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Si voyager sans visa est un privilège recherché par tout globe-trotter, la fluidité de ces déplacements dépend intrinsèquement de  « la puissance » du document de voyage […]

L’article Voyager plus facilement en 2026 ? Le passeport algérien s’offre un bond dans l’indice Henley est apparu en premier sur .

Comme chaque hiver, le Kosovo doit importer de l'énergie. Ses deux centrales thermiques vieillissantes ne peuvent pas couvrir ses besoins, et le petit pays a pris beaucoup de retard dans le domaine des énergies renouvelables. Avec l'éolien et le solaire, il a pourtant une carte à jouer.

- Articles / Radio Evropa e Lirë, Kosovo, Economie, Environnement, Énergie Balkans, Balkans pollution atmosphérique, Une - Diaporama

Comme chaque hiver, le Kosovo doit importer de l'énergie. Ses deux centrales thermiques vieillissantes ne peuvent pas couvrir ses besoins, et le petit pays a pris beaucoup de retard dans le domaine des énergies renouvelables. Avec l'éolien et le solaire, il a pourtant une carte à jouer.

- Articles / Radio Evropa e Lirë, Kosovo, Economie, Environnement, Énergie Balkans, Balkans pollution atmosphérique, Une - Diaporama - En premier, Une - Diaporama

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2026 - EP

One of the hallmarks of colonization was transplantation of the European nation-state to the colonies in line with colonialism’s consideration of sedentarism as indispensable to its ‘civilization’ by domination mission. The structuring of space and belonging around the Eurocentric notion of nationhood and statehood became the vehicle through which populations in the colonized parts of the world were reconfigured as insiders and outsiders as well as legal and illegal among other designations. This chapter addresses the Eurocentric configuration of space around the nation-state, its reproduction in the colony and post-colony and the implications for contemporary global mobility. Building on Michel Foucault’s (1986) heterotopic spaces and Freerk Boedeltje’s (2012) discussion of the structuring of space around the ‘normal’/‘deviant’ binary, the chapter argues that this dichotomous dissection of space inscribes varied texts on mobile bodies and creates hierarchies that bestow varied identities and differential mobility opportunities on people who inhabit different spaces. The Eurocentric structuring of space construes mobility as anomalous and straining the hyphen in nation-state through its disruption of the order created around sedentarism and spatial demarcation of belonging. The chapter highlights how the nation-state attaches belonging to space in ways that restrain mobility particularly by ‘othered’ bodies from ‘deviant’ spaces. It illustrates its main argument by discussing the tethering of belonging to space exemplified by physical and legal barriers buttressed by securitizing discourses that seek to deter presumably transgressive mobilities’ ‘encroachment’ into spaces where they are ostensibly anomalous.

One of the hallmarks of colonization was transplantation of the European nation-state to the colonies in line with colonialism’s consideration of sedentarism as indispensable to its ‘civilization’ by domination mission. The structuring of space and belonging around the Eurocentric notion of nationhood and statehood became the vehicle through which populations in the colonized parts of the world were reconfigured as insiders and outsiders as well as legal and illegal among other designations. This chapter addresses the Eurocentric configuration of space around the nation-state, its reproduction in the colony and post-colony and the implications for contemporary global mobility. Building on Michel Foucault’s (1986) heterotopic spaces and Freerk Boedeltje’s (2012) discussion of the structuring of space around the ‘normal’/‘deviant’ binary, the chapter argues that this dichotomous dissection of space inscribes varied texts on mobile bodies and creates hierarchies that bestow varied identities and differential mobility opportunities on people who inhabit different spaces. The Eurocentric structuring of space construes mobility as anomalous and straining the hyphen in nation-state through its disruption of the order created around sedentarism and spatial demarcation of belonging. The chapter highlights how the nation-state attaches belonging to space in ways that restrain mobility particularly by ‘othered’ bodies from ‘deviant’ spaces. It illustrates its main argument by discussing the tethering of belonging to space exemplified by physical and legal barriers buttressed by securitizing discourses that seek to deter presumably transgressive mobilities’ ‘encroachment’ into spaces where they are ostensibly anomalous.

