Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik / Latest News

Chinese engagement with the UN development pillar reflects a notion of multilateralism that differs from established (Western) concepts. These concepts frame UN entities as actors in their own right, nurtured by core resources and drawing legitimacy from their neutrality. China seems to see the UN more as a platform for facilitating bilateral exchanges, thriving on individual member state contributions. The Chinese approach could help adjust the UN to changing political realities, but brings risks for its commitment to individual and human rightsChina’s approach receives low scores on conventional global governance indices. But it might well offer a mechanism for adjusting the UN to changing political realities. Beyond Chinese power and expertise, a stronger – and more explicit – focus on bilateral stakes might strengthen the UN’s relevance among an increasingly divided membership. It might also open avenues for drawing on development solutions from across the board, and overcoming outdated North-South assistance models. However, China’s approach also comes with a major risk. A UN built more directly around states’ discrete and immediate priorities will find it difficult to maintain its commitment to individual and human rights and a long-term focus on global public goods. In line with the UN Charter, it is in the interest of all member states to ensure that the global organisation provides a stable normative foundation for multilateral cooperation.

Creating intergovernmental environmental clubs is a prominent policy proposal for addressing global environmental problems. According to their proponents, environmental clubs provide an incentive to join them and accept their environmental obligations by generating exclusive “club goods” for their members. Yet, the existing literature considers environmental clubs as a theoretical idea that still has to be put into practice. This article asks whether, in fact, the numerous international environmental agreements (IEAs) containing trade-related provisions provide club goods to their parties. It does so by investigating the effects of these provisions on trade flows among parties compared to flows with non-parties. We introduce an original dataset on 48 types of trade provisions in 2,097 IEAs that we make available with the publication of this article. Based on this new data and a panel of worldwide bilateral trade flows, we find evidence that existing IEAs and their trade-liberalizing content are associated with increased trade among their parties relative to trade with non-parties. We conclude from this finding that systems of IEAs provide club goods to their parties. Uncovering the existence of environmental clubs has significant methodological and policy implications. It is an important first step for future research on the actual effectiveness of clubs in attracting participation and raising environmental standards.

Deutschlands feministische Entwicklungspolitik gibt einen neuen Impuls für gerechtere und inklusivere Gesellschaften weltweit. Wenn die Akteure internationaler  sammenarbeit Rechte, Ressourcen und Repräsentation aus der Perspektive eines gesellschaftsvertrags betrachten, können sie Projekte für mehr geschlechtergerechtigkeit so gestalten, dass sie ihr volles transformati-
ves Potenzial ausschöpfen.

Germany’s focus on a feminist development policy provides a new impulse for fairer and more inclusive societies. If the development community looks at rights, resources and representation from a social contract angle, it can design projects for more gender equity in a way that leverages its full transformative potential.

Energy production from fossil fuels is gradually phased out as many countries aim to transition to a low-carbon society. As society and technology are intertwined, phasing out fossil fuels impacts people and communities. Especially those who heavily rely on the fossil fuel industry will be worse off. Therefore, calls are being made for ajust transitionthat ensures the rehabilitation of workers, regions, and communities negatively affected by fossil fuel industry closures. We argue that spatial justice can help inform just transition’s theoretical and practical aspects. Therefore, a spatial justice approach should be a prerequisite for a just transition. The concept of spatial justice is intertwined with the social justice principles of procedural, distributive, and restorative justice, which are central to the current conceptual understanding of just transition. We use the case of the closure of peat-based electricity production in rural Ireland to demonstrate how a spatial justice approach can underpin a just transition and how it can help with practicalities like identifying and addressing the issues and concerns in local communities. To ensure a just transition, a spatial justice approach is needed to identify and address the deeper problems affecting the resiliency of rural and mono-industrial regions dependent on fossil fuels.

We examine and offer causal evidence on the link between trade exposure and social cohesion using rich micro tax data and a natural experiment of exchange rate liberalization in Uganda. Our results show that exposure to exogenous exchange rate shocks has significant albeit economically small effects on social cohesion: it reduces trust, enhances participation, and has ambiguous effects on identity. These effects operate largely through the expenditure channel (or household exposure) and to a lesser extent through the earnings channel (captured by worker and firm exposure).

Does conflict change who desires to emigrate? Surprisingly, we still lack globally comparable empirical evidence on whether the types of individuals who want to leave their country differ between peaceful and conflict-affected locations. In this paper, we address this gap. We analyze unique survey data with global coverage to assess whether individual-level determinants of international permanent emigration aspirations differ during intrastate armed conflict compared to peaceful times and regions. We argue that armed conflict acts as an equalizer that attenuates the effect which individual economic and demographic variables have on international permanent emigration aspirations in peaceful contexts. As a result, aspirations to relocate permanently to another country increase among those demographic groups which are less inclined to move in peaceful situations. Our results indicate that variables related to a longer-term economic cost-benefit analysis, such as income or age, significantly lose importance for international permanent emigration aspirations in conflict situations. This demographic-specific effect explains an overall increase in emigration aspirations during conflicts. On average, we find no evidence that conflict increases the aspirations of all respondents to permanently move to another country. In contrast to income and age, the effects of demographic variables such as gender, household composition, or marital status are not significantly different across contexts.

Increased policy coherence and integrated implementation are necessary to address pressing development problems that cut across different sectors. Meeting these demands, as called for by the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, requires institutional innovation. Based on the comparative analysis of 137 countries, this paper investigates how governments have responded to this call and which contextual factors shape their institutional responses. We propose a four-dimensional typology to analyse the institutional set-ups for implementing the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), focusing on political leadership, horizontal integration across policy sectors, vertical integration across levels of government, and integration of societal stakeholders. We apply this framework to the descriptions of national SDG-implementation bodies provided by governments in their Voluntary National Review (VNRs) and use qualitative directed content analysis and regression modelling to investigate different driving factors of institutional design choices, including socio-economic development and political regime. Besides a strong commitment from the Centre of Government in most cases, our results show that ministries of the exterior and the environment have a dominant role, indicating that sustainability is not yet perceived holistically. Further, we find that the integration of subnational governments and societal actors is often under-institutionalised: while countries with higher levels of socio-economic development appear more likely to set up mechanisms suited to achieving cross-sectoral integration, political regime type seems to have little impact on institutional design choices for SDG implementation. Conceptually, this study offers a theory-led investigation of the institutional mechanisms for integrated SDG-implementation and the factors that drive institutional innovation or inertia. Empirically, by compiling the information in an original dataset, our study paves the way for future cross-national analysis on effective integrated SDG implementation and identifies entry points for inter- and transnational support of integrated SDG implementation in the context of development cooperation.

Am 26. April 2023 veröffentlichte das Entwicklungsministerium (BMZ) eine Pressemitteilung mit der Nachricht, dass das Bundeskabinett die Unterzeichnung eines internationalen Abkommens zwischen der EU, ihren 27 Mitgliedstaaten und den 79 Mitgliedern der Organisation der afrikanischen, karibischen und pazifischen Staaten (OACPS) beschlossen hat. Zum Zeitpunkt der Abfassung dieses Artikels – Ende Mai und einen ganzen Monat nach dem Beschluss des Bundeskabinetts – haben sich die EU-Mitgliedstaaten allerdings noch nicht auf eine Unterzeichnung des Abkommens geeinigt.

The Coronavirus pandemic has created new vulnerabilities and deepened existing ones. In Ghana, the overall headcount poverty decline has disguised a large group of vulnerable households now threatened with falling back into poverty given the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. This article draws on new household panel data to analyse transient poverty, the drivers of vulnerability before and since the COVID-19 pandemic and provides implications for social protection. Using poverty transition matrices, we first measure poverty episodes which help to not only track the movements in and out of poverty but also to identify and categorize households into distinctive groups. We then apply logistic regression to examine the determinants of vulnerability to poverty before evaluating COVID-19 vulnerabilities in the context of social protection in Ghana. We find that a large group of struggling households exist between the poor and the stable middle classes that have been overlooked by cash transfer programmes. We characterize this group and show that current vulnerability measurements and social protection design need adjustments. We also find that poverty and vulnerability to it is no longer a rural phenomenon as the transient poor since the COVID-19 pandemic are mostly located in urban areas and largely not covered by current social protection systems. Both vertical and horizontal expansion of social policy is required to reach these new groups and new locations. For reducing poverty and limiting vulnerability in developing country contexts, our findings imply that (a) new measurements and targeting may be required, (b) vulnerable informal groups in urban areas need to be included, and (c) new types of social protection for struggling households are required to prevent their falling back into poverty in the event of aggregate shocks.

