UN goals? Will there be a battle of the vetoes – as it happened in a bygone era?

Richard Gowan, Program Director, Global Issues and Institutions, International Crisis Group (ICG), who oversees ICG’s work on geopolitics, global trends in conflict and multilateralism, told IPS nobody knows how this race will end.

Obviously UN-watchers will be tracking the initial candidates’ vision statements and public appearances over the coming months, he pointed out.

“But diplomats in New York have a suspicion that the veto powers in the Security Council may suddenly announce support for a new candidate at the last minute to circumvent the entire public process. There is a strong sense that the U.S., China and Russia don’t want to be boxed in by the General Assembly.”

There is also a scenario, he said, where the veto powers cannot agree on a candidate, and the Council ends up grinding out discussions of a candidate right through to December.

“UN officials have even done some contingency planning for what happens if there is not an agreed candidate on 1 January 2027. It is possible that the Security Council might ask Guterres to hang on for a few months, although I don’t think either diplomats or Guterres want that outcome.”

There are definitely a few senior UN officials and ambassadors in New York who wonder if the Council could call on them at the very last minute, said Gowan.

Thomas G. Weiss, Presidential Professor Emeritus, Political Science, and Director Emeritus, Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies at the CUNY Graduate Center, told IPS it is hard to imagine anyone running for UNSG who would not run into a veto from Washington in a candidacy necessarily addressing the values of cooperation (multilateralism of any shape) as well as honestly discussing such issues as climate, gender (male or female), nuclear proliferation, Palestine, and sovereignty—all “hoaxes” or “con jobs” according to DJT (President Trump) and his junta.

Both the 1996 and 1981 elections, he said, provide “models.”

“The Chinese vetoes probably are the most relevant precedent for Washington going to the mat indefinitely until an “acceptable” candidate emerges. Let’s hope that person is as competent as the compromise of 1996, Kofi Annan”, he declared.

In 1981, Salim Ahmed Salim of Tanzania, was backed by the Organization of African Unity, the Non-Aligned Movement and China. But his bid was blocked by a US veto.

In 1996, a second five-year term for Boutros Boutros-Ghali of Egypt was vetoed by the US – even though he received the support of 14 of 15 members in the Security Council.

In 1981, China cast a record 16 vetoes against Kurt Waldheim to prevent a third term, leading to his withdrawal and the selection of Javier Pérez de Cuéllar.

Meanwhile, there has been an intense campaign for a female UN chief, the first in the 81-year history of the UN. But the US has remained tight-lipped on the widely supported proposal.

The last 9 secretaries-general, all males, include:

António Guterres (Portugal), who took office in January 2017;
Ban Ki-moon (Republic of Korea), from January 2007 to December 2016;
Kofi A. Annan (Ghana), January 1997 to December 2006;
Boutros Boutros-Ghali (Egypt), January 1992 to December 1996;
Javier Pérez de Cuéllar (Peru), January 1982 to December 1991;
Kurt Waldheim (Austria), January 1972 to December 1981;
U Thant (Burma, now Myanmar), who served from November 1961, when he was appointed acting Secretary-General (he was formally appointed Secretary-General in November 1962), to December 1971;
Dag Hammarskjöld (Sweden), from April 1953 until his death in a plane crash in Africa in September 1961; and
Trygve Lie (Norway), who held office from February 1946 to his resignation in November 1952.

As for the U.S., said Gowan, “I don’t believe that Washington has settled on a candidate yet. But the Trump administration is definitely conscious that they have the power to reshape the political culture of the organization if they find someone who aligns with their views”.

He said U.S. diplomats have told other veto powers that they will hold back on various reform proposals and cuts until they have their own candidate as Secretary-General.

A lot of UN members assume that the U.S. won’t accept a female Secretary-General but I think that Washington could back a woman if she was a strong social conservative and willing to make large cuts to the UN system, he argued.

“Right now, there is not an obvious female candidate meeting those criteria, though. I think some candidates who could never align with the U.S. on things like development and diversity are already stepping out of the race.”

Meanwhile, there is a reason that Mia Mottley has gone from being the putative front runner to refocusing on domestic politics.

“I also think that all candidates recognize that they are going to have to talk a lot more about how they will advance the UN’s work on peace and security, which is a priority not only for the U.S. but a lot of member states.”