One of the hallmarks of colonization was transplantation of the European nation-state to the colonies in line with colonialism’s consideration of sedentarism as indispensable to its ‘civilization’ by domination mission. The structuring of space and belonging around the Eurocentric notion of nationhood and statehood became the vehicle through which populations in the colonized parts of the world were reconfigured as insiders and outsiders as well as legal and illegal among other designations. This chapter addresses the Eurocentric configuration of space around the nation-state, its reproduction in the colony and post-colony and the implications for contemporary global mobility. Building on Michel Foucault’s (1986) heterotopic spaces and Freerk Boedeltje’s (2012) discussion of the structuring of space around the ‘normal’/‘deviant’ binary, the chapter argues that this dichotomous dissection of space inscribes varied texts on mobile bodies and creates hierarchies that bestow varied identities and differential mobility opportunities on people who inhabit different spaces. The Eurocentric structuring of space construes mobility as anomalous and straining the hyphen in nation-state through its disruption of the order created around sedentarism and spatial demarcation of belonging. The chapter highlights how the nation-state attaches belonging to space in ways that restrain mobility particularly by ‘othered’ bodies from ‘deviant’ spaces. It illustrates its main argument by discussing the tethering of belonging to space exemplified by physical and legal barriers buttressed by securitizing discourses that seek to deter presumably transgressive mobilities’ ‘encroachment’ into spaces where they are ostensibly anomalous.

Les dirigeants européens tenteront d’afficher une position commune ce jeudi 12 février lors d’un sommet organisé dans un château en Belgique consacré à la relance de l’économie du bloc. Toutefois, même la Commission européenne semble avoir renoncé à réduire les divergences persistantes entre Paris et Berlin.

The post La relance de l’industrie européenne oppose à nouveau la France et l’Allemagne appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Le président américain a déclaré qu'« aucune décision définitive » n'avait été prise lors de la réunion entre les deux dirigeants à la Maison Blanche mercredi, alors que les négociations sur le nucléaire s'intensifient.

Le président américain a déclaré qu'« aucune décision définitive » n'avait été prise lors de la réunion entre les deux dirigeants à la Maison Blanche mercredi, alors que les négociations sur le nucléaire s'intensifient.

Les « dossiers Epstein » sont une mine inépuisable. Ils ont remis en lumière un projet de recherche entre la Macédoine du Nord et l'université Columbia, dans les années 1990, impliquant l'envoi aux État-Unis d'échantillons de cerveaux humains.

- Articles / Courrier des Balkans, Macédoine du Nord, Santé, Culture et éducation

Les « dossiers Epstein » sont une mine inépuisable. Ils ont remis en lumière un projet de recherche entre la Macédoine du Nord et l'université Columbia, dans les années 1990, impliquant l'envoi aux État-Unis d'échantillons de cerveaux humains.

- Articles / Courrier des Balkans, Macédoine du Nord, Santé, Culture et éducation, Une - Diaporama

Dans l'édition de jeudi, également : Alden Biesen, Huawei, Bill White, Breton, Australie

The post La stratégie du château de Costa appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Mátrafüredet elhagyva és a 24-es úton tovább autózva, jó időben már messziről látszik az a haditechnikai gyűjtemény, amely egy volt kőbánya területén létesült kalandpark egyik látnivalója. A járművekből, tüzérségi eszközökből, és repülőgépekből álló kiállítás 2015-ben került jelenlegi helyére, és sorsuk az, ami a legtöbb szabadtéren kiállított eszközé: amelyik nem kap folyamatos állagmegóvást, azon a csapadék és a napsugárzás az évek múlásával könyörtelenül otthagyja a nyomát. Persze igazságtalan lenne azt állítani, hogy csupa lepusztult eszköz parkol az egykori kőbányában, mert akadnak szép állapotú darabok is, és verőfényes napsütésben bizonyára vigasztalóbb lenne a látvány, mint az olyan esős, ködös időben, amikor az alábbi képek készültek.

[...] Bővebben!

Thursday 12 February

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Thursday 12 February

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Thursday 12 February

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Thursday 12 February

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Written by Maria Niestadt.

CONTEXT

On 19 November 2025, the Commission published a proposal for a Digital Omnibus on AI: a set of amendments to the Artificial Intelligence Act (in force since 1 August 2024) and to Regulation (EU) 2018/1139 on common rules for civil aviation (in force since 11 September 2018). These amendments seek to address specific implementation issues and to reduce the regulatory burden arising from the AI Act; the timely application of the AI Act has faced some delays, particularly regarding the designation of national competent authorities and the publication of harmonised standards and compliance tools for high-risk AI requirements. The minor amendments to Regulation (EU) 2018/1139 aim to ensure the consistent application of the AI Act’s high-risk requirements in civil aviation.

The Digital Omnibus on AI is part of a broader digital package published on 19 November 2025, which includes two digital omnibus proposals (henceforth referred to as ‘the digital omnibus’: one amending personal and non-personal data and cybersecurity rules, and another – the Digital Omnibus on AI – amending AI rules), the European data union strategy and a proposed regulation on European business wallets. The digital package aims to simplify and enhance the effectiveness of the EU’s digital laws, and help EU businesses to innovate, scale, and save on administrative costs. While the digital package has been welcomed by most stakeholders, the digital omnibus has raised concerns about achieving simplification while ensuring fundamental rights. It also entails a risk that simplification could upset the fragile equilibrium achieved during the initial trilogue negotiations.

Legislative proposal

2025/0359(COD) – Proposal for a regulation amending Regulations (EU) 2024/1689 and (EU) 2018/1139 as regards the simplification of the implementation of harmonised rules on artificial intelligence (Digital Omnibus on AI) – COM(2025) 836 final, 19.11.2025.

NEXT STEPS IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT

For the latest developments regarding this legislative procedure, see the Legislative Train Schedule.

Read the complete briefing on ‘Digital Omnibus on AI‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

A photograph of the 1971 Licorne nuclear test, which was conducted in French Polynesia in the Pacific Ocean. Credit: CTBTO

By John Burroughs
SAN FRANCISCO, USA, Feb 12 2026 (IPS)

The most recent agreement limiting U.S. and Russian strategic nuclear arsenals, New START, expired on February 5, and prospects for any kind of follow-on agreement are very uncertain.

Progress over several decades in halting the growth of nuclear arsenals and then in reducing them is in acute danger of being undone. That is despite the fact that the objective of “cessation of the nuclear arms race” is embedded in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, a keystone multilateral global security agreement.

In a U.S. statement delivered February 6 in the Conference on Disarmament, Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security Thomas DiNanno said that a “new architecture” is needed, one that takes “into account all Russian nuclear weapons, both novel and existing strategic systems, and address[es] the breakout growth of Chinese nuclear weapons stockpiles.”

That is a challenging project. An informal arrangement between the United States and Russia for transparently abiding by New START limits for at least a short period of time seems within the realm of possibility.

But obstacles to successful negotiation of a new treaty or treaties involving the United States, Russia, and China are major.

The Chinese have shown no interest in discussing limits on their arsenal, which remains much smaller than the U.S. and Russian arsenals. Russia wants negotiations to address U.S. missile defense plans and non-nuclear strategic strike capabilities.

The United States wants Russian non-strategic nuclear weapons and novel systems like a long-range nuclear-armed torpedo, both not limited by New START, to be addressed. More broadly, the ascendance of authoritarian nationalism and acute geopolitical tensions are not conducive to progress.

Nonetheless, especially with the next five-year Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference coming up this spring, it must be emphasized that the United States, Russia, and China are bound by the NPT Article VI obligation to pursue in good faith negotiations on “cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date” and on nuclear disarmament.

When the negotiations on the NPT were completed in 1968, cessation of the nuclear arms race was understood to centrally involve a cap on strategic arsenals held by the U.S. and the Soviet Union, a ban on nuclear explosive testing, and a ban on producing fissile materials for nuclear weapons.

Ending nuclear arms racing was seen as setting the stage for negotiations on nuclear disarmament, meaning the elimination of nuclear arms.

After the NPT entered into force in 1970, the United States and Russia expeditiously moved to cut back on arms racing by negotiating bilateral treaties limiting delivery systems and missile defenses.

The size of the Soviet stockpile of nuclear warheads, however, continued to climb until the mid-1980s. Then a series of treaties, above all the 1991 START I agreement, dramatically reduced the two arsenals while still leaving in place civilization destroying numbers of warheads.

With the demise of New START, there is no treaty regulating the arsenals of the United States, Russia, China, and other nuclear-armed states. China is expanding its arsenal and the United States and Russia are poised to follow suit. The three countries also in differing ways are diversifying their arsenals and increasing the capabilities of delivery systems.

Increasing, diversifying, and modernizing nuclear arsenals as now underway or planned amounts to a repudiation of the NPT objective of cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and fails to meet the legal requirement of good faith in pursuing that objective.

The NPT Review Conference would be an appropriate setting for launching an initiative to reverse this dangerous and unlawful trend. It must also be stressed that arms control among the three powers does not and should not exclude multilateral negotiations for establishment of the “architecture” of a world free of nuclear weapons.

John Burroughs is Senior Analyst, Lawyers Committee on Nuclear Policy

IPS UN Bureau

 

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