Diplomacy & Crisis News

With the fall of the Assad regime in Syria and Hezbollah in Lebanon defeated and increasingly isolated, attention turns to the Houthis in Yemen. Perhaps the strongest remaining Iranian proxy force in the region, the Houthis are certainly the most active in terms of their attacks on Israel and also on international shipping in the Red Sea. 

With confrontation between the Houthis and Israel, and perhaps America too, seems set to escalate, this will likely raise questions of whether the regime in Sanaa will prove as frail as its former partner in Damascus.  

Like Assad’s regime, the Houthis are a corrupt organization representing a narrow segment of the population, leaving the majority mired in poverty. This poverty stems less from war or sanctions and more from systemic corruption, nepotism, and deliberate isolation. These regimes facilitate depredation of the populace via a common tool kit: bribes demanded by underpaid officials, monopolized industries that benefit insiders, and rigged systems for the import of goods, as exports play little role in the ravaged economies of Iran’s satellite states. 

Reform of state institutions is implausible, as their dysfunction is a deliberate choice to ensure that the regime’s core supporters enjoy economic and social preeminence. 

The high levels of corruption and exploitation made both the Assad and Houthi regimes deeply unpopular, forcing them to depend on brutal security apparatuses to maintain power. Indoctrination through media and education, framing these governments as anti-colonial defenders of national independence, grows less convincing as public suffering at the hands of the regime worsens and as dependence on foreign sponsors, especially Iran, increases.  

Despite these parallels, key differences between the Assad and Houthi regimes suggest their trajectories may diverge. The Houthi leadership is younger and more energetic than Assad’s aging cadre. For example, Houthi intelligence chief Abulhakim al-Khaiwani is under forty, while his Syrian counterpart, Hossam Louka, was nearing sixty-five before Assad’s fall. 

Moreover, ten years after taking Sanaa, the Houthis remain in the early stages of a revolutionary extremist movement. In contrast, the Assad regime had become a stagnant, ideologically hollow dynasty after fifty years in power. 

The Houthi leaders also differ in their likely response to a challenge. Unlike Assad, who ultimately fled to Russia, Houthi leaders may return to guerrilla tactics in Yemen’s mountainous regions rather than abandoning their exile movement. Many senior Houthis have rarely, if ever, left Yemen, probably making them more inclined to resist until the end rather than seek refuge abroad. 

While the Houthis’ long-term survival remains uncertain, their regime faces a growing legitimacy crisis. Cracks in its foundations are widening, and the leadership increasingly relies on brutal violence to suppress dissent. Eventual collapse seems likely but is not necessarily imminent. 

Decisive action by regional and global actors opposing Houthi terrorism could accelerate their downfall. The U.S., Israel, and their allies should intensify political, financial, and military pressure on the Houthis. Cutting off their ability to divert humanitarian aid would significantly weaken their financial position. 

Instead of subsidizing a regime that perpetuates terror and destabilizes the region, the international community should allocate resources to helping its victims and those who are trying to resist it, including Yemeni refugees abroad and Yemeni forces in southern Yemen who are fighting back against the Houthis.  

The current crises facing Lebanese Hezbollah and Iran’s Quds Force make this an opportune moment to pressure the Houthi regime. While the Houthis may have once drawn confidence from Tehran’s backing, they are likely re-evaluating that assessment in light of recent recent events in Syria. 

This may create an opportunity to pressure the Houthis into halting their Red Sea attacks. Still, even this would be a temporary respite, not a real solution to the long-term threat the Houthis pose to other states in the region, not to mention their subjects.  

This raises the question: How might the downfall of the Houthis occur?  

Real change in Yemen would require three key developments. 

First, change would require a rise in public anger from grievances held by the Yemeni population, probably related primarily to economic conditions but perhaps also to anger at the imposition of their religious views at odds with the beliefs of the majority of the population. 

Second, there would need to be a loss of favor or support from key elite constituencies, which could be Houthi bureaucrats or allied tribes on whom the regime relies to suppress dissent. 

Third, instability would have to drive a wedge within the leadership class, driven by external pressures on the regime or internal power struggles; power struggles could arise organically within the predatory and secretive regime, but they might be accelerated by sudden, significant events, such as the death or assassination of key figures within its leadership. 

Together, these factors would leave the regime in a state of disarray, unable to keep its ruthless hold on twenty million Yemenis. That could, in turn, create a momentum that the regime would find increasingly difficult to reverse. 

How this process unfolds is not under the control of anyone and certainly not of any force outside of Yemen. However, the Syrian experience suggests that continued pressure and coordination with opposition forces will be more effective than trying to negotiate with a regime devoted to internal repression and external aggression. 

Like Assad, the Houthis will someday lose power, and Yemenis will remember who helped them in their hour of need and who did not. Keeping up the pressure, military, political, and economic, is critical. Denying the regime legitimacy and opportunities to divert foreign aid is a key component of that effort. Assad’s experience shows that these tyrants do not last forever and that investing in long-term diplomatic relationships with them is a losing bet.  

Ari Heistein is an advisor to Israeli startups seeking to sell to the U.S. federal government, a consultant on issues relating to Yemen, and a nonresident fellow at the Counter Extremism Project. He has previously worked in business development for an Israeli cyber intelligence company and served as a research fellow and chief of staff at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv.

Nathaniel Rabkin worked as an Arabic translator and interpreter for the U.S. military in Iraq’s Wasit province in 2008-2009 and as an analyst embedded with the Department of Defense’s Human Terrain System in Anbar province 2010-2011. He has also performed work for several business and security consultancies and NGOs operating in the Middle East. He worked from 2013 to 2020 as managing editor of Inside Iraqi Politics, a political risk newsletter.

