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The false promise of total victory.

An RAF Typhoon was pictured at BAE Systems Warton carrying two seven round LAU-131 rocket pods, which can be used to fire APKWS guided munitions against surface and, importantly, air targets. 

The images, taken by Tech Digital Photography, mark the first time that we’ve seen a Typhoon outfitted with a rocket pod in the flesh. While rocket pods were integrated with many aircraft that the Typhoon has ended up replacing, until relatively recently these were largely for unguided rockets in an air to surface role and deploying such a non-precision weapon from a fast jet no longer aligned with the operating practices of many air forces.

Now, though, the introduction of the BAE Systems Advanced Precision Kill Weapon System II (APKWS II) guidance kit for Hydra 70 rockets over the past decade has granted such munitions a new lease of life. Initially envisaged as a way to precisely strike softer targets, preserving larger munitions for more valuable, hardened targets, the APKWS kit has now been well proven in an anti-air capacity against the emerging threat of small, inexpensive uncrewed aerial systems (UAS). 

A U.S. Air Force F-16 Fighting Falcon aircraft assigned to the 20th Fighter Wing, sits at the hot cargo pad after being loaded with rockets at Shaw Air Force Base, S.C., Jun. 11, 2025. (Image credit: USAF/ Airman 1st Class Nyanda Walker-Potts)

Recently integrated on mainline U.S. Air Force fighters like the F-16 Fighting Falcon and F-15E Strike Eagle, APKWS rocket pods are now very commonly seen carried by these aircraft into combat – including during the ongoing U.S. war with Iran. As well as being less expensive than dedicated air to air munitions like the AIM-9X Sidewinder, these rockets can also be carried in far greater quantities. This allows each aircraft to engage many more targets before needing to return to an airfield to be reloaded, an important factor when being faced with dozens or even hundreds of incoming drones. 

BAE Systems has developed a dual mode laser/infrared seeker for APKWS for precisely this counter-UAS (C-UAS) purpose, which will eliminate the current need for continual lasing of the intended target. 

With the UK Defence Investment Plan (#DIP) due Monday (or so I have been led to believe), we’re all expecting to be put out of our collective misery re #NMH. Another announcement I’ve been told to maybe expect is related to #APKWS rockets on the #Eurofighter Typhoon for low-cost… pic.twitter.com/RmAdpTWCQk

— Gareth Jennings (@GarethJennings3) December 12, 2025

The acquisition of APKWS II by the Royal Air Force for deployment from its Typhoon force has been strongly rumored in recent months, with anticipations that such a decision is due to be announced in the still heavily delayed Defence Investment Plan (DIP). The timely appearance of rocket pods on this Typhoon – marked with the insignia of the RAF’s 41 Test & Evaluation (TES) Squadron but thought to be in use directly by BAE Systems – should not be taken as a definitive confirmation of this plan, though, as BAE Systems already announced that integrating APKWS II was under consideration.

Any comment on the subject from the Royal Air Force itself has been tight-lipped. 

Both UK and Germany tell me there are no current plans to equip @eurofighter #Typhoon with rockets for the counter-#drone mission, but not to say it won’t happen. Waiting to hear from Italy and Spain. 1/3 https://t.co/OSOKTcLKBT pic.twitter.com/EnXWFOYItJ

— Gareth Jennings (@GarethJennings3) June 25, 2025

These trials, then, may be BAE Systems getting out ahead of time with their anticipation of potential future orders by the RAF as well as overseas Typhoon operators. When any procurement decisions are then made, the weapon will be available for use far more quickly. 

 

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Tech Digital Photography’s images do in fact appear to show that live firing trials of some form have begun, with the Typhoon pictured on the ground with a single round carried in the starboard pod. When the jet is pictured on approach to the airfield, the same pod is empty. 

 

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Timely Appearance

The debut of rocket pods for the Typhoon comes at a particularly coincidental time, given recent events in the Middle East. Of course, aircraft already integrated with APKWS II have been carrying these into combat amid the threat of Iranian drones, but RAF Typhoons flying from Qatar and RAF Akrotiri have instead had to rely solely on AIM-132 Advanced Short Range Air to Air Missiles (ASRAAMs) as their short-range infrared guided air to air missile. 

USAF F-15E in full counter drone loadout for Epic Fury. 4 X AIM-120, 4X AIM-9, 28 FALCO APKWS laser-guided rockets + the 20mm. Jet is clean aside from that, so likely has nearby tanker support and can get to where it needs to go fast.

Image via CENTCOM screencap pic.twitter.com/kTvlQCNYBr

— Tyler Rogoway (@Aviation_Intel) March 4, 2026

Typhoons can carry only four ASRAAMs per sortie – the four partially recessed fuselage hardpoints being dedicated for larger radar-guided missiles like the AIM-120 AMRAAM or MBDA’s Meteor. With just two of the rocket pods, each Typhoon could carry 14 APKWS rockets into battle alongside two ASRAAM. 

The massive cost of using ASRAAM in a C-UAS role has already been a point of criticism in the British press. While the cost calculations are not wrong – and the highly capable ASRAAM is indeed a massive overmatch for these low tier targets – this line of thinking does fail to consider the cost of not intercepting an incoming drone of missile, which could be far higher than the expense of an ASRAAM. 

RAF Typhoon taxiing at RAF Akrotiri in recent days, loaded with four ASRAAM, plus Meteor missiles and a LITENING targeting pod. (Image credit: Crown Copyright)

UK F-35Bs, which recently scored their first ever destruction of a hostile target when a Fleet Air Arm pilot destroyed an Iranian drone with an ASRAAM, would still have to use these higher tier missiles as rocket pods have not been integrated on this type. Theoretically, at the expense of full stealth characteristics (even more so than the already external carry only ASRAAM), there is no apparent reason why this integation could not take place, but it would have to be scheduled through the U.S. managed Integrated Test Force (ITF).

If the U.S. decides to follow this path, we may see this option emerge relatively quickly, but the UK is already plagued by delays to the integration of its weapons to the F-35B to such a point that the fleet’s only available air to ground weapon is the Paveway IV guided bomb. 

On the Typhoon, as well as offering a new C-UAS option, integration of APKWS II adds another munition to its quiver for strike missions alongside the Paveway IV, Brimstone, and Storm Shadow cruise missile. Like with the earlier comparison to the AGM-114 Hellfire, softer targets like light-skinned vehicles, unprotected enemy emplacements, or even small boats can be targeted with APKWS without expending a valuable Brimestone or high-collateral Paveway IV. Many strikes of this nature have been carried out during Operation Shader in Iraq and Syria.

Many thanks to Tech Digital Photography for allowing the use of their images in this article. You can find them on Facebook and Instagram. 

 

Die Lateinamerika-Expertin spricht im Podcast außerdem über radikale Rechte wie Argentiniens Präsident Milei und darüber, warum der globale Süden eine gerechtere internationale Ordnung braucht.

Discussions between the French and Lebanese armies over arms deliveries to Beirut are currently underway, according to Intelligence Online sources. [...]

Plenary session and committee meetings, Strasbourg

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Cooking food to distribute free to children. The meals are made with food that is close to its expiry date. Workshop with Karuizawa Food Bank. Credit: Ippei Takemura

By Ippei Takemura
MIYAGI PREFECTURE, Japan, Mar 6 2026 (IPS)

I recently came across a statistic that stopped me in my tracks.

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), Japan has the highest suicide rate among the G7 countries. Even more alarming, suicide is the leading cause of death among people in their teens and twenties. Among elementary, junior high, and high school students, the most common factors linked to suicide are “school-related issues,” including academic pressure and difficulties with peer relationships.

At the same time, the number of children who do not attend school is rising every year. In 2023, Japan’s Ministry of Education reported that more than 340,000 elementary and junior high school students were chronically absent—a record high. These two realities are not separate problems. They are deeply connected.

Truancy is often misunderstood as a lack of motivation or discipline. In reality, it is rooted in complex emotional and psychological struggles that cannot be reduced to a single cause. Rather than treating truancy itself as the problem, society must ask a deeper question: Are we creating environments where young people feel safe, accepted, and understood?

I know this struggle firsthand. I began missing school just three days after entering junior high. My family had lived overseas for many years due to my parents’ work, and returning to Japan left me emotionally exhausted. I found comfort in playing online games with close friends I had made abroad, but while I was holding on to those connections, I missed the chance to build new ones at my new school. Before I realized it, I was caught in a cycle of frequent absences that lasted nearly three years.

What helped me break that cycle was not a dramatic intervention but a small and unexpected turning point. I joined a monthly, off-campus workshop focused on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). To my surprise, students from my school were also participating. Because we shared a genuine interest in global issues, conversation came naturally as we worked together on projects. Eventually, we began spending time together outside the workshop. For the first time in a long while, I started looking forward to going to school again.

That experience taught me a powerful lesson: shared interests and common ground are the foundation of human connection.

Learn about the Internet of Things (IoT) using a toy. ‘Let’s upcycle’ workshop with the One Smile Foundation. Credit: Ippei Takemura

 

What’s the importance of gender in Japan? Workshop with Plan International, Japan. Credit: Ippei Takemura

 

Provide children with free meals made from food that is close to its expiry date. Workshop with Karuizawa Food Bank. Credit: Ippei Takemura

A place where someone feels safe and comfortable is different for everyone. Sociologist Ray Oldenburg describes this idea through the concept of a “Third Place”—a space that exists beyond home (the first place) and school or work (the second place). Third places allow people to relax, connect, and simply be themselves. Finding such a place was the catalyst that inspired me to want to create similar spaces for others.

Social connection is not optional for human beings. It is essential for mental and physical health, helping to reduce stress, strengthen cognitive function, and foster a sense of belonging. However, people connect at different speeds. Some are naturally outgoing, while others need time and distance before they feel ready to engage. A truly inclusive third place respects these differences.

Based on my experiences, I believe there are three key elements that make a third place successful. First, it must include both spaces for solitude and spaces for interaction, with a clear separation between the two. Some people need time to observe and feel comfortable before speaking. A quiet area allows them to exist without pressure and to join others when they are ready.

Second, there should be shared activities. When people gather around common interests—whether environmental issues, crafts, or sports—conversation becomes easier, and relationships develop more naturally.

Finally, many people struggle to take the first step socially. Having facilitators or mentors who can gently initiate activities or conversations can make a huge difference.

One place that embodies these principles is the Moriumius Summer Camp in Miyagi Prefecture, which I have attended since elementary school. In high school, I joined for the first time as a staff intern. The organizers intentionally build community by using shared work as a catalyst for connection.

Campers collaborate on everyday tasks such as cooking (photo ①), preparing fish, starting fires (photo ②), and cleaning. These shared responsibilities create trust and a sense of equality. Beyond that, participants can deepen relationships through activities aligned with their interests, including crafts (photo ③), marine sports, gardening, and farming. During one workshop, I befriended an elementary school student who was making a bamboo fishing rod and shaping slate into a knife. We connected naturally through our shared love of creating things. Because everyone at the camp already enjoys outdoor life, friendships form more easily—and shared hobbies strengthen them even further.

Campers help with cooking. Credit: Ippei Takemura

 

Campers can collaborate on starting fires and cleaning. Credit: Ippei Takemura

 

Participants can deepen relationships through activities aligned with their interests, including crafts. Credit: Ippei Takemura

A place can be more than just an escape. It can be the first step toward healing, renewed confidence, and hope. When young people find a space where they feel safe enough to be themselves, they often rediscover the courage to reconnect—with others, with learning, and with their own sense of possibility.

This is why I want to continue supporting the creation of spaces that can become “someone’s own place”—places where young people feel seen, valued, and free to grow at their own pace. Sometimes, finding the right space is all it takes for someone to realize that they belong.

Yet this need for belonging is not unique to one school or one country. Around the world, young people are facing increasing isolation, academic pressure, and mental health challenges. Rising youth suicide rates and growing school disengagement reflect a global crisis. When young people are left without spaces where they feel safe, heard, and supported, the consequences extend far beyond classrooms and households—they shape the future of entire societies.

Creating and protecting “third places,” therefore, is not merely a personal or local effort; it is a global responsibility. Governments, schools, communities, and international organizations must work together to invest in inclusive environments where young people can connect through shared interests, express themselves without fear, and rebuild a sense of belonging. Doing so directly supports the Sustainable Development Goals, particularly SDG 3 (Good Health and Well-Being) and SDG 4 (Quality Education), by addressing mental health, social inclusion, and equitable access to supportive learning spaces.

Every young person deserves a place where they feel safe enough to take their first step forward. By listening to youth voices and turning commitment into action, we can move from awareness to impact—and from isolation to hope. The future depends not only on how we educate young people but also on whether we give them places where they truly belong.

Edited by Dr Hanna Yoon

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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« Le bloc n'a pas de réponse mature en matière de défense », a déclaré Christophe Gomart à Euractiv.

The post Christophe Gomart, vice-président de la commission de la sécurité et de la défense au Parlement européen, appelle à la nomination d’un nouveau chef d’état-major de l’UE appeared first on Euractiv FR.

The Third Wave of Democratization's international dimension connects domestic democratization processes with the global spread of democracy after 1989. How has democracy promotion, a specific international source, contributed to the Wave of Democratization? And is scholarship well equipped to study the fundamental shifts in democracy promotion caused by the Third Wave of Autocratization? This article answers these questions from two perspectives. First, it assesses the relevance, patterns and effects of international democracy promotion between 1995 and 2024. Second, it takes a meta-perspective and identifies the main characteristics and blind spots of the study of international democracy promotion. Based on these insights, the article makes a conceptual contribution by distinguishing between democracy support and democracy protection. Furthermore, it defines the international scope conditions necessary for effectively promoting democracy during periods of autocratization. Finally, it proposes a new agenda for the study of international democracy promotion after the Third Wave of Democratization.

The Third Wave of Democratization's international dimension connects domestic democratization processes with the global spread of democracy after 1989. How has democracy promotion, a specific international source, contributed to the Wave of Democratization? And is scholarship well equipped to study the fundamental shifts in democracy promotion caused by the Third Wave of Autocratization? This article answers these questions from two perspectives. First, it assesses the relevance, patterns and effects of international democracy promotion between 1995 and 2024. Second, it takes a meta-perspective and identifies the main characteristics and blind spots of the study of international democracy promotion. Based on these insights, the article makes a conceptual contribution by distinguishing between democracy support and democracy protection. Furthermore, it defines the international scope conditions necessary for effectively promoting democracy during periods of autocratization. Finally, it proposes a new agenda for the study of international democracy promotion after the Third Wave of Democratization.

The Third Wave of Democratization's international dimension connects domestic democratization processes with the global spread of democracy after 1989. How has democracy promotion, a specific international source, contributed to the Wave of Democratization? And is scholarship well equipped to study the fundamental shifts in democracy promotion caused by the Third Wave of Autocratization? This article answers these questions from two perspectives. First, it assesses the relevance, patterns and effects of international democracy promotion between 1995 and 2024. Second, it takes a meta-perspective and identifies the main characteristics and blind spots of the study of international democracy promotion. Based on these insights, the article makes a conceptual contribution by distinguishing between democracy support and democracy protection. Furthermore, it defines the international scope conditions necessary for effectively promoting democracy during periods of autocratization. Finally, it proposes a new agenda for the study of international democracy promotion after the Third Wave of Democratization.

Als in Belém die 30. Vertragsstaatenkonferenz der Klimarahmenkonvention der Vereinten Nationen (COP30) zusammenkam, stand der umliegende Regenwald im Mittel­punkt des Interesses. Die Tagung wurde daher auch als »Wald-COP« bezeichnet. Als eines ihrer Schlüsselprojekte initiierte die brasilianische Regierung als Gastgeberin die Tropical Forest Forever Facility (TFFF). Es handelt sich dabei um einen Fonds für den Schutz und die Wiederherstellung bestehender Regenwälder, der auf inno­vative Weise multilaterale Zusammenarbeit durch Mischfinanzierung ermöglichen soll. Nach wie vor besteht eine Lücke zwischen der aktuellen Waldfinanzierung und dem, was erforderlich ist, um die Ziele der Rio-Konventionen von 1992 zu erreichen. Deutschland und weitere europäische Staaten haben Investitionen in den Fonds zuge­sagt und könnten dessen Umsetzung mitgestalten. Für die Waldrestaurierung bedarf es allerdings ergänzender Finanzierungsmechanismen, die ausgebaut werden sollten. Dennoch liegt nicht aller Erfolg darin, Gelder verfügbar zu machen. Mechanismen zur Waldfinanzierung müssen das Anliegen, die Kohlenstoffbindung und ‑speiche­rung in Wäldern zu erhöhen, mit Biodiversitäts- und Nachhaltigkeits­zielen in Ein­klang bringen und gleichzeitig die Rechte der lokalen Bevölkerung wahren.

Les frappes menées par les États-Unis et Israël contre l’Iran ont profondément bouleversé l’équilibre géopolitique au Moyen-Orient et au-delà. Si l’opération apparaît, sur le plan militaire, comme un succès incontestable, la véritable question concerne désormais ses conséquences politiques et stratégiques.

Quel premier bilan géopolitique de la guerre déclenchée le 28 février 2026 peut-on dresser ? Quelles dynamiques cette intervention a-t-elle déclenchées et quelles pourraient être ses répercussions à plus long terme ? De multiples dynamiques sont simultanément à l’œuvre : Washington et Tel-Aviv, qui mènent la guerre de concert, pourraient en réalité avoir des objectifs divergents à moyen et long terme. Les pays du Golfe, ciblés par l’Iran, sont hostiles à une instabilité prolongé, quel rôle pourront-ils jouer ? Les Européens de leur côté font à nouveaux preuve de division à propos du conflit. Qu’en est-il pour les autres acteurs majeurs de la scène internationale, en particulier la Russie et la Chine, partenaires de l’Iran ?

Retrouvez mon premier bilan de la situation géopolitique en Iran dans cette vidéo.

L’article Frappes sur l’Iran : un premier bilan géopolitique est apparu en premier sur IRIS.

Heute spricht 'fossilfrei' Host Wolf-Peter Schill mit Brigitte Knopf, Gründerin von Zukunft KlimaSozial, über die kürzlich vorgelegten Eckpunkte zum Gebäudemodernisierungsgesetz (formerly known as Gebäudeenergiegesetz) und die vermeintliche neue Freiheit im Heizkeller. Müssen Eigenheimbesitzer*innen ...

« Ce projet permettra d'acquérir des connaissances nouvelles et plus approfondies sur notre géologie et n'est possible que grâce à la contribution française », a déclaré le gouvernement groenlandais.

The post Paris signe un accord pour exploiter les richesses minérales du Groenland appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Rapporteur Axel Voss will brief journalists on Tuesday 10 March at 15.00 on Parliament’s proposals to protect EU creative production in the age of artificial intelligence.
Committee on Legal Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Faute de quorum et de majorité pour élire un nouveau chef de l'État avant l'échéance constitutionnelle, la présidente du Kosovo Vjosa Osmani a signé un décret dissolvant l'Assemblée. Le pays se dirige désormais vers de nouvelles élections législatives anticipées.

- Le fil de l'Info / Kosovo Vetëvendosje, Courrier des Balkans, Kosovo, Politique

The U.S.-Israel war on Iran is testing South Asia’s energy security, remittance economies, and sectarian equilibrium — all at once.

Cette nouvelle pourrait expliquer la réticence de Kiev à autoriser les inspections de l'oléoduc Druzhba.

The post L’Ukraine peut survivre financièrement jusqu’après les élections en Hongrie, estime Bruxelles appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP