Die Europa Karte politisch zeigt die vielfältigen souveränen Staaten des Kontinents und deren Grenzen. Von Gibraltar im Westen bis zum Ural im Osten bildet Europa eine faszinierende geopolitische Einheit. Deutschland liegt zentral in Mitteleuropa, während Frankreichs Territorium westwärts ausgerichtet ist.
Weiter südlich ist Italien fast vollständig vom Mittelmeer umgeben, was seine einzigartige kulturelle Identität prägt. In Osteuropa erstrecken sich die Länder von Russland bis Polen, während die Britischen Inseln durch die Nordsee vom europäischen Festland getrennt sind. Die Skandinavische Halbinsel befindet sich im hohen Norden Europas und umfasst unter anderem Norwegen und Schweden.
Das Wichtigste in KürzeDie politische Karte Europas zeigt die Vielfalt der souveränen Staaten, die den Kontinent bilden. Von den großen Nationen wie Deutschland und Frankreich bis zu den kleineren Ländern wie Malta oder Luxemburg: Jeder Staat hat seine eigenen _einzigartigen_ Merkmale und kulturellen Besonderheiten. Die Grenzen zwischen den Staaten sind teils historisch gewachsen, teils durch internationale Vereinbarungen festgelegt.
Mehr dazu: Der längste Fluss Europas: Ein Naturwunder
Grenzen: von Gibraltar bis Ural Europa Karte politisch: Grenzen und StaatenDie Grenzen Europas erstrecken sich von der Meerenge von Gibraltar im Südwesten bis zum Uralgebirge im Nordosten. Diese weite Ausdehnung umfasst eine Vielzahl unterschiedlicher Landschaften und Kulturen, die alle Teil des politischen Gefüges Europas sind.
„Europa wird durch Kultur und Geschichte zusammengehalten und nicht durch politische Strukturen.“ – Helmut Kohl
Deutschland: zentrale Lage in MitteleuropaDeutschland nimmt eine zentrale Lage in Mitteleuropa ein und ist von neun Nachbarländern umgeben. Diese Position macht Deutschland zu einem wichtigen Knotenpunkt für den Handel und die Politik in Europa. Dank seiner gut ausgebauten Infrastruktur und Verbindungen zu benachbarten Staaten spielt Deutschland eine wesentliche Rolle im europäischen Netzwerk.
Frankreichs Territorium: nach Westen ausgerichtetFrankreichs Territorium ist hauptsächlich nach Westen ausgerichtet, mit dem Atlantischen Ozean als bedeutendem Seezugang. Die vielfältige Landschaft umfasst den Landesinneren, die Küstenregionen der Bretagne und Normandie, sowie die berühmten Weinanbaugebiete im Südwesten des Landes.
Mehr dazu: MS Europa 2 Kleiderordnung: Stilvoll reisen
.table-responsiv {width: 100%;padding: 0px;margin-bottom: 0px;overflow-y: hidden;border: 1px solid #DDD;overflow-x: auto;min-height: 0.01%;} Land Hauptstadt Besonderheiten Deutschland Berlin Zentrale Lage in Mitteleuropa Frankreich Paris Nach Westen ausgerichtet Italien Rom Vom Mittelmeer umgeben Italien: vom Mittelmeer umgeben Italien: vom Mittelmeer umgeben – Europa Karte politisch: Grenzen und StaatenItalien ist bekannt für seine einzigartige geografische Lage. Das Land ist nahezu vollständig vom Mittelmeer umgeben, was es zu einer strategisch wichtigen Position innerhalb Europas macht. Diese Nähe zum Meer hat die Geschichte und Kultur des Landes maßgeblich geprägt und stellt einen bedeutenden Faktor für den Tourismus sowie die maritime Wirtschaft dar. Italiens lange Küste bietet zahlreiche i>Häfen, die für den internationalen Handel von großer Bedeutung sind.
Weiterführendes Material: Europa Passage Parkhaus: Ihr Parkplatz
Osteuropa: von Russland bis PolenIn Osteuropa erstreckt sich das Gebiet von Russland bis Polen und umfasst eine Vielzahl an Ländern mit unterschiedlichen Kulturen und historischen Hintergründen. Die Region zeichnet sich durch Ihre geographische und politische Komplexität aus, besonders hinsichtlich der Beziehungen zwischen den Staaten. Besonders hervorzuheben ist, dass die Nähe zu Russland in vielen Fällen sowohl Chancen als auch Herausforderungen darstellt. Das b diverse Terrain /b der Region reicht vom flachen Land in Polen bis zu den gebirgigen Regionen entlang der Grenzen Russlands. Europa Karte politisch zeigt deutlich die strategischen Plätze und Schnittstellen innerhalb Osteuropas.
Britische Inseln: von Nordsee umgebenDie Britischen Inseln sind von der Nordsee umgeben und bestehen aus den Hauptinseln Großbritannien und Irland sowie mehreren kleineren Inselgruppen. Historisch gesehen hat diese geografische Lage erheblich zur maritimen Dominanz des Vereinigten Königreichs beigetragen.
– Großbritannien ist die größte Insel und umfasst England, Schottland und Wales.
– Irland ist die zweitgrößte Insel und besteht aus der Republik Irland sowie Nordirland, das zum Vereinigten Königreich gehört.
Die trennende Wirkung der Meere hat lange Zeit politische und kulturelle Entwicklungen beeinflusst.
Skandinavische Halbinsel: im hohen Norden EuropasDie skandinavische Halbinsel liegt im hohen Norden Europas und umfasst die Länder Norwegen und Schweden. Mit ihrer beeindruckenden Fläche und den vielfältigen Landschaften ist Sie ein bedeutender Teil des europäischen Kontinents. Die Region ist bekannt für Ihre wunderschönen Fjorde, dichten Wälder und klaren Seen.
FAQ: Antworten auf häufig gestellte Fragen Welche Länder zählen geografisch zu Osteuropa? Osteuropa umfasst Länder wie Russland, Polen, die Ukraine, Weißrussland, Moldawien, Lettland, Litauen und Estland. Diese Länder zeichnen sich durch unterschiedliche historische und kulturelle Hintergründe aus. Was ist das Uralgebirge und welche Bedeutung hat es für Europa? Das Uralgebirge ist ein Gebirgszug in Russland, der als geographische Grenze zwischen Europa und Asien dient. Es erstreckt sich von Norden nach Süden und ist somit ein bedeutendes geografisches Merkmal. Gibt es innerhalb Europas autonome Gebiete? Ja, innerhalb Europas gibt es mehrere autonome Gebiete. Beispiele hierfür sind die Åland-Inseln in Finnland, die Färöer-Inseln, die zu Dänemark gehören, sowie die autonome Region Südtirol in Italien. Wie wird die politische Karte Europas beeinflusst? Die politische Karte Europas wird durch historische Ereignisse und internationale Abkommen beeinflusst. Grenzveränderungen, politische Unionen und Mitgliedschaften in Organisationen wie der EU spielen eine wichtige Rolle. Was unterscheidet das Festlandeuropa von den Inselstaaten? Der Hauptunterschied zwischen Festlandeuropa und Inselstaaten liegt in ihrer geografischen Lage. Inselstaaten sind durch Meere vom Kontinent getrennt, was oft eine andere wirtschaftliche und kulturelle Entwicklung begünstigt. Beispiele für Inselstaaten in Europa sind das Vereinigte Königreich, Irland und Island. Welche Rolle spielt der Rhein in der europäischen Geographie? Der Rhein ist einer der bedeutendsten Flüsse Europas. Er fließt durch mehrere Länder, darunter die Schweiz, Deutschland und die Niederlande, und ist eine wichtige Wasserstraße für den Handel. Der Rhein hat zudem historische und kulturelle Bedeutung in diesen Regionen. Welche Meerenge trennt Europa von Afrika? Die Meerenge von Gibraltar trennt Europa von Afrika. Sie verbindet das Mittelmeer mit dem Atlantischen Ozean und ist eine der wichtigsten Wasserstraßen für den internationalen Schiffsverkehr. Welche kulturellen Unterschiede gibt es innerhalb Europas? Europa zeichnet sich durch eine große kulturelle Vielfalt aus. Diese Unterschiede zeigen sich in Sprache, Küche, Traditionen und sozialen Normen. Zum Beispiel unterscheiden sich die skandinavischen Länder kulturell stark von den südeuropäischen Ländern wie Italien und Spanien. Welche Länder gehören zur Skandinavischen Halbinsel? Zur Skandinavischen Halbinsel gehören die Länder Norwegen und Schweden. Diese Region ist bekannt für Ihre beeindruckenden Landschaften, darunter Fjorde, Wälder und Seen. Welche Bedeutung hat die Nordsee für die Britischen Inseln? Die Nordsee hat für die Britischen Inseln große Bedeutung, da Sie eine wichtige Rolle in der maritimen Wirtschaft und im Handel spielt. Historisch gesehen hat die Nordsee zur Entwicklung der Seefahrt und zur politischen Unabhängigkeit der Britischen Inseln beigetragen.Der Beitrag Europa Karte politisch: Grenzen und Staaten erschien zuerst auf Neurope.eu - News aus Europa.