Image Credit: Shutterstock.com.

Confrontés aux prédations des carnassiers et à la solitude, les bergers exercent leur métier dans des conditions précaires de rémunération et d'hébergement. Une nouvelle génération milite au sein de syndicats de gardiens de troupeaux pour améliorer leur quotidien. Mais les patrons éleveurs, s'ils (...) / Mouvement de contestation, Agriculture, Syndicalisme, Travail - 2025/01

Trump’s victory in the United States has raised the stakes for key global races, from Canada to Cameroon.

From Moldova to Mexico, these conflicts are currently flying under the radar but could emerge as major flash points.

Fans of the “cowboy culture” will instantly recognize and associate the name Wrangler with a popular line of Western wear.

But clothing isn’t the only “frontier-style” product bearing the Wrangler name; it’s also been bestowed on a rimfire single-action (SA) revolver made by one of America’s Big Three handgun manufacturers. Say hello to the Ruger Wrangler .22 Long Rifle (.22 LR) revolver.

Ruger Wrangler Initial History & Specifications

Sturm, Ruger & Co. Inc. (headquartered in Southport, Connecticut) introduced the Wrangler in 2019, based on their enduringly popular Ruger Single-Six, which in turn dates back to 1953 (four years after the company was founded). As Ruger product manager Graham Rockwell said in an October 2019 interview with J. Scott Rupp of Guns & Ammo Handguns Magazine:

“Our ultimate goal was to provide yet another rugged reliable firearm to our customers at an affordable rate…With the Single-Six as our starting point, we saw an opportunity not only to use different materials but also to bring our single-action manufacturing process up to a modern level. Those two things combined are really what set the Wrangler apart from the rest of our single-action line as far as affordability.”

Those “different materials” include an aluminum alloy cylinder frame, synthetic checkered black grip panels, and a manufacturing process known as investment casting which confers the win-win benefits of being both more durable and more affordable than the manufacturing processes used by competitors such as Colt and Smith & Wesson. The guns also come factory standard with a rust-resistance and corrosion-resistant finish known as Cerakote, with color options such as black, silver, and Burnt Bronze.

Barrel length options include 3.75 inches, 4.62 inches, 6.50 inches, and 7.50 inches. The 4.62-inch version has an overall length of 10.25 inches and a weight of 30 ounces. As with the majority of revolvers, the cylinder capacity is six rounds (hence the slang term “sixgun”).

According to my colleague Peter Suciu, “As of the end of June [2020], the handgun topped the list for the best-selling revolvers to those under the age of fifty and came in second in the category—only after the hugely popular Colt Python—for shooters above the age of fifty (Source: National Shooting Sports Foundation [NSSF] data).”

Range Report and Shooting Impressions

I have thirty-five years of shooting experience under my belt, and I’ve been an actual gun owner for thirty of those years, and those of you who either know me personally and/or have read my previous firearms articles know that I’m more of a pistolero than a long gun person. As far as that pistolero experience goes, I own multiple semiautomatic pistols and double-action (DA) revolvers; in the latter category, I’m especially fond of Ruger’s GP-100 and Redhawk in .357 Magnum and .44 Magnum, respectively.

However, I have comparatively little experience with an SA revolver and have never owned one. Accordingly, I plan to remedy that in the near future by making a so-called “hogleg” my next gun purchase. Moreover, I’m fixin’ to get one in .22 caliber, since an anonymous friend of mine generously donated a giant tub of .22 ammo (mostly .22 LR, but with some .22 Winchester Magnum Rimfire [WMR] thrown in for good measure; the former can be used in my beloved Beretta M9A1-22, but not the latter).

With that in mind, I recently went to the excellent XCAL indoor shooting range facility in Ashburn, Virginia, to test out their rental Wrangler; this particular specimen had a 4.62-inch bbl. and the Burnt Bronze finish. To enable my evaluation, I purchased fifty rounds of CCI Mini-Mag 22 Long Rifle Ammo 40 Grain Copper Plated Round Nose ammo and a USPSA/IPSC paper target. I divvied the course into twenty-five rounds of headshots at 7 yards and twenty-five rounds of torso shots at 25 yards, delivered from a Classic Weaver Stance.

Impressions?

It had decent accuracy, once I took “Kentucky windage” and adjusted fire for a 5 o’clock hold at both distances to make up for the fact that the gun was printing extremely high left relative to my point of aim; at 7 yards, my very first shot missed the head completely! After the adjustment, I scored twenty hits in the A-zone box and four in the C-zone of the head. At 25 yards, I got six hits in the A-zone, seven in the C-zone, and the remainder in the D-zone. (For whatever reason, USPSA/IPSC targets omit the B-zone.)

I like the fact that this gun, unlike more old-school SA wheelguns, doesn’t require coming to half-cock for loading & unloading.

It also has a decent trigger.

The bladed front and integral notch rear sights provided for an okay sight picture, but not as user-friendly as those on the DA revolvers from this same manufacturer.

The extraction of empty cartridges was a major pain! Unless you align the individual chamber with the loading gate just right, the empties will stick…and even when I did get the alignment right, I often needed to work the extractor rod multiple times to clear the damn thing, which was not only frustrating as hell but also cut into my 1-hour range reservation time limit (and mind you, I still had another gun to test afterward). Thank God for the invention of both the double-action (DA) revolver (with its swing-out cylinder) and the semiautomatic pistol alike!

Bottom line, while the Wrangler is a decent gun, it doesn’t impress me as much as the company’s DA revolvers. I’m feeling strongly inclined to try out the Heritage Rough Rider, which carries an MSRP of $207.99 —and also comes with a .22 WMR cylinder as extra “bang for the buck”—before I make my final “hogleg” buying decision.

Want Your Own?

True Gun Value states that “A RUGER WRANGLER pistol is currently worth an average price of $226.90 new and $140.27 used. The 12-month average price is $225.55 new and $140.65 used.” Sturm, Ruger’s official website lists an MSRP range of $269.00 to $279.00.

About the Author: Christian D. Orr

Christian D. Orr is a former Air Force Security Forces officer, Federal law enforcement officer, and private military contractor (with assignments worked in Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, Kosovo, Japan, Germany, and the Pentagon). Chris holds a B.A. in International Relations from the University of Southern California (USC) and an M.A. in Intelligence Studies (concentration in Terrorism Studies) from American Military University (AMU). He has also been published in The Daily Torch, The Journal of Intelligence and Cyber Security, and Simple Flying. Last but not least, he is a Companion of the Order of the Naval Order of the United States (NOUS). If you’d like to pick his brain further, you can ofttimes find him at the Old Virginia Tobacco Company (OVTC) lounge in Manassas, Virginia, partaking of fine stogies and good quality human camaraderie.

Image: Archlane / Shutterstock.com

America should give diplomacy a final shot—while preparing to use military force.

Isolating Damascus's new rulers won't moderate them.

As Q once told James Bond in “Skyfall” about his weapon: “The Walther PPK/S 9 millimeter short. It's been coded to your palm print, so only you can fire it. Less of a random killing machine, more of a personal statement.”

Thus it was in that 2012 movie that “The World’s Most Famous Secret Agent” finally received an upgrade in ballistic power from his longstanding standard model Walther PPK in .32 ACP (7.65mm) caliber that he was issued way back in the very first film in the series, 1962’s “Dr. No.”

The “nine-millimeter short” cartridge that the 2012 version of Q is referring to is better known to American gun enthusiasts as the .380 ACP (Automatic Colt Pistol); the “Short” label refers to the fact that its shell casing is 17 millimeters in length, 2mm less than that of the full-powered 9mm cartridge (aka, the 9mm Parabellum, 9mm Luger).

Having said all that, the PPK/S variant also comes in the .32 ACP chambering. So then, what truly differentiates it from the standard PPK?

Walther PPK/S Initial History & Specifications

Carl Walther GmbH introduced the PPK/S in 1968—thirty-seven years after the advent of the original PPK—after the antigun Lyndon B. Johnson administration imposed the Gun Control Act (GCA) of 1968 which, among other things, arbitrarily banned the PPK from import into the United States due to its compact size. The PPK/S circumvented the GCA by combining the frame of the 1929-vintage PP, which was deeper than the PPK, and the slide of the PPK. As noted by the Walther Arms Inc. product info page:

“An evolution of the classic PPK, the PPK/s maintains the timeless features, essence, and elegance of the original with an additional extended grip allowing for added capacity and improved ergonomics.”

The PPK/S retains the traditional double-action (TDA) trigger system of its predecessor, i.e., a heavy (13.4 lbs.) double-action (DA) pull for the first shot and a lighter (6.1 lbs.) single-action (SA) the rest of the way until the safety/decocker is applied.

Dimensions include a barrel length of 3.3 inches, overall length of 6.1 inches, height of 4.3 inches, and an empty weight of 19 ounces. Magazine capacity is seven rounds.

Range Report and Shooting Impressions

I have owned a standard PPK .32 ACP (with a stainless steel finish) since 2011, specifically one of the specimens built in the joint venture with Smith & Wesson that has an extended grip tang to offset the gun’s age-old vice of hammer bite. However, I hadn’t fired the PPK/S variant in eleven years, so I wanted to get some refresher training on it.

Accordingly, I recently went to the excellent XCAL indoor shooting range facility in Ashburn, Virginia, to test out their rental PPK/S; this particular specimen had a stainless steel finish. To enable my evaluation, I purchased fifty rounds of Speer Lawman  95-grain Total Metal Jacket (TMJ) ammo and an XCal-2 anatomical silhouette paper target. I divvied the course into twenty-five rounds of headshots at 7 yards (with the first shot of each magazine fired in DA trigger mode, the remainder in SA mode) and twenty-five rounds of torso shots (all SA mode) at 25 yards, delivered from a Classic Weaver Stance.

Impressions?

It had decent accuracy, but my Kentucky windage adjustments had to go in polar opposite directions at the two distances, i.e., a 12 o’clock hold at 7 yards and a 6 o’clock hold at 25 yards. At the 7-yard mark, my first shot went low into the target’s jawline; after the appropriate adjustment, twenty-three rounds went into the ocular rectangular scoring box, but I overcompensated and pulled high into the forehead. At the 25-yard mark, my first shot gave me an unintended head hit, as it went way high into the target’s jawline area (right alongside my unintended too-low first shot from my 7-yard string of fire); after adjusting firing, I ended up with eight A-zone hits, twelve C-zone hits, and five rounds that either hit the peripheral non-scoring zones of the target or missed altogether. Meh.

Nobody ever accused the PPK series of having a smooth DA trigger or a crisp SA trigger. When I commented on this to the Range Safety Officer (RSO), he replied half-jokingly. “Yeah. But they go great in tuxedos.”

