Depuis l'effondrement mortel de l'auvent de la gare de Novi Sad, le 1er novembre 2024, la Serbie se soulève contre la corruption meurtrière du régime du président Vučić et pour le respect de l'État de droit. Cette exigence de justice menée par les étudiants a gagné tout le pays. Suivez les dernières informations en temps réel et en accès libre.
- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Vucic, Serbie, Politique, Société, GratuitDepuis l'effondrement mortel de l'auvent de la gare de Novi Sad, le 1er novembre 2024, la Serbie se soulève contre la corruption meurtrière du régime du président Vučić et pour le respect de l'État de droit. Cette exigence de justice menée par les étudiants a gagné tout le pays. Suivez les dernières informations en temps réel et en accès libre.
- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Vucic, Serbie, Politique, Société, Gratuit« Vous pouvez continuer à fumer de la marijuana et reconnaître 70 genres. C'est votre affaire », a rétorqué Robert Fico.
The post Le premier ministre slovaque fustige la menace néerlandaise concernant le financement de l’UE appeared first on Euractiv FR.
Le marché algérien revient au centre des préoccupations du patronat français. Après des mois de crispations diplomatiques entre la France et l’Algérie, les milieux d’affaires […]
L’article Le marché algérien échappe-t-il à la France ? Le Medef convoque son Conseil face à la crise est apparu en premier sur .
Five former UN Secretaries-Generals
United Nations Faces Crisis Amid Global Retreat on Rights and Democracy
By Widad Franco
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 13 2026 (IPS)
United Nations member countries will select a new UN secretary-general this year to succeed António Guterres in January 2027. The change in leadership comes at a time when human rights and democracy, as well as the international organizations created to uphold those principles and provide lifesaving assistance, are under unprecedented attack.
So far member countries have formally nominated only two candidates: former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet and International Atomic Energy Agency Director-General Rafael Grossi from Argentina.
The threats to the global human rights system demand a courageous leader at the UN who will put human rights at the heart of its agenda. Yet the selection process gives veto power over any candidate to the five permanent members of the UN Security Council: Britain, China, France, Russia, and the United States.
But human rights are clearly not a priority for China, Russia, or the United States.
Human Rights Watch and others have long documented attempts by China and Russia to defund and undermine the UN’s human rights pillar. More recently, the United States, which played a key role in creating the UN and its human rights architecture in 1945, has rejected and defunded dozens of UN programs promoting rights and humanitarian assistance.
The Trump administration has also withheld billions of dollars in UN dues, which has been a major factor in the organization’s crippling financial crisis. While Washington recently announced an initial payment toward its arrears, its actions have nonetheless seriously affected the UN’s ability to do its work.
US President Donald Trump has also been trying to sideline the UN by establishing a “Board of Peace,” modeled after the Security Council, with himself as chairman for life. Invited leaders include serial rights abusers from China, Belarus, Hungary, and Saudi Arabia, along with two men—Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Russian President Vladimir Putin—facing International Criminal Court warrants.
The UN needs a leader willing to stand up to major powers and abusive governments to defend victims of abuses and marginalized communities, and aggressively support accountability for serious crimes.
As member states nominate additional candidates, they should put forward a diverse pool, especially women and others with proven track records on human rights, and ensure a competitive and transparent process that places an exceptional individual committed to human rights atop the UN.
Widad Franco is UN Advocate, Human Rights Watch
IPS UN Bureau
Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
Les dirigeants convergent vers le plan moins protectionniste de Berlin visant à revitaliser les industries de l'UE.
The post La France cède du terrain dans la querelle avec l’Allemagne sur le « Made in Europe » appeared first on Euractiv FR.
Faire du serbe la langue officielle du Monténégro, légaliser l'usage du drapeau serbe et de la double citoyenneté. Le DNP a claqué la porte du gouvernement et relance les questions identitaires. Probablement sur ordre de Belgrade, afin de parasiter la marche européenne du petit pays.
- Articles / Une - Diaporama, Monténégro, Politique, Questions européennes, Relations régionales, Radio Slobodna Evropa, Après Milo, Monténégro UE, Une - Diaporama - En premierFaire du serbe la langue officielle du Monténégro, légaliser l'usage du drapeau serbe et de la double citoyenneté. Le DNP a claqué la porte du gouvernement et relance les questions identitaires. Probablement sur ordre de Belgrade, afin de parasiter la marche européenne du petit pays.