The European Union’s ambition to become a knowledge-based economy has transformed the role of higher education institutions (HEIs). My new book, The Territorial Dimension of EU Knowledge Policies: Higher Education Institutions for Europe (Routledge, 2025), explores how universities are not only shaped by European integration but also actively shape it, particularly through their engagement with EU regional policy.
Why this book?
Since the Lisbon Strategy and Europe 2020, EU policies have aimed to boost competitiveness through knowledge. While higher education remains a national competence, the EU has expanded its influence via funding instruments and governance frameworks. Among these, European Territorial Cooperation (Interreg) which traditionally is a regional policy tool plays a surprising role in higher education. Interreg funds cross-border projects among higher education institutions, creating new cooperation spaces and governance dynamics.
This book argues that these financial instruments do more than support collaboration: they Europeanise higher education by embedding EU priorities such as innovation, mobility, cohesion into institutional strategies. At the same time, HEIs use these instruments to influence EU policy, creating feedback loops that blur boundaries between national and EU governance.
Theoretical lens: a circular model of Europeanisation
At the heart of this book lies a simple but powerful idea: Europeanisation is not linear but circular. Instead of seeing it as a one-way, top-down process, the book introduces a framework that captures the dynamic interplay between EU policies HEIs.
The model unfolds like a story in four acts. It begins with the conditions for use: why HEIs decide to engage with EU funding and what incentives or barriers shape that choice. Then comes the use of EU instruments, where HEIs tap into programmes like Interreg to build networks and cooperation structures. The third act explores the consequences of use, i.e. how these projects transform organisational capacities, strategic priorities, and even the rationale for collaboration. Finally, the circle closes with feedback to EU policy, as universities move from passive beneficiaries to active policy entrepreneurs, influencing agendas and instruments at the European level.
This framework builds on multi-level governance theory, integrating perspectives from regionalisation and internationalisation research. At its core, it positions HEIs at the intersection of three distinct governance arenas. The first is intergovernmental coordination, exemplified by processes such as Bologna, which harmonise standards across national systems. The second is community programmes, including Erasmus+, Horizon Europe, and Interreg, which foster collaboration and mobility within the European Union. The third arena is organisational cooperation, where cross-border university networks create new spaces for joint action and knowledge exchange.
By weaving together vertical and horizontal dynamics, this model reveals how universities operate not merely as recipients of EU knowledge policies but as active co-creators of Europe’s knowledge economy. In doing so, it highlights their dual role: navigating complex governance structures while shaping the very architecture of European integration through education and research.
Empirical focus: Two regions, two stories
To bring this framework to life, the book dives deep into two cross-border networks. First, the University of the Greater Region (UniGR) – a consortium of six research-intensive universities spanning Belgium, Germany, France, and Luxembourg. UniGR was born out of EU funding and embodies the ambition to create a “mini-Europe” in the heart of the continent. Second, the International Association of Lake Constance Universities (IBH) – a long-standing network of 30 institutions, including universities of applied sciences, stretching across Austria, Germany, Liechtenstein, and Switzerland. Unlike UniGR, IBH existed before EU funding entered the picture, making it a perfect case to explore how incentives reshape established cooperation.
Both networks tapped into Interreg, the EU’s regional policy instrument, across multiple programming periods. This allowed to trace not just short-term impacts but long-term transformations. The evidence comes from a rich mix of sources: programme documents, strategy papers, and 64 interviews with actors ranging from university leaders to EU policy-makers. These voices reveal how decisions are made, how priorities shift, and how cooperation evolves under the influence of Europeanisation.
Key insights: Not just adapting but shaping Europe’s knowledge policies
The book uncovers a powerful truth: Europeanisation is not a one-way street. Universities do not just adapt to EU policies, but they actively shape them. What begins as a funding opportunity evolves into a political strategy. Through Interreg, HEIs move from beneficiaries to policy entrepreneurs in three distinct ways:
These dynamics reveal Europeanisation as negotiated rather than imposed. Universities adapt to EU priorities, but they also push back, innovate, and co-create policy. They become actors in multi-level governance, blurring the line between implementation and agenda-setting.
Implications: Shaping Europe’s future through higher education
For higher education, the stakes are high. Project-based governance now drives research agendas, career paths, and institutional strategies. Can HEIs thrive in a system built on short-term projects? What happens to autonomy when funding dictates priorities? These questions resonate as the EU rolls out flagship initiatives like the European Universities Initiative, which aims to create deeply integrated transnational alliances, and the Union of Skills, designed to tackle skill shortages for the digital and green transitions. Universities are expected not only to teach and research but to help solve Europe’s most pressing societal challenges from climate change to technological transformation.
For EU governance, the implications are profound. Feedback loops shift power toward beneficiaries, challenging traditional top-down models. They create new governance spaces where HEIs and regional actors influence EU policy sometimes more than expected. This raises questions about inclusivity, coherence, and the long-term sustainability of Europe’s knowledge economy.
Understanding these dynamics is essential as Europe navigates competitiveness, integration, and the twin transitions. The book shows that policy is not just made in Brussels but that it is co-created in border regions, project offices, and university networks across Europe, shaping the future of European higher education and its role in society.
Who is this book for?
This book speaks to anyone curious about how Europe works behind the scenes and how policies travel across borders and how universities become active players in shaping them. If you are a researcher or student in European Studies, Public Policy, or Higher Education Governance, you’ll find a fresh theoretical lens and rich empirical evidence that challenge traditional top-down views of Europeanisation. If you are a policy maker or practitioner, the book offers practical insights into how EU funding instruments like Interreg influence cooperation and create feedback loops that shape future policy. For university leaders and administrators, this book explains how projectification affects institutional strategies, research agendas, and international positioning. And if you are simply interested in Europe’s knowledge economy, this book connects the dots between competitiveness, integration, and education in a way that is accessible and thought-provoking.
The book may be accessed here: The Territorial Dimension of EU Knowledge Policies: Higher Education Institutions for Europe
Dr. Alina Felder-Stindt is Assistant Professor at Pompeu Fabra University, Spain. She obtained her PhD from the University of Bamberg, Germany, and previously held a postdoctoral position at the School of Economics and Political Science at the University of St. Gallen, Switzerland. Her research interests include the making of (EU) public policy and the mechanisms and effects of Europeanisation. Her research has appeared as a monograph with Routledge and as articles in Governance, Journal of European Integration, JCMS Journal of Common Market Studies, Politics & Governance and Regulation & Governance.
The post Higher education institutions for Europe: A territorial perspective appeared first on Ideas on Europe.
Written by Clare Ferguson with Sara Raja.
Members gather on 15 December for the final plenary session of 2025. The agenda reflects ongoing geopolitical tensions, and addresses issues of defence, human rights, trade, energy and the environment. Parliament will also debate the preparation of the European Council meeting of 18‑19 December 2025.
The Sakharov Prize is the EU’s highest tribute to human rights work, recognising those that have made an outstanding contribution to protecting freedom of thought. On Tuesday, President Roberta Metsola is to award the prize to Andrzej Poczobut of Belarus and Mzia Amaglobeli of Georgia, journalists fighting for democracy in their home countries. Both journalists were jailed for defending freedom of expression and democracy.
Amid rising geopolitical pressures, the EU aims to redirect budget resources to defending the EU through the ReArm Europe plan/Readiness 2030 initiative. On Monday, Members are due to consider formal adoption of a provisional agreement amending five regulations on defence funding programmes. The amendments would expand the scope of the Digital Europe Programme (DEP), European Defence Fund (EDF), Connecting Europe Facility (CEF), Strategic Technologies for Europe Platform (STEP) and Horizon Europe. The amendments increase funding for dual-use defence technologies and infrastructure across these programmes, and aim at supporting defence research and development and strengthening European value chains. The agreement extends the EDF to Ukraine, allowing Ukrainian entities to participate in EU collaborative defence research and development.
Military mobility – the ability to quickly and efficiently move troops, weapons and equipment across the EU – is essential for European security and defence and for EU support to Ukraine. On Tuesday, Parliament is scheduled to consider a joint report from the Committee on Security and Defence (SEDE) and Committee on Transport and Tourism (TRAN) calling for a significantly increased budget for military mobility. The report recognises the urgent need to improve military mobility in the EU, including for fast deployment of troops and military equipment to the EU’s eastern flank.