The sights were decent (red-painted dot sights, not to be confused with electronic red dot sights).

Reliability-wise, there was one instance—at the thirty-three-round count—where the slide failed to go fully into battery as a result of unlocking my wrist prematurely; any semiauto pistol should be fired from a locked wrist in order to prevent jamming, and this sense of urgency goes double for pocket pistols. Anyway, a quick smack on the back of the slide (as prescribed by self-defense guru Massad F. Ayoob) remedied the situation.

Last impression: .380 ACP ammo is freaking expensive!! 

Bottom line: It was a fun experience overall. But while I may purchase a PPK/S .380 somewhere down the road, both as a complement to my .32 PPK and for its own pop cultural significance, it’s simply not at the top of my wish list right now.

Want Your Own?

True Gun Value states that “A WALTHER PPK S [sic] pistol is currently worth an average price of $499.17 new and $368.52 used. The 12-month average price is $671.13 new and $504.40 used.” Walther’s official website lists an MSRP of $969.00 for both the black and stainless steel finish…unless you elect for the fancier walnut grips over the standard black plastic grips, in which case you pay thirty bucks extra.

About the Author: Christian D. Orr

Christian D. Orr is a former Air Force Security Forces officer, Federal law enforcement officer, and private military contractor (with assignments worked in Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, Kosovo, Japan, Germany, and the Pentagon). Chris holds a B.A. in International Relations from the University of Southern California (USC) and an M.A. in Intelligence Studies (concentration in Terrorism Studies) from American Military University (AMU). He has also been published in The Daily Torch , The Journal of Intelligence and Cyber Security, and Simple Flying. Last but not least, he is a Companion of the Order of the Naval Order of the United States (NOUS). If you’d like to pick his brain further, you can ofttimes find him at the Old Virginia Tobacco Company (OVTC) lounge in Manassas, Virginia, partaking of fine stogies and good quality human camaraderie.

Image: Robert Sarnowski / Shutterstock.com

As my fellow firearms enthusiasts are all too well aware, ammo is expensive. Gone are the good old days when you could go into Wally World and purchase a Winchester Value Pack 100-round box of 9x19mm 115-grain full metal jacket (FMJ; aka “hardball” or just plain “ball”) practice ammo for roughly $10 (which equates to 10 cents per round); nowadays that same product will cost you around $28.50.

A large part of this is due to inflation, though ammo prices started spiraling since the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic. So then, that leaves gun hobbyists with this question: are we going to have to continue to bite the bullet, or are there alternatives? Luckily, there are, thanks to imports from non-Western ammunition manufacturers. Today, we’ll look at two such examples, namely BPS of Turkey and MaxxTech of Bosnia.

BPS Ammo Basics

As per the manufacturer’s official website:

“BPS Balıkesir Patlayıcı Maddeler Sanayi ve Ticaret A.Ş. [Balıkesir Explosives Industry and Trade Inc] established in 2014 to produce small arms ammunitions and shotgun cartridges in Türkiye at international standards, works with all its might to offer reliable, effective and innovative products with the production capabilities, capacities and technologies it has developed over the years.”

The Balıkesir portion of the name is in homage to the city where the company is headquartered. BPS was founded by Mehmet Akif Yavaşca and Müşteba Yavaşc. According to Ammo, BPS products have the pluses of not only being inexpensive—I’m guessing part of this is due to the exchange rate of the Turkish lira (TRY) to the U.S. dollar (USD)—but also “High quality brass [which] is great for reloading.” The minuses are the potential for hard primers and the fact that the brand’s only offerings are 9mm Parabellum and 12-gauge shotgun shells.

I obtained my BPS 9x19mm 124-grain hardball ammo from Royal Tiger Imports (RTI) (from whom, on a separate note, I also obtained really good deals on a 6.5mm Carcano rifle and ammo), headquartered in Melbourne, Florida. Currently, RTI has individual fifty-round boxes of the stuff for $12,99 and 1,000-round cases at $229.99.

MaxxTech Ammo Basics

MaxxTech by GH Ammunition was launched in 2002 and is made by Pobjeda Technology in the city of Gorazde, Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to Ammo, this company’s products have a good reputation for accuracy and reliability in addition to being affordable; like with the TRY-USD exchange rate, I imagine the favorable exchange rate of the Bosnian convertible mark (BAM) to the USD is a big help. The downside is the relative lack of variety of calibers (though they’re better than BPS in that regard), the lack of more self-defense-appropriate bullet configurations such as jacketed hollowpoints (JHPs), and complaints from some shooters of MaxxTech ammo being too dirty.

I bought my boxes of MaxxTech 9x18mm Makarov 92-grain FMJ at The Nations’ Gun Show in Dulles, Virginia. Truth be told, I don’t remember exactly what I paid for the stuff, but I do remember being quite pleasantly surprised with the price. For what it’s worth, GunMag Warehouse is currently advertising fifty-round boxes at $19.99, whilst Ammo To Go is selling 1,000-round bulk rate cases for $339.95 (averaging out to 34 cents per round).

Range Report and Shooting Impressions

I’m quite happy with the performance of both of these ammo brands through my personally owned handguns: in the case of the MaxxTech 9x18mm, we’re talking about my Bulgarian-made Pistolet Makarova (PM; Makarov Pistol), and in the case of the BPS 9x19mm (AKA 9mm Luger, 9mm Parabellum), I test-fired the round through my beloved Beretta 92FS, CZ-75B, Glock 26, and P-35 Browning Hi-Power (BHP).