European official development assistance to Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) countries increased sharply after 2011, ostensibly in support of the social, economic, and above all political changes demanded by the Arab uprisings. The subsequent turn to development policies driven by security and anti-migration agendas, especially following the Syria refugee crisis of 2015, raises the question whether initial expressions of support for democratic transformation were ever backed by concrete measures. Our analysis reveals that, while all donors promised to support democracy in MENA countries, none had a clear strategy for doing so via their development cooperation. At the practice level, while programmes and projects were aimed at supporting change in specific contexts, increases in aid were mostly unrelated to political change. The social, economic, and political tensions behind the Arab uprisings remain unresolved more than a decade on, meaning that there is likely a need to learn lessons from the period following 2011.

The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the fragility of health systems and highlights the need for renewed efforts to finance pandemic preparedness, prevention and response (PPR) mechanisms, and universal health coverage (UHC). Two lessons emerge from this global health challenge. First, it has shown that global problems need global solutions, as well as the agency of local and national actors to make them work, so it is recommended that public health be considered a global public good. This requires solidarity between rich and poor countries to attain a globally “highest attainable standard” for managing pandemics and other public health emergencies.
The provision of such a global public good requires substantial public resources. Furthermore, the focus should not only be on preventing the spread of diseases but also on detecting and fighting infectious diseases at their source. The second lesson is that prevention is a good investment, as it costs less than remedial interventions at later stages. Health systems can be considered as the means by which health priorities, such as pandemic PPR and UHC, can be operationalised. Studies show that health systems that could effectively leverage both robust health security core capacities (e.g. laboratories) and fundamental UHC interventions (e.g. accessible health facilities) were often in a better position to protect their citizens against the negative impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Focusing on the landscape of health financing in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), it becomes clear that during the COVID-19 pandemic there was a substantial increase in international health financing. However, continued high out-of-pocket expenditure (OOPE) in LMICs points to a structural imbalance in health financing, which is one of the major barriers for achieving SDG3. Further contribution from international
development assistance and an increase in domestic government expenditure by LMICs through improved mobilisation of domestic resources is therefore impera-tive. Funding gaps to achieve PPR and UHC in LMICs are small in relation to the projected costs of a pandemic such as COVID-19. However, as global debt levels soar, fiscal spaces to close these funding gaps become smaller. The following policy options for governments and international development partners should be considered to protect and improve spending on health in times of shrinking fiscal spaces: reallocation within budgets towards health, better priority-setting of health financing, and greater use of debt-to-health swaps, health taxes and national health insurance schemes.
Importantly, investment in health is critical not just for the health benefits, but also because of the positive socio-economic impacts that result, in excess of the level of investment. Improved well-being and health outcomes translate into higher productivity and income, with a benefit–cost ratio of nine for low-income countries and 20 for lower-middle income countries. Given the high rates of unemployment in many LMICs, investments that create jobs in the healthcare sector are also beneficial for other sectors. Evidence shows that for every healthcare professional job that is created, 3.4 jobs are created on average in other sectors. As a large proportion of healthcare workers is female, these new jobs can be an opportunity for young women, in particular, and can help to promote female empowerment and gender equality. Altogether, these long-term benefits affirm that investment in health can enable large spillover effects on the social and economic dimensions of sustainable development and the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

Bonn, 19. Juni 2023. Die synergetische Wechselbeziehung zwischen Frauen, Wasser und WLAN bleibt im akademischen und politischen Diskurs weitgehend unbeachtet, obgleich sie einerseits das Empowerment von Frauen und deren Aufstieg in Führungsrollen ermöglicht und andererseits zur Nachhaltigkeit in den Bereichen Klimaprognose, Umweltschutz und nachhaltiges Wasserressourcenmanagement beiträgt.