- Articles / Une - Diaporama, Monténégro, Politique, Questions européennes, Relations régionales, Radio Slobodna Evropa, Après Milo, Monténégro UE, Une - Diaporama - En premierProgress on SDG 6 — ensuring availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all — remains critically off-track. With none of its eight targets on course to be met by 2030, this commentary argues that the shortfall reflects not merely implementation failures, but a deeper conceptual problem: water governance frameworks rely on a homogeneous, techno-centric understanding of water that ignores its multiple social, cultural, political, and ecological dimensions. We introduce the concept of "waterS" (plural, capitalised) to foreground this multiplicity. Drawing on the Spanish aguas, the term captures the diverse forms, values, and meanings water holds across different communities and contexts — from a measurable substance (H₂O) to a spiritual entity, a living being, or the foundation of social and hydrosocial relations. This stands in contrast to SDG 6's universalist framing, rooted in Western modernist traditions, which reduces water governance to engineering, hygiene, and risk management. Through empirical examples — from peri-urban water use in India, desalination conflicts in Antofagasta, Chile, and infrastructure-led rural water projects in Telangana, India — we demonstrate how standardised technical approaches perpetuate inequities in access, marginalise Indigenous and local governance systems, and reproduce power imbalances in participation and decision-making. We further critique the commodification of water, the limits of market-based governance, and the inadequacy of current monitoring frameworks that rely on aggregate national data while overlooking lived local realities. Looking ahead to the post-2030 agenda and the 2026 UN Water Conference, we propose a paradigm shift toward power-sensitive, pluralistic governance frameworks. Key recommendations include community-led participatory planning, legal recognition of customary water rights, equity-based financial models, citizen-science data collection, and rights-based approaches that centre marginalized groups — especially women, youth, and Indigenous Peoples — in water decision-making.
Progress on SDG 6 — ensuring availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all — remains critically off-track. With none of its eight targets on course to be met by 2030, this commentary argues that the shortfall reflects not merely implementation failures, but a deeper conceptual problem: water governance frameworks rely on a homogeneous, techno-centric understanding of water that ignores its multiple social, cultural, political, and ecological dimensions. We introduce the concept of "waterS" (plural, capitalised) to foreground this multiplicity. Drawing on the Spanish aguas, the term captures the diverse forms, values, and meanings water holds across different communities and contexts — from a measurable substance (H₂O) to a spiritual entity, a living being, or the foundation of social and hydrosocial relations. This stands in contrast to SDG 6's universalist framing, rooted in Western modernist traditions, which reduces water governance to engineering, hygiene, and risk management. Through empirical examples — from peri-urban water use in India, desalination conflicts in Antofagasta, Chile, and infrastructure-led rural water projects in Telangana, India — we demonstrate how standardised technical approaches perpetuate inequities in access, marginalise Indigenous and local governance systems, and reproduce power imbalances in participation and decision-making. We further critique the commodification of water, the limits of market-based governance, and the inadequacy of current monitoring frameworks that rely on aggregate national data while overlooking lived local realities. Looking ahead to the post-2030 agenda and the 2026 UN Water Conference, we propose a paradigm shift toward power-sensitive, pluralistic governance frameworks. Key recommendations include community-led participatory planning, legal recognition of customary water rights, equity-based financial models, citizen-science data collection, and rights-based approaches that centre marginalized groups — especially women, youth, and Indigenous Peoples — in water decision-making.
Progress on SDG 6 — ensuring availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all — remains critically off-track. With none of its eight targets on course to be met by 2030, this commentary argues that the shortfall reflects not merely implementation failures, but a deeper conceptual problem: water governance frameworks rely on a homogeneous, techno-centric understanding of water that ignores its multiple social, cultural, political, and ecological dimensions. We introduce the concept of "waterS" (plural, capitalised) to foreground this multiplicity. Drawing on the Spanish aguas, the term captures the diverse forms, values, and meanings water holds across different communities and contexts — from a measurable substance (H₂O) to a spiritual entity, a living being, or the foundation of social and hydrosocial relations. This stands in contrast to SDG 6's universalist framing, rooted in Western modernist traditions, which reduces water governance to engineering, hygiene, and risk management. Through empirical examples — from peri-urban water use in India, desalination conflicts in Antofagasta, Chile, and infrastructure-led rural water projects in Telangana, India — we demonstrate how standardised technical approaches perpetuate inequities in access, marginalise Indigenous and local governance systems, and reproduce power imbalances in participation and decision-making. We further critique the commodification of water, the limits of market-based governance, and the inadequacy of current monitoring frameworks that rely on aggregate national data while overlooking lived local realities. Looking ahead to the post-2030 agenda and the 2026 UN Water Conference, we propose a paradigm shift toward power-sensitive, pluralistic governance frameworks. Key recommendations include community-led participatory planning, legal recognition of customary water rights, equity-based financial models, citizen-science data collection, and rights-based approaches that centre marginalized groups — especially women, youth, and Indigenous Peoples — in water decision-making.
La France baisse le pont-levis : Il n’y avait pas grand-chose de « Made in Europe » lors du sommet des dirigeants de jeudi sur la « compétitivité ». La réunion n’a même pas donné lieu à la rédaction d’un document, ce qui était d’ailleurs prévu. Mais ce qui en est ressorti, comme l’ont rapporté […]
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Réunis à Ankara, le Premier ministre grec Kyriakos Mitsotakis et le président turc Recep Tayyip Erdoğan ont réaffirmé leur volonté de dialogue et de coopération, tout en maintenant leurs « lignes rouges » sur les différends en mer Égée.
- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Une - Diaporama, Grèce, Turquie, Relations régionales, Relations gréco-turquesLe prédiabète ne constitue pas une maladie à part entière, mais représente un état charnière critique. Il se définit par une élévation anormale du taux […]
L’article Pourquoi le prédiabète n’est pas une fatalité, mais un sursis est apparu en premier sur .