All gave me sufficient accuracy for headshots at 25 yards and torso shots at 50 yards. The only hiccups from a reliability standpoint were one stovepipe (it felt and sounded like a squib load) and one extraction failure with the BHP; but then again, my BHP (which is of 1967 vintage) has been acting rather quirky as of late, so maybe I need to have a gunsmith look her over.

About the Author: Christian D. Orr

Christian D. Orr is a former Air Force Security Forces officer, Federal law enforcement officer, and private military contractor (with assignments worked in Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, Kosovo, Japan, Germany, and the Pentagon). Chris holds a B.A. in International Relations from the University of Southern California (USC) and an M.A. in Intelligence Studies (concentration in Terrorism Studies) from American Military University (AMU). He has also been published in The Daily Torch, The Journal of Intelligence and Cyber Security, and Simple Flying. Last but not least, he is a Companion of the Order of the Naval Order of the United States (NOUS). If you’d like to pick his brain further, you can ofttimes find him at the Old Virginia Tobacco Company (OVTC) lounge in Manassas, Virginia, partaking of fine stogies and good quality human camaraderie.

Image: Shutterstock.

From India’s relations with rivals to Sri Lanka’s democratic shift, here’s what to keep an eye on this year.

Fareed Zakaria plays the annual predictions game on FP Live.

Le 21 novembre, la Cour pénale internationale a délivré des mandats d'arrêt pour crimes de guerre et crimes contre l'humanité à l'encontre de MM. Benyamin Netanyahou et Yoav Galant. Dès janvier 2024, la Cour internationale de justice demandait aux responsables israéliens de prendre des mesures (...) / Génocide, Justice internationale, Crime de guerre, Bosnie-Herzégovine - 2025/01

Foreign Policy’s columnists share what’s on their radar this year.

As Trump returns to office, the question is whether change will come at the negotiating table or on the battlefield.

Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib has emerged as a voice of unique clarity in the zero-sum debate over Israel-Palestine.

The United States Strategic Command has yet to make it official, but the organizers of the 136th Tournament of Roses Parade, which is held in advance of the annual Rose Bowl college football match-up on New Year's Day, have included a flyover of a U.S. Air Force Northrop B-2 Spirit bomber in the upcoming program.

It isn't a holiday surprise, however.

The flying wing aircraft, which are operated by the U.S. Air Force's 509th Bomb Wing, Whiteman Air Force Base (AFB), Missouri, have been a staple at the annual parade since 2005—with only a break in 2023 due to a safety stop following a crash weeks earlier. That resulted in a pair of Rockwell B-1B Lancer bombers from Dyess AFB, Texas, filling in before the B-2s returned this past January.

It would seem unlikely—barring another unfortunate incident—that the Air Force's B-2s would sit out what has become a fan-favorite tradition. It provides a rare opportunity for many to see the famed bomber in the skies overhead.

"We have enjoyed a long relationship with the city of Pasadena and are honored to bring the B-2 back to demonstrate Team Whiteman’s commitment to the American people," Col. Keith J. Butler, 509th Bomb Wing commander at Whiteman Air Force Base, said in a statement last year when announcing the Spirit's return to the famed parade.

Not a New Tradition

Today, it is common at large sporting events for U.S. Air Force, U.S. Marine, and U.S. Navy aircraft to take part in a flyover. It is now expected—along with the National Anthem—at such events as the Rose Bowl, the Super Bowl, NASCAR races, and Major League Baseball's World Series.

Flyovers are not a new tradition.

It was more than ninety years before the B-2 began making its appearance at the parade that the first flyover at a sporting event occurred. According to Blue Sky News, it took place on September 15, 1918, during World War I—while the country was also dealing with the global influenza pandemic.

"60 military aircraft flew over Game 1 of the World Series at Comiskey Park in Chicago," Blue Sky News explained. "Nearly 20,000 fans looked in awe at the plane-filled sky, then watched with considerably less pleasure as the legendary Babe Ruth, pitching for the Boston Red Sox against the Chicago Cubs, threw a complete game shutout en route to Boston's fourth World Series win in six years."

No doubt the sight of so many aircraft fewer than twenty years after the first manned flight might have been even more memorable for many in the stands than seeing Ruth at the mound! In the century to come, the U.S. military has only served to offer even more impressive flyovers.

As Simple Flying reported, the impressive displays "represent the culmination of months of hard work by hundreds of dedicated individuals."

Planning takes months and involves coordination with the Department of Defense, the Federal Aviation Administration, and local authorities. But it can result in something truly special.

Such was the case in January 2021's Super Bowl LV in Tampa, Florida, which featured all three bombers that are currently in service: the Boeing B-52 Stratofortress, B-1B Lancer, and B-2 Spirit. It was the first such flyover of all three aircraft in such an event. The aircraft, from three different bases, rarely operate together but for the big game flew just 250 feet apart at 280 mph!

A year later, it wasn't bombers—but to mark the Air Force's 75th anniversary in 2022, Super Bowl LVI saw a P-51D Mustang, A-10 Thunderbolt II, F-16 Fighting Falcon, F-22 Raptor, and F-35 Lightning II conduct an impressive flyover!

Such displays—which require military precision that only the military can deliver—don't come cheap, but the Defense Department has a workaround.

"Since DODI 5410.19 also prohibits military aircraft from being hired or paid for an aerial display, most flyover hours come from the supporting unit's annual flight training budget. Their approval requires a healthy balance between the cost of operating the aircraft, the benefit of community engagement, and the training value associated with the event," Simple Flying explained.