“That said, one senior UN diplomat recently told me that they cannot see Global South countries accepting another Western candidate after Guterres, regardless of gender. The non-Western members of the Security Council could create a blocking minority in the Security Council to keep candidates from U.S. allies out,” declared Gowan.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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The UN Development System sits at the heart of global development cooperation - not because it controls the most resources, but because it shapes the norms, priorities, and legitimacy of multilateral action. Yet behind the formal architecture of boards, committees, and mandates lies a more complex reality: decisions are increasingly shaped by informal power, financial leverage, and unequal access to influence. This report published by Cepei in cooperation with IDOS maps where power actually resides inside the UN Development System, revealing how governance works in practice and why current dynamics are eroding legitimacy at a critical moment for UN reform.(Executive Summary)

Governments convened in Rome on Monday (February 16) for a critical round of UN biodiversity negotiations, launching the world’s first global review of how countries are acting to protect nature. The sixth meeting of the Subsidiary Body on Implementation (SBI-6) of the Convention on Biological Diversity opened at the headquarters of the Food and Agriculture […]

Le nouveau Directeur de cabinet du président de l'Assemblée nationale du Bénin, Abou Torou, a officiellement pris fonction lundi 16 février 2026 à Porto-Novo, lors d'une cérémonie marquée par l'installation des membres du cabinet du président Joseph Djogbénou.

Nommée le 11 février dernier, la nouvelle équipe du cabinet du président de l'Assemblée nationale, 10è législature a officiellement pris fonction, ce lundi 16 février. Elle est composée notamment de Christian Parfait Ahoyo (directeur adjoint de cabinet), Fousséni Sambaou (secrétaire particulier), Bio Edmond Jolidon Lafia (chargé de protocole), ainsi que Igor Alignon Boco et Kossi Antoine Louis Djédou (assistants).

La passation de charges, conduite par le secrétaire général administratif Mariano Ogoutolou, s'est tenue dans la salle polyvalente Antoine Kolawolé Idji de l'Assemblée nationale, en présence de députés et de membres de l'administration parlementaire.

Dans son intervention, Abou Torou a dit mesurer « l'immensité et la sensibilité de la tâche », affirmant être « en mission pour la République » et promettant un travail d'équipe au service de l'institution.

Le Directeur de cabinet sortant, Mathieu Ahouansou a assuré les nouveaux promus de sa disponibilité. Même tonalité du côté du directeur adjoint sortant Moukaram Badarou, qui a exprimé sa reconnaissance à l'ancien président Louis Gbèhounou Vlavonou.

Félicitant le président Djogbénou pour son élection à la tête de l'institution, Mariano Ogoutolou a rendu hommage à l'équipe sortante pour sa contribution aux réformes des précédentes législatures, avant d'assurer les nouveaux responsables du soutien de l'administration parlementaire pour la réussite de la 10ᵉ législature.
M. M.

John Steenhuisen will not seek re-election as DA leader, leaving the race wide open for a successor.

John Steenhuisen will not seek re-election as DA leader, leaving the race wide open for a successor.

By CIVICUS
Feb 16 2026 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses the recent protests in Iran with Sohrab Razaghi, executive director of Volunteer Activists, a Netherlands-based diaspora organisation empowering Iranian civil society.

Sohrab Razaghi

Protests triggered by economic grievances erupted across Iran on 28 December, quickly evolving into broader anti-regime protests. The crackdown that followed resulted in what may be the largest massacre in modern Iranian history.

What sparked the protests, and in what ways were they different from previous ones?

Rising prices and the collapse of the national currency initially sparked the protests, but these quickly expanded beyond economic grievances. At least in part, this is because the economy is no longer seen as a purely technical issue but as a measure of the state’s ability to govern. A central question among social groups now is whether the government can manage crises and provide sustainable solutions.

Anger has built up, reflecting broken promises and lost futures. Over the past three decades, four major protest waves – in 2009, 2017, 2019 and 2022 – were met with repression, denial or superficial reforms. This pattern has produced a strong sense of humiliation and political voicelessness.

But perhaps the most decisive factor in the latest wave of protests has been the role of Generation Z, a generation that did not experience the 1979 revolution or the war with Iraq and does not have the ideological attachments of earlier generations. The dividing line is not just age but also expectations, lifestyles and values. While previous generations used to hope for gradual reform within the system, now many young people see no viable future within the current framework. For them, the most rational responses to what they perceive as a structural dead end are disengagement, migration or radical protest.

