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Thursday 23 October

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Thursday 23 October

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Thursday 23 October

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Thursday 23 October

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Thursday 23 October

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Face au dumping avéré de Pékin pour soutenir ses exportations de maïs en conserve, l’Union européenne a fini par imposer d’importantes surtaxes douanières sur le maïs chinois avec une clause de revoyure en février prochain.

Written by Sebastian Clapp.

Russia’s escalating hybrid attacks, including drone incursions, have prompted NATO’s Operation Eastern Sentry and the European Union’s (EU) plans for a European Drone Wall and Eastern Flank Watch. These initiatives aim to strengthen eastern defences but face disputes over cost, feasibility and strategic focus. Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have welcomed the initiatives.

Eastern Shield and Baltic Defence Line
Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are jointly developing the Baltic Defence Line, a fortified line along their borders with Russia and Belarus to delay and disrupt incursions while enabling NATO reinforcements to deploy. Poland is also building an East Shield, a defence infrastructure project along its borders with Belarus and Russia to enhance NATO and EU security through surveillance, mobility infrastructure and physical barriers. The Baltic States and Poland aim to coordinate these efforts to secure EU funding and jointly procure equipment under SAFE, improving efficiency and interoperabilit

Background

In the past few months, there has been a marked escalation of Russian hybrid warfare directed against EU and NATO member states, prompting alarm among European leaders and citizens. Moscow has also resorted to conventional military measures, including incursions by manned fighter aircraft into Estonian airspace and drones in Polish and Romanian airspace. Furthermore, at least 10 European countries (Belgium, Lithuania, Latvia, Denmark, Norway, Romania, Poland, Estonia, Germany and France) have reported drone sightings over airports and military installations, with officials suggesting in some cases that the drones may have been launched from vessels operating offshore. The French military authorities detained two persons aboard a Russia-linked oil tanker suspected of launching drones. Although many of the devices recovered so far were unarmed and some merely decoys, European governments regard these intrusions as a form of hybrid threat designed to test air-defence readiness and impose psychological and economic costs. Several statements by European leaders noted that they assume Russian responsibility. Following the drone incursions, Poland invoked Article 4 of the Washington Treaty, triggering urgent NATO consultations just days after Estonia had done the same. In response, NATO launched Operation Eastern Sentry. Its primary objective is to strengthen NATO’s capabilities in the air, at sea and on land to counter military threats from Russia, with a particular focus on intercepting Russian drones violating the airspace of NATO member states. Eastern Sentry introduced a collective framework and operational approach to air defence along NATO’s eastern flank. The incidents have also hardened national positions. Six European NATO allies have declared that they will use force to defend their airspace, with Lithuania authorising peacetime drone shoot-downs. According to an IISS expert, NATO now faces the challenge of mounting a cost-effective defence. Deploying fighter jets and expensive air-to-air missiles to counter drones is operationally possible but fiscally unsustainable.

Eastern Flank Watch and European Drone Defence Initiative

Commission President von der Leyen first called for the establishment of an ‘Eastern Flank Watch’ during her 2025 State of the Union address. The defence readiness roadmap 2030 scoping paper, which was circulated to Heads of State and Government prior to the informal European Council in Copenhagen, underlines that ‘In light of the continued military aggression against Ukraine, and the recent increase of violations of air space of Member States, two flagship projects – The European Drone Wall and The Eastern Flank Watch – require special urgency and should be moved forward expediently.’ According to media reports, the initiative has split EU capitals: frontline states such as Poland, the Baltic States and Finland see it as an urgent necessity, while countries further from Russia’s borders, including France, Germany, Italy and Greece, question its cost, technical feasibility and the risk of Brussels encroaching on national defence prerogatives. Although EU leaders in Copenhagen ultimately endorsed the plan in principle – the main results of the informal European Council note that leaders broadly supported priority flagships presented by the Commission and the High Representative, including the European Drone Wall and the Eastern Flank Watch – significant divisions remain over funding, scope and branding. Sceptics warn it will not address broader vulnerabilities such as cyberattacks, ammunition shortages or command structures.