Thus, while it can cost more than $100,000 per flight hour for the B-2 Spirit to take part in the Rose Parade and do a flyover of the stadium, the result is a truly priceless moment.

Author Experience and Expertise: Peter Suciu

Peter Suciu is a Michigan-based writer. He has contributed to more than four dozen magazines, newspapers, and websites with over 3,200 published pieces over a twenty-year career in journalism. He regularly writes about military hardware, firearms history, cybersecurity, politics, and international affairs. Peter is also a Contributing Writer for Forbes and Clearance Jobs. You can follow him on Twitter: @PeterSuciu. You can email the author: Editor@nationalinterest.org.

Image Credit: Matthew Munsell / Shutterstock.com

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Balancing partnerships in the Middle East is never easy, especially when it involves the sale of advanced military hardware. When it involves the most advanced stealth fighter, complicated doesn’t begin to describe the situation.

During President-elect Donald Trump’s first term, the White House sought to sell the Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) after the Middle Eastern nation formalized relations with Israel as part of the Abraham Accords.

Israel had previously opposed the Arab nation’s acquisition of the fifth-generation stealth fighter but later withdrew its objections. The Jewish state’s security doctrine has long prioritized qualitative superiority over neighbors and possible rivals. Israel has sought out the most advanced military technology from the United States—or developed it domestically with some programs, such as its Merkava main battle tanks (MBTs)—while the Israel Defense Force (IDF) also would like to deny the same technology to adversaries (and potential adversaries). As a nation surrounded by hostility, Israel must acknowledge that today’s friends could be tomorrow’s enemies (Iran is such an example).

However, the deal was never closed, and the Biden administration didn’t move forward. That had seemed to be the end of it.

Then, last fall, there were reports that the UAE hoped to revive the multi-billion dollar deal if Trump won the 2024 presidential election—which he did, making the greatest political comeback in modern history. That could result in a significant reverse course yet again, as Abu Dhabi had this past spring indicated it could adopt the Chinese-made Chengdu J-20 Mighty Dragon, arguably the most successful fifth-gen fighter program after the F-35.

Beijing and Abu Dhabi have sought to expand cooperation through investments in the Pacific islands and Africa. The Gulf state is also considering increasing the use of China’s currency, the yuan, which offers China a low-risk gateway into the region. Washington may use the F-35 to earn renewed favor with the UAE.

Saudi Arabia Is Going With Turkey

NATO member Turkey was infamously expelled from the F-35 program for its adoption of the Russian-made S-400 Triumf air defense system. Options have been floated that could see Ankara return to the proverbial F-35 fold, but whether that occurs after Trump returns to the White House remains an unknown.

In the meantime, Turkey has sought to develop the domestically-built next-generation TF Kaan stealth fighter. To help fund its development, Ankara has sought foreign buyers—and among the countries that have expressed interest is Saudi Arabia.

As the F-35 was likely off the table for many of the reasons already stated, Riyadh has explored other options. The selection of the Turkish-made fighter would likely be met with more approval from Washington than alternatives from China (the J-20 Mighty Dragon) or, worse, Russia’s Sukhoi Su-57 (NATO reporting name Felon).

“A deal for 100 TF Kaans would similarly come without precedent and could give Turkey some much-needed investment in the ambitious aircraft project. Additionally, such a large Saudi order could help bring down the price per aircraft, which could, in turn, help Turkey win some additional foreign customers who would otherwise hesitate over the price tag,” Paul Iddon wrote for Forbes.

As Iddon also noted, the TF Kaan may not be a true “fifth-gen” fighter, but rather a “4.75-generation,” and “a notch above the Dassault Rafale and Eurofighter Typhoon but below truly fifth-generation stealth aircraft like the F-35 and F-22 Raptor.”

Such would be good news for Israel, which would maintain an edge even as the two countries inch closer to some formal recognition. At the same time, it would ensure Saudi Arabia could acquire the capabilities needed to deter Iran in a regional conflict.

Morocco And The F-35

In late November, reports first circulated that Morocco could be on track to become the first Arab and African nation to acquire the F-35. Rabat’s desire to operate the F-35 comes as its regional rival Algeria has sought the Russian Su-57.

The Algerian Air Force currently operates various Soviet-designed aircraft, including the Mikoyan MiG-29 and Sukhoi Su-24 from the late Cold War. In 2022, it ordered around a dozen Sukhoi Su-30sMKA. Moreover, Moscow has maintained close ties with Algiers since the Cold War, when the Soviet Union provided military, technical, and material support to Algeria during its war for independence from France.

In November, Morocco also reasserted ties with the Jewish state for the first time since the Gaza war began. Morocco is the sixth Arab League nation that has normalized relations with Israel.

Morocco’s acquisition of the F-35 could help bolster ties with the United States and Israel while maintaining a balance of power in North Africa. But like every other aspect of the F-35 in the Arab world, it will likely be complicated!

Author Experience and Expertise: Peter Suciu

Peter Suciu is a Michigan-based writer. He has contributed to more than four dozen magazines, newspapers, and websites, with over 3,200 published pieces and over a twenty-year career in journalism. He regularly writes about military hardware, firearms history, cybersecurity, politics, and international affairs. Peter is also a Contributing Writer for Forbes and Clearance Jobs. You can follow him on Twitter: @PeterSuciu. You can email the author: Editor@nationalinterest.org.

Image: WoodysPhotos / Shutterstock.com. 

The incident closes a year that has seen an uptick in high-profile cyberattacks on the United States.

Surprised and bloodied, the Israelis found themselves significantly on the backfoot following Hamas’ terrorist attacks on October 7, 2023. The Israel Defense Force (IDF) was tasked with hitting back against the terrorists—hard. Its responses were brutal but effective.

While the Israelis failed to get back most of the hostages that Hamas took on that fateful day, they sapped Hamas’ capacity to wage war.

A key reason why the IDF was so brutally effective in breaking the martial prowess of Hamas was due to the deployment of radical, dare I say even exotic, technologies. One of those rare weapons the IDF used with such effectiveness was the Israeli Maoz (aka, Spike Firefly) kamikaze unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV).

A Sky Monster

This sky monster is described as a “coaxial rotor loitering munition drone” that was specifically designed for urban warfare. If I saw this thing at night or sundown, it might be easy to believe that little gray men from Zeta Reticuli were attacking rather than the IDF—that’s how bizarre this vertical, twin-bladed sky machine looks.

When the Israelis chose to move in force into the Gaza Strip, the overpopulated southern strip of territory along the Eastern Mediterranean Sea between the Sinai Peninsula and southern Israel, they ran smack dab into the dread of most modern militaries: urban warfare.

Built up and overflowing with people in varying states of poverty (and anger toward Israel), the IDF risked kicking over a veritable hornet’s nest going in there. But the Israelis persevered. And that was in large part due to the innovative tactics and technologies that the IDF employed against Hamas.

There is some dispute as to whether the Israelis did, in fact, deploy the Spike Firefly loitering munitions drone in Gaza. Although, one can assume that the system was used in the horrible fighting against Hamas in the Gaza Strip. What is known is that the drone has been spotted engaging in operations in another terrorist hotspot where Israel is often conducting military operations, the West Bank city of Jenin.

Israel’s Spike Firefly drone is part of Rafael Advanced Defense Systems’ SPIKE family of precision-guided munitions. With their Spike Firefly, the Israelis are again offering the world a masterclass in what the next round of major wars will look like.

Indeed, the Spike Firefly is a model for the kind of network-centric warfare that will undoubtedly define the next great power conflict. That’s because the Spike Firefly shares real-time intelligence it gathers with other IDF elements, giving greater situational awareness to those advancing IDF elements.

The Specs

Spike Firefly carries a SPIKE NLOS (non-line-of-sight) missile and has a vertical takeoff and landing (VTOL) capability. In terms of surveillance capacity, it offers its users “beyond-line-of-sight” (BLOS) attack modes. In other words, this thing can kill you up close or far away. Spike Firefly can get you by seeing you or simply detecting you with sensors. What’s more, it is a semi-autonomous system. Spike Firefly can operate on its own or with a human operator in control.

As for some of its more advanced surveillance systems, it has dual infrared and electro-optical (EO) sensors. Again, its unique shape and relatively small size allow for it to not just loiter above buildings—the drone can pursue an enemy target into a building. This is the stuff of nightmares. Think of the opening scene from the original Terminator film, when the hero fighting the machines in the future is chased by a tiny flying machine that is utterly relentless in its quest to end his life.

Weighing in at 6.6 pounds and built for silent killing, there is a compartment that can carry a .77-pound bomb or an extra battery. In fact, that’s the only likely weakness of this drone: It has a limited battery life of around fifteen minutes. But the extra battery can be used to extend operational life to around thirty minutes (for reconnaissance missions).

Rafael says that the Spike Firefly has a topflight speed of 37 miles per hour and a diving speed of 43 mph, meaning this thing can come up on you fast. Further, its small size and silent running means you would be unlikely to even know it was over you until it was too late.

Israel has been at the forefront of understanding the often-radical changes in warfare over the last thirty years. The Spike Firefly drone is a testament to this. It is one of the most promising systems in the world and should be embraced not only more widely by the IDF but also by the United States and its allies. 

Brandon J. Weichert, a Senior National Security Editor at The National Interest as well as a Senior Fellow at the Center for the National Interest, and a contributor at Popular Mechanics, consults regularly with various government institutions and private organizations on geopolitical issues. Weichert’s writings have appeared in multiple publications, including the Washington Times, National Review, The American Spectator, MSN, the Asia Times, and countless others. His books include Winning Space: How America Remains a Superpower, Biohacked: China’s Race to Control Life, and The Shadow War: Iran’s Quest for Supremacy. His newest book, A Disaster of Our Own Making: How the West Lost Ukraine is available for purchase wherever books are sold. He can be followed via Twitter @WeTheBrandon.

Image: Shutterstock. 

As a new administration settles into Washington, the global chessboard is being reset. While Central Asia may not be occupying the top squares of that board, it remains a strategically vital region. For the incoming administration, the key to effectively engaging with this complex region isn’t a sudden spotlight or grand pronouncements but rather a commitment to consistent and well-defined engagement. Central Asia doesn’t need to be a top priority; it needs consistent attention.

No one expects Central Asia to be the administration’s immediate focus. Crises in Ukraine and the Middle East, as well as the ongoing challenges posed by China, will understandably dominate the headlines and agendas. However, the very fact that Central Asia is not likely to erupt into a major conflict demanding immediate military or diplomatic intervention is precisely why a steady, long-term approach is so crucial. The five nations of the region—Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan—have a long history of navigating complex geopolitical landscapes and are unlikely to be swayed by fleeting attention or pronouncements that lack follow-through. They prioritize reliability over rhetoric.

The previous Trump administration deserves credit for recognizing this and formalizing a new United States Strategy for Central Asia 2019–2025. This strategy aimed to bolster the region’s independence, sovereignty, and resilience while emphasizing economic connectivity and reforms. However, the implementation of this strategy was often hampered by inconsistencies and a lack of sustained engagement. While the blueprint existed, the practical execution fell short. For instance, while the strategy highlighted the importance of trade diversification, few concrete initiatives were launched to facilitate U.S. business engagement beyond existing limited partnerships. 

Furthermore, outdated restrictions were sometimes used as political leverage, creating unnecessary complications. A prime example is the persistence of the Jackson-Vanik amendment for Kazakhstan, which prevents normal trade relations with the United States. Originally intended to target the USSR for restricting Jewish emigration, this legacy legislation continues to apply to post-Soviet states. Despite bipartisan agreement on its obsolescence, a recent CRS report highlights its continued use as potential leverage for promoting democratic governance. This demonstrates how upholding superficial limitations, ostensibly for values-based reasons, can undermine interest-based policy.

The C5+US summit on September 21, 2023, at the United Nations Headquarters in New York offered a glimmer of hope for renewed engagement. The dialogue was positive, and commitments were made on various fronts, from regional security to economic cooperation. However, the follow-up has been underwhelming. Where are the tangible investment plans spurred by the summit? Where are the concrete joint projects addressing water scarcity or border security that were discussed? The Critical Minerals Dialogue, established in February 2024 to address the critical issue of the region’s rare-earth reserves and the American need for secure supply chains, has yet to yield any publicly announced initiatives or agreements. This is despite the increasing urgency of the situation, with China becoming more willing to impose bans and restrictions on critical mineral exports. This gap between pronouncements and practical action is precisely what breeds skepticism in a region accustomed to navigating the long game.

What Central Asia truly needs from the United States is a competent, clearly articulated strategy that is consistently implemented at the ground level. The leaders of the regional states are pragmatic actors. They prioritize tangible, long-term cooperation that contributes to their economic development, strengthens their security, and respects their sovereignty without imposing undue conditions or forcing them to choose sides. This pragmatic approach aligns directly with crucial U.S. interests. Economically, Central Asia represents a significant, yet largely untapped, treasure trove of resources, including rare earth elements vital for both high-tech industries and the green energy transition. 

A prime example of this untapped potential, and a clear illustration of the current dynamic, is Kazakhstan. While possessing significant reserves, the country has seen a 3.8-fold increase in its rare earth mineral (REM) exports since 2020, in real terms. Kazakhstan is also among the few nations capable of producing gallium and indium, rare earth elements on which China currently holds a near-monopoly. Yet, China was the sole importer of these Kazakhstani REMs in 2023. For Washington to capitalize on this potential, the region requires targeted and strategic investments, technology transfer, personnel education, and comprehensive high-level exploratory work to map deposits effectively. Equally important are long-term commitments to import these products. This represents a mutually beneficial scenario: the United States gains a diversified supply chain, gaining a crucial edge in future geopolitical competition, while regional states benefit from new workplaces, increased budget revenue, and the ability to build their market share. 

Beyond economics, a consistent U.S. policy towards the region is crucial for fostering regional stability. Central Asian states have long played a constructive role as mediators in regional disputes, offering platforms for dialogue. The increasing connectivity facilitated by projects like the Middle Corridor creates economic interdependence, fostering a shared interest in peace and stability. The ongoing, albeit fragile, peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan are indirectly influenced by the growing importance of transit routes that benefit both nations, highlighting the power of economic incentives in promoting peace.

Shifting to another pressing challenge, Afghanistan presents a painful issue where Central Asian engagement can be particularly valuable. While direct engagement with the Taliban poses significant obstacles for the United States, it is evident to the countries of the region that ignoring the reality on the ground will not make the challenges disappear. In 2024, there have been significant efforts to normalize relations and engage in pragmatic dialogue with the Taliban, for example, in delivering humanitarian aid and ensuring border security. Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has taken a leading role, consistently advocating at the UN for the establishment of the UN Regional Sustainable Development Goals Center for Central Asia and Afghanistan in Almaty, an idea that was realized this summer. As a follow-up, Kazakhstan removed the Taliban from its list of terrorist organizations and accredited a Chargé d’affaires from Afghanistan. Discussions are now underway to expand trans-Afghan railways further, opening trade routes for other nations in South and Central Asia, as well as the Middle East. By supporting these regional actors, the United States can contribute to preventing Afghanistan from becoming a breeding ground for instability and terrorism without necessarily endorsing the Taliban regime.

The new administration should understand that a consistent, well-defined, and diligently implemented strategy is the most effective path to engaging with Central Asia. It is crucial not to think about the region arena for winning a zero-sum game against Russia or China but rather as a space to build mutually beneficial partnerships that advance U.S. interests while respecting the sovereignty and agency of the Central Asian nations. By focusing on concrete, ground-level cooperation in areas like trade diversification, infrastructure development, and regional stability, the United States can cultivate lasting relationships that yield far greater dividends than sporadic bursts of high-level attention. A steady hand, guided by a consistent strategy, will secure America’s long-term interests in this region.

Miras Zhiyenbayev is the Head of the Foreign Policy Analysis and International Studies Program at MIND, the Maqsut Narikbayev Institute for Networking and Development, a university-based think tank at Maqsut Narikbayev University, Astana, Kazakhstan.

Image: Vladimir Tretyakov / Shutterstock.com.