Recent protests, particularly those of 8 and 9 January, also reflected shifts in protest dynamics, with higher levels of violence visible in both rhetoric and practice. This escalation likely reflects accumulated frustration and political deadlock, but doesn’t necessarily indicate that the state has weakened. Security forces so far appear cohesive and operationally effective, and there are no clear signs of fragmentation inside the coercive apparatus.

But the rise in violence is troubling for democratic forces and civil society. When violent tactics become prominent, organised civic initiatives are marginalised and security-driven narratives prevail, weakening sustained civic action.

Additionally, Israeli and US statements expressing support for protesters and threatening military action had contradictory and largely negative effects.

While such rhetoric initially generated hope among some protesters, the lack of follow-up produced disillusionment and scepticism. Most importantly, statements by foreign governments, including Israel and the USA, strengthened the regime’s narrative. They enabled the authorities to frame protests as the products of foreign interference and protesters as instruments of external powers, including claims of involvement by Mossad agents. This narrative was very useful to justify securitisation and repression.

How have civil society and the media documented human rights violations amid internet shutdowns?

During near-total internet blackouts, local and community-based groups played crucial roles. They recorded the time and location of incidents, collected testimonies from multiple sources and preserved legal, medical and visual documentation while observing basic digital security principles.

When limited internet access became available, information was shared securely with international partners and diaspora networks. These networks helped archive data, liaise with human rights organisations and media and reduce pressure on activists operating inside Iran. International human rights organisations then cross-checked and verified reports before incorporating them into official documentation. Because communication shutdowns, security risks and restricted access to evidence prevented full documentation, they typically presented casualty figures and details of repression conservatively. At the same time, fake news and baseless casualty figures are also prevalent in diaspora and international media reports. It is essential to interrogate such reporting to preserve the credibility of fact-checked, evidence-based reports.

Under severe restrictions, independent and evidence-based documentation has been essential to preserve truth, counter denial and lay the groundwork for future accountability.

What’s limiting sustained pressure for change?

Recent protests have not expanded into broader forms of social organisation. Participation by labour unions, local networks and professional associations has been limited, restricting the potential for sustained institutionalised pressure. Without stronger organisational structures, documentation of abuses won’t necessarily translate into coordinated civic action. Social media-based coordination and mobilisation are effective for the start and first phase of protests, but on-the-ground leadership, networks and organising capacity are instrumental for sustaining protests and increasing pressure for change.

At the discursive level, significant attention has focused on appeals for foreign pressure rather than on building internal coalitions among social groups. In some cases, rhetoric has centred on state collapse rather than democratic transition, a framework that risks instability and further social fragmentation. The use of profanity and violent language – both inside Iran and among the diaspora community – has also alienated families and moderate groups, narrowing rather than broadening support.

Ultimately, for protests to evolve into movements capable of exerting sustained pressure for change, what’s needed is inclusive organisation, coalition-building and a unifying narrative.

What should the international community do to strengthen Iranian civil society?

Sustainable change will depend on domestic organisational capacity, leadership and representation, not external force. So international leaders should avoid war rhetoric and avoid engaging in any form of military intervention. Historical experience suggests that even limited foreign military intervention is unlikely to weaken domestic repression. Instead, it may well increase regime cohesion, at least in the short term, intensify nationalist sentiment and raise the costs faced by civil society activists, who can be easily portrayed as collaborators and traitors.

When supporting Iranian civil society, international allies should prioritise independent, nonviolent civil society organisations rather than opposition groups advocating violence. Narratives of ‘collapse at any cost’ marginalise civic initiatives and undermine the prospects of democratisation.

Long-term investment in capacity strengthening is essential. This includes supporting civic organising skills, digital security, democratic advocacy, nonviolent action and secure communication tools. Over recent decades, resources and repertoires for change within civil society have been weakened. Sustained engagement is required to rebuild these capacities, with up-to-date resources, techniques and tools.

Monitoring, documentation and evidence-based reporting grounded in credible local sources are among the most effective forms of support. Accurate reporting strengthens prospects for accountability and limits the space for propaganda.

Ultimately, sustainable democratic change in Iran will depend on civil society acting independently, rooted in domestic capacities and supported by context-aware, non-interventionist international engagement.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.

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SEE ALSO
‘The unprecedented level of violence points to a deep crisis of legitimacy’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Feminists for Freedom 09.Feb.2026
‘When international attention decreases, state violence often intensifies’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Hengaw Organization for Human Rights 27.Jan.2026
Israel vs Iran: new war begins while Gaza suffering continues CIVICUS Lens 19.Jun.2025

 

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