Africa