Digitalisierung und WLAN ermöglichen nachhaltiges Wasserressourcenmanagement und sind wichtige Werkzeuge für die Eindämmung des Klimawandels. Unsere Gewässer sind stark bedroht: Wasserknappheit, Verschmutzung und Versauerung haben tiefgreifende Auswirkungen auf Menschen und Ökosysteme. Allerdings wirken sich geschlechtsspezifische Vorurteile, Machtasymmetrien und Ungleichheiten in der Wasserwirtschaft, etwa in der Fischerei, und der verwandten Forschung auf Frauen und ihren Beitrag zu Klimaschutz und –anpassung aus.

Die Meereswissenschaften dienen dem Verständnis unserer Ozeane, unseres größten Wasserkörpers, der 71% der Erdoberfläche bedeckt. 38% der weltweit in diesem Bereich Forschenden sind Frauen. Eine größere intersektionelle Diversität würde die Möglichkeit bieten, weitere Netzwerke in den Meereswissenschaften zu mobilisieren. Jüngsten Untersuchungen zufolge haben von 28 befragten Meereswissenschaftlerinnen 18 körperliche oder verbale sexuelle Belästigung durch männliche Kollegen und Vorgesetzte in ihrem Arbeitsumfeld erfahren, sei es auf Forschungsschiffen, im Labor oder auf Konferenzen. Vor allem Frauen, die einen anderen kulturellen, nationalen und sprachlichen Hintergrund als ihr berufliches Umfeld haben, erlebten Diskriminierung aufgrund von Alter, Geschlecht, ethnischer Zugehörigkeit, Klasse und Sprache.

Neue Technologien, insbesondere Fernerkundung, Satellitendatenübertragung und WLAN, tragen jedoch dazu bei, dass immer mehr Frauen in die Meereswissenschaften arbeiten. Beispielsweise dürfen schwangere Frauen nicht an Forschungsfahrten teilnehmen. Dank WLAN an Bord von Forschungsschiffen können Frauen nun aus der Ferne an der Organisation der Arbeit auf See, an methodischen und theoretischen Debatten und an der Diskussion vorläufiger Ergebnisse teilnehmen. Darüber hinaus haben Frauen an Land dank der Direktübertragung von Daten über Satelliten Zugang zu Echtzeitdaten. Mithilfe von Technologien, vor allem WLAN können Frauen, z. B. vom Forschungsschiff aus, sexuelle Belästigung öffentlich und direkt sichtbar machen.

Technik und Digitalisierung sind auch Wegbereiter für das Empowerment von Frauen im Norden Brasiliens, insbesondere auf der Insel Combu, wo Frauen mit Hilfe von Funknetzen in den Bereichen landwirtschaftlicher Produktion und nachhaltigem Tourismus eine führende Rolle übernehmen.

Frauen sind auch maßgeblich an der Erhaltung lokaler Gemeinschaften und der Förderung nachhaltiger Praktiken beteiligt. Dies zeigt sich zum Beispiel bei Filha do Combu, einer Schokoladenproduktion, und Saldosa Maloca, einem Restaurant mit Kulturangeboten, die ausschließlich von Frauen geführt werden, die durch ihr Aufwachsen im Amazonas innovativere und vielseitigere Entscheidungen treffen können. So können sie Kund*innen mehr Empathie entgegenbringen und enge Beziehungen zu ihnen aufbauen. Das fördert die Zusammenarbeit, Integration und gegenseitige Unterstützung. Durch die sich verändernden Bedingungen entlang des Amazonas müssen sich Frauen ständig anpassen und stärken damit ihre Widerstandsfähigkeit.

Um den Fluss und seine Ökosysteme zu schützen, wird der Kulturtourismus in Booten über eine digitale Plattform gesteuert. Satellitendaten über die Gezeiten und den Wasserzufluss für die Mühlen sowie QR-Codes an den Bäumen zur Identifizierung und zur Nutzung von Pflanzenverzeichnissen haben die Energieeffizienz und die Kakaoernte verbessert. Dank der Digitalisierung und dem Ausbau von Kommunikationsnetzen konnten Frauen zudem ihrer Vulnerabilität als Unternehmerinnen auf der Insel entgegenwirken, was ihre Sicherheit und Sichtbarkeit verbessert hat.

Auf der Insel Combu sind die Frauen nicht nur für die Care-Arbeit zuständig, sondern fördern maßgeblich die Nachhaltigkeit. Während Männer die Insel gewöhnlich verlassen und in den Städten Arbeit suchen, bleiben die Frauen auf der Insel und erweitern ihr Wissen über und ihre Beziehung zum Fluss, zur Erde und zum Wald. Da sie am Wasser aufgewachsen sind und gelernt haben, seine Grenzen zu respektieren und um die Fruchtbarkeit des Bodens und den Reichtum des Waldes wissen, verfügen sie über einzigartige Fähigkeiten. Dieses Wissen über lokale Ökosysteme und lokale Kulturgüter trägt zur Erhaltung der biologischen Vielfalt und zu einem nachhaltigeren Umgang mit der Umwelt bei.

Wasser ist vielfältig: Für die einen ist es Lebensgrundlage, für andere ein Forschungsobjekt, für manche ein Wirtschaftsgut und für wieder andere eine einzigartige Lebensform, wie etwa der Amazonas. In jedem Fall aber können Digitalisierung und der Rückgriff auf Technik Frauen in die Lage versetzen, nachhaltiger zu arbeiten, sich an den Meereswissenschaften zu beteiligen und die nachhaltige Bewirtschaftung von Wasserressourcen zu fördern. Technologie selbst führt nicht automatisch zu Gleichberechtigung und Empowerment, aber sie kann bei entsprechend angepasster Anwendung zielführend sein. Sicherlich ist weitere Forschung erforderlich, um Hindernisse im Bereich Digitalisierung und Technologien für Frauen, die in unterschiedlicher Weise in Gewässern tätig sind, zu identifizieren. Dem Thema Intersektionalität sollte ebenfalls mehr Beachtung geschenkt werden.

Ramona Hägele ist Wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin im Forschungsprogramm „Umwelt-Governance“ am  German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS).  Ihre Forschungsschwerpunkte sind Interdisziplinäre und transkulturelle Wissensproduktion in marinen Kohlenstoffbeobachtungen, Ethnographie und Wasser Governance.

Prof. Dr. Juliana Mansur ist Professorin und Forscherin für Organisationsverhalten an der FGV EBAPE in Brasilien und hat Psychologie und Verwaltungswissenschaften studiert. Ihre Forschungsschwerpunkte sind Leadership, Gender, Nachhaltigkeit und die Beziehung zwischen Organisation und Individuum. Sie lehrt Forschungsmethoden, Psychologie, Organisationsverhalten und Leadership in den Bachelor- und Masterstudiengängen an der FGV EBAPE.

Die Vision „Gesund leben auf einer gesunden Erde“ stellt die Untrennbarkeit der Gesundheit von Mensch und Natur und damit ein erweitertes Gesundheitsverständnis ins Zentrum: Menschliche Gesundheit im umfassenden Sinne der Weltgesundheitsorganisation (WHO), die nicht nur die Abwesenheit von Krankheit, sondern einen Zustand des vollständigen körperlichen, seelischen und sozialen Wohlbefindens beschreibt, ist auf eine „gesunde“ Erde mit funktionierenden, resilienten und leistungsfähigen Ökosystemen und einem stabilen Klima angewiesen. Dabei geht es im Kern darum, Entwicklungspfade auszuloten und umzusetzen, die Mensch und Natur gerecht werden. Es geht um gesunde Lebensstile, die gleichzeitig die Natur schützen – um Ernährung, Bewegung und Wohnen. Es geht um Rahmenbedingungen, die diese Lebensstile ermöglichen. Es geht darum, die natürlichen Lebensgrundlagen zu erhalten – Klimawandel, Biodiversitätsverlust und weltweite Verschmutzung aufzuhalten – und darum, die Gesundheitssysteme auf die vor uns liegenden Herausforderungen vorzubereiten und ihre transformativen Potenziale zu nutzen. Es geht um Bildung und Wissenschaft, die die Vision „Gesund leben auf einer gesunden Erde“ Wirklichkeit werden lassen. Und schließlich geht es um eine Verständigung auf internationaler Ebene über dieses Leitbild: Ohne internationale Kooperation ist die Vision nicht erreichbar.

In recent years, the Group of Seven (G7) and Group of Twenty (G20) have placed increasing emphasis on gender equality. As part of this focus, member states of both institutions have set out a series of objectives aimed at advancing gender equality. This report examines the degree to which these goals have been implemented in Germany. First, the gender equality goals that both institutions have set out since 2009 are presented and systematised. The report, which updates a 2020 assessment by Axel Berger, Sören Hilbrich, and Gabriele Köhler investigates the current state of progress in Germany and describes measures that have already been undertaken to implement the goals.

German municipalities are getting increasingly involved in globally sustainable development, and in a variety of ways. These include for instance endorsing fair public procurement, or maintaining partnerships with municipalities in the Global South. In recent years,  international frameworks such as the 2030 Agenda, the New Urban Agenda and the Paris Agreement have led to a noticeable increase in the importance of municipal development policy. How has municipal development policy in Germany continued to unfold over the last  few years, and where do things stand today? What has been achieved, and what are the challenges for municipal development engagement? Moreover, how can German municipalities be further supported in maximising their contribution to globally sustainable development up to 2030 and beyond? These questions are addressed in two complementary investigations: a study by the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS1) (Marschall et al., 2021), and an evaluation by the German Institute for Development Evaluation (DEval) (Schmitt et al., 2022). These investigations were conducted partially in collaboration. The fndings of the two studies show that the local level plays a crucial role in globally sustainable development. In Germany, municipalities have successfully  established themselves as independent development actors, thanks not least to the sharp increase in funding since 2013. This has also enabled them to broaden and diversify their engagement thematically. Despite these positive trends, challenges remain for  municipalities to pursue engagement for development. Faced by numerous pressing tasks, only some of them feel able to become actively involved in municipal development policy. Furthermore, municipalities are not always aware of opportunities to receive support, or see them as confusing or too complex. Small municipalities in particular are concerned about these problems. In light of these challenges, this policy brief makes the following recommendations:

• Continue promoting municipal development policy and align it more closely with the local context.
• Step up cross-ministerial coordination of municipal sustainability policy.
• Reduce the administrative burden of support for municipalities.
• Do more to include "intermediary levels" in the support, such as administrative districts or metropolitan regions.
• Raise the profle of municipal engagement through rigorous impact evaluations and data platforms.

Wie hat sich die kommunale Entwicklungspolitik in Deutschland in den letzten Jahren weiterentwickelt und wo steht sie heute? Was wurde erreicht und welche Herausforderungen bestehen für kommunales entwicklungspolitisches Engagement? Und wie können deutsche Kommunen weiter unterstützt werden, um bis 2030 und darüber hinaus einen möglichst großen Beitrag zu einer global nachhaltigen Entwicklung leisten zu können? Diesen Fragen wurde in zwei komplementär angelegten Untersuchungen nachgegangen.

• The changing role of think tanks vis-à-vis the G20
• Purpose and potential of the T20
• Developing the T20 further
• Outlook

The growing middle classes in middle-income countries may play a key role in current trends of democratic backsliding, online activism and lifestyle politics. This contribution uncovers which modes of political participation are prevalent among the middle classes in Peru and the Philippines, including new forms of online participation and lifestyle politics for sustainability. Drawing on household surveys conducted in 2018, we use latent class analysis and logit regressions to analyse, first, the characteristics of online vs offline participation, and second, the role of political consumption and online activism for political participation dynamics. The latter analysis contributes to the gateway/getaway debate of lifestyle politics. In both countries, we find four comparable classes: a substantial disengaged class that is not engaging in any political participation, an all-round activist class, an online activist class and a class that mostly engages in civil society activities. Further classes with specific participation patterns and socio-demographic characteristics could be identified for each country. Although the online activists in both countries are unlikely to engage in any other form of political participation, a clear empirical case for lifestyle politics as a separate mode of participation only exists among young Peruvians with a steady job. In the Philippines, political consumption as a form of lifestyle politics blends in with other types of political participation.