In October 2025, the Commission and the High Representative put forward the European defence readiness roadmap 2030. It proposes a series of European Readiness Flagships to strengthen the EU’s collective defence through coordinated investment in critical capability areas. These initiatives – the (now renamed) European Drone Defence Initiative,the Eastern Flank Watch, the European Air Shield and the European Space Shield – aim to reinforce Europe’s resilience against emerging military and hybrid threats while enhancing strategic autonomy and operational readiness. Open to all Member States, the flagships are cross-sectoral, covering defence, border management, internal security and the protection of critical infrastructure. Member States would lead the initiatives, determining objectives, governance and funding allocations; the Commission would facilitate coordination, offer technical assistance and ensure coherence across EU instruments and funding mechanisms; and the High Representative would ensure alignment with agreed EU capability priorities and coherence with NATO defence plans. Coordination frameworks should be agreed upon by spring 2026. According to the roadmap, the EU Military Staff will conduct a classified annual assessment of Member States’ capabilities and shortfalls – aligned with NATO’s targets and Ukraine’s needs – to inform procurement priorities and underpin an annual defence readiness report to the European Council each October, tracking collective progress across key capability areas.

The European Drone Defence Initiative aims to develop a cutting-edge interoperable system for countering and deploying drones. It will establish a multi-layered network capable of detecting, tracking and neutralising hostile drones, while also enabling precision-strike capabilities through advanced drone platforms. Drawing extensively on Ukraine’s battlefield experience, it will be closely connected to the proposed Drone Alliance with Ukraine (President von der Leyen announced during her State of the Union address that Europe will allocate €6 billion from the interest generated on immobilised Russian assets to support Ukraine’s drone production). Its dual-use dimension would allow applications in civilian contexts such as border protection and disaster response. It is expected to be launched in Q1 2026, reach initial operational capacity by the end of 2026 and be fully functional by the end of 2027.

The Eastern Flank Watch would reinforce the EU’s eastern borders against hybrid, cyber, maritime and conventional threats from Russia and Belarus through the integration of air defence, electronic warfare, surveillance and maritime security systems. It will combine anti-drone and air-defence capabilities with improved ground and naval assets, supporting situational awareness and rapid response capacity, coordinated closely with NATO’s integrated command and control structures and operations, such as Baltic Air Policing and Operation Eastern Sentry. This will enhance deterrence, strengthen interoperability and secure the EU’s land and sea frontiers. Implementation is to begin in 2026, with initial operational capabilities expected by late 2026 and full functionality achieved by the end of 2028.

The European Council is expected to endorse the two flagship projects by the end of 2025. An expert contends that the Drone Wall does not constitute a strategic response to Russian hybrid warfare, as it fails to counter it directly. Instead of investing in largely symbolic defences, states should focus on deterrence by enhancing Ukraine’s long-range strike capabilities. The main purpose of the Drone Wall is to reassure worried populations. Another analyst argues that the Drone Wall paradigm is ‘promising’ as a start, provided it is institutionalised, properly coordinated and legal frameworks are adjusted.

European Parliament position

MEPs condemn Russia’s violations of airspace and drone incursions targeting EU and NATO members as part of Moscow’s hybrid warfare. They welcome initiatives such as the EU Drone Wall and Eastern Flank Watch, while emphasising the importance of providing full protection for all Member States facing direct security threats, including those along the EU’s southern flank. They also call for deeper defence cooperation with Ukraine, particularly on drone technology and countermeasures, using instruments like the European defence industry programme (EDIP) and the Security Action for Europe (SAFE) instrument.

Read this ‘at a glance note’ on ‘Eastern Flank Watch and European Drone Wall‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

The fervour of presidential campaigning belies concerns about the political landscape in a cocoa superpower.

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The OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Uzbekistan (PCUz), in collaboration with the Central Election Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan and the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), convened a two-day workshop in Tashkent on 20 and 21 October for members of territorial election commissions and staff of the Central Election Commission.

During the event, titled “International Electoral Standards and the Practice of Conducting Elections in Uzbekistan”, participants familiarized themselves with key international electoral standards and engaged in discussions on their practical application in the national context.

The event was opened by Zayniddin Nizamkhodjaev, Chairperson of the Central Election Commission, and Ambassador Antti Karttunen, OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Uzbekistan.

“Election management bodies are fundamental to ensuring transparency and fostering public confidence in the electoral process,” Ambassador Karttunen said.

“The professionalism, impartiality and openness of members are key factors in building trust among citizens. Ongoing investment in training, technological innovation and effective communication remains essential to strengthening trust in democratic institutions

The workshop focused on the challenges faced by election commissions in the administration of elections, with participants engaging in constructive dialogue to identify practical and context-specific solutions.

In June, the PCUz commissioned a comprehensive analysis of ODIHR’s recommendations on Uzbekistan’s 2024 parliamentary elections. This analysis is intended to facilitate implementation of these recommendations.

The PCUz will continue to working closely with the Central Election Commission in supporting the ongoing development of transparent and credible election processes in Uzbekistan.

Il existe bien des espaces communs et « neutres » au Kosovo, qu'Albanais et Serbes fréquentent sans se sentir menacés par leur présence mutuelle. La consommation réalise l'utopie de coexistence pacifique tant souhaitée par les « internationaux ».

- Articles / Koha Ditore, Kosovo, Populations, minorités et migrations, Société

Il existe bien des espaces communs et « neutres » au Kosovo, qu'Albanais et Serbes fréquentent sans se sentir menacés par leur présence mutuelle. La consommation réalise l'utopie de coexistence pacifique tant souhaitée par les « internationaux ».

- Articles / Une - Diaporama, Koha Ditore, Kosovo, Populations, minorités et migrations, Société

Un même destin unirait les nationalistes serbes de Bosnie-Herzégovine et Israël, en lutte « contre l'islam radical ». Milorad Dodik a reçu à Banja Luka Iddo Netanyahu, le frère du Premier ministre, venu présenter son dernier roman...

- Le fil de l'Info / Relations internationales, Israël-Palestine , Bosnie-Herzégovine, Courrier des Balkans, Culture et éducation

Un même destin unirait les nationalistes serbes de Bosnie-Herzégovine et Israël, en lutte « contre l'islam radical ». Milorad Dodik a reçu à Banja Luka Iddo Netanyahu, le frère du Premier ministre, venu présenter son dernier roman...

- Le fil de l'Info / Relations internationales, Israël-Palestine , Une - Diaporama, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Courrier des Balkans, Une - Diaporama - En premier, Culture et éducation

EXCLUSIF. Trois semaines après avoir claqué la porte du gouvernement, l'ex-ministre du Logement, Valérie Létard, s'apprête à revenir à l'Assemblée nationale. Elle y défendra le statut du bailleur privé, mais aussi le logement social, l'hébergement d'urgence et MaPrimeRénov'.

Les trois plus grands groupes européens dans le spatial (Airbus, Thales et l'italien Leonardo) souhaitent créer un champion européen capable de rivaliser contre les géants américains et chinois. Ils ont signé un protocole d'accord pour lancer officiellement l'opération.

Tout comme les associations environnementales, la multinationale a aussi de quoi se réjouir du jugement du tribunal de Rouen, qui ordonne la désinstallation du Cape Ann. A l’arrêt depuis plus d’un an, ce navire qui permet d'importer du GNL sur le Vieux Continent constitue un manque à gagner pour l’entreprise. Laquelle attend avec impatience une prise de position du gouvernement.

Drone photo of nickel mine in Sulawesi, Indonesia. Courtesy Gecko Project

By Stephanie Dowlen
MALMO, Sweden, Oct 23 2025 (IPS)

Even amidst the regressive resistance of the current U.S. administration, the world is shifting toward a green energy future. As governments pledge to phase out fossil fuels, companies tout electric vehicles, and financiers pour billions into solar, wind and batteries, it seems the necessary transition from fossil fuels to clean energy is finally picking up pace.

But beneath the celebratory headlines lies a darker, inconvenient truth: the race to extract “transition minerals” widely used in current clean energy technology — is unleashing a new wave of destruction.

And unless we change course, this mining boom will push us closer to collapse as it entrenches poverty, inequality, exploitation, violence and destruction. Expecting the same “extraction at all costs” model that created the planetary crisis we face today to solve it is a fallacy.

In a new report from the Forests & Finance Coalition, analysts found that banks and investors are rewarding bad behaviour by financing some of the worst polluters and human rights offenders in operation.

Over half of the $493 billion in loans and underwriting provided between 2016 and 2024, and over 80% of the $289 billion held in bonds and shares went to just ten transition mineral mining companies. Among the winners are Glencore, Vale and Rio Tinto.

Proponents argue transition minerals are indispensable for renewable energy. But focusing on raw extraction rather than reducing demand, recycling or reuse, has fueled a rapid expansion of new mines. Too often, the narrative of “green” or “clean” energy obscures the real costs and justifies an extractive model mirroring the worst parts of the fossil fuel era.

The harms linked to mining are extreme. In Brazil, Vale has caused two catastrophic dam collapses killing hundreds and destroying the environment as toxic waste spilled. Undeterred, banks increased their financing since Vale’s second dam collapsed in 2019.

In Indonesia, Harita Group’s nickel complex is powered by coal, increasing emissions and damaging public health. Local communities on Obi Island have been poisoned as carcinogenic waste has leached into the island’s drinking water.

Recent investigations show that Harita’s executives knew about this contamination and covered it up for over a decade while financiers backed its expansion and successful Initial Public Offering in 2023.

These are not isolated scandals but symptoms of a system where corporations are unaccountable, and where financiers choose profit over life again and again. Consider this: nearly 70 percent of transition mineral mines overlap with Indigenous or community lands and over 70 percent are located in high-biodiversity regions already facing climate stress.

Meanwhile, wealthy countries are demanding more minerals to produce EVs for affluent markets, while 600 million people in Africa and 150 million in Asia still lack basic access to electricity.

This is not the blueprint for a just energy transition. It’s a new extractive frontier – powering Teslas for the rich while leaving behind exploited workers, poisoned rivers, and displaced communities. Urgent reforms are needed to ensure the energy transition addresses the climate crisis instead of greenlighting destructive practices.

There needs to be a transformation of how minerals are sourced, financed, and governed. Banks and investors must respect human rights by requiring Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) for Indigenous Peoples, protecting defenders, and ensuring remedy for harmed communities.

They must protect nature through enforceable zero-deforestation safeguards, strict toxic waste controls, and bans on high-risk practices like deep-sea mining. They must strengthen accountability by disclosing financing, enforcing ESG policies across corporate groups, and ensuring grievance mechanisms are fit for purpose.

And they must align finance with climate goals by ending reliance on coal-powered smelters, phasing out harmful practices, and demanding credible transition plans from mining companies.

Governments must also step up with strong regulations to equitably reduce mineral demand, prevent overconsumption in wealthy countries, and prioritize renewable access for the billions still excluded. International frameworks — like the UN’s emerging principles on critical minerals — must be strengthened and enforced.

We can still choose a just energy transition – one built on equitable access to clean power and respect for people and ecosystems. A just transition requires just finance: capital that flows toward equity, accountability, and sustainability, not deeper extraction and harm.

Such a transition would not just cut emissions but also break from the exploitative model that created today’s crisis.

If banks and investors refuse to change course, they will be remembered as champions of the next great wave of environmental destruction and human rights abuses. The choice is stark: a clean energy revolution that delivers justice, or one that repeats the mistakes that brought us to the brink? The time to decide is now.

Stephanie Dowlen is Forest Campaigner with Rainforest Action Network which is part of the Forests & Finance Coalition

IPS UN Bureau

 

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La Slovaquie a abandonné son opposition au dernier paquet de sanctions contre Moscou, levant ainsi le dernier obstacle à l’adoption du 19e paquet de sanctions de l’UE depuis le début de la guerre en Ukraine.

The post L’UE s’apprête à adopter son 19e paquet de sanctions contre la Russie, la Slovaquie ayant levé son opposition appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Passé des plateaux de journaux télévisés au secteur privé, l’ancien journaliste se lance sans étiquette dans l’aventure politique en se présentant aux élections municipales dans sa ville avec un mot d’ordre, lui redonner toute son attractivité qu’il estime perdue.

Only UN infrastructure—and American leverage—can prevent a humanitarian collapse.