The rule of law conditionality regulation allows the EU to suspend or reduce funds to Member States that violate the rule of law in a way that directly threatens the Union’s financial interests. Members are concerned that the mechanism has only been triggered once to date, against Hungary in December 2022. On Wednesday, Parliament is due to debate a report assessing the regulation’s implementation. The joint report from the Committees on Budget (BUDG) and Budgetary Control (CONT) calls for improvements to increase transparency through a public portal tracking breaches, a simpler complaint procedure, and a stronger role for parliamentary scrutiny.
Innovation is a top EU priority, and Members are expected to consider a provisional agreement on a compulsory patent licensing scheme on Tuesday. The scheme aims at facilitating rapid use of patents during crises while preserving innovation incentives through patent protection. Parliament’s negotiators have succeeded in excluding crises relating to semiconductors, gas supply security and defence-related products from the scope, as well as maintaining confidentiality of protected knowledge and lowering maximum fines and penalties.
On Monday, Parliament is scheduled to consider a provisional agreement on amendments to the common agricultural policy (CAP). The agreement aims to simplify CAP requirements for farmers, including good agricultural and environmental conditions of land (GAECs), by exempting farms partially certified as organic from certain GAECs and providing farmers with additional support for compliance with some GAECs. It would increase the maximum payment amount for small farmers and include new support for small farm business development. Under the agreement, Member States are advised to avoid conducting more than one on-the-spot check per year on the same farm.
Parliament is due to debate a motion for a resolution from the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM) on Tuesday, regarding how the EU intends to follow up on the European Citizens’ Initiative ‘My voice, my choice: for safe and accessible abortion’. The initiative proposes creating an EU-funded, voluntary opt-in system to support EU countries that offer safe and legal abortion services to people from EU countries where access is limited. The FEMM motion for a resolution urges Member States to align their laws with international human rights standards, and highlights the EU’s responsibility to promote sexual and reproductive health and rights more broadly.
Quick links to all our publications for this plenary session:Written by Gregor Erbach and Liselotte Jensen.
In the 10 years since the adoption of the Paris Agreement, the Parties to the agreement have achieved a lot of progress in response to climate change. A Loss and Damage Fund was established in 2022. Rules for international carbon trading have been established under Article 6 of the agreement. A new goal for climate finance was agreed in 2024. The COP30 climate conference in November 2025 adopted indicators for climate adaptation and agreed to triple adaptation finance.
The first global stocktake under the Paris Agreement in 2023 called for accelerating climate action, tripling renewable energy capacity, doubling the rate of energy efficiency improvements and transitioning away from fossil fuels. Building on the global stocktake, Parties submitted their third round of climate pledges in 2025, ahead of COP30. Full implementation of the pledges would lead to a global temperature increase of around 2.4°C, a large improvement compared to the 3.5°C increase projected before the Paris Agreement but still falling short of the agreement’s target to keep global warming well below 2°C and ideally 1.5°C. With global carbon emissions still rising, the 1.5°C target will only be achievable after a temporary overshoot. As every fraction of a degree of global warming will result in increasing damages, additional efforts will be needed to keep the overshoot as short and as close to 1.5°C as possible.
The current geopolitical situation hinders swift progress on collective climate action. The United States has decided to leave the Paris Agreement, a third of the Paris Agreement Parties failed to update their climate pledge, and a roadmap for phasing out fossil fuels was blocked at COP30. The EU, traditionally a leader in international climate policy, struggled to build strong coalitions to drive an ambitious outcome at COP30.
Read the complete briefing on ‘The Paris Agreement 10 years on‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.
But no single organisation can deliver Rejoin. Not the European Movement, not any party, not any individual campaigner.
If we want to rejoin a union of European countries, our first task is to become a union ourselves. That means setting aside egos, rivalries and silos.
It means building a shared purpose across politics, business, civil society and especially young people who simply want Britain to have a better future.
Leadership will emerge from unity, from cooperation, from a recognition that the goal matters more than the logo.
We should never forget why this matters. Brexit has delivered no benefits, only downsides. Millions still do not know that the EU is a democracy run by its member countries for the benefit of members.
Knowledge remains our strongest antidote to the myths that brought us Brexit.
My short video explains why unity is essential and it’s how Rejoin can win.
The post How Rejoin can win appeared first on Ideas on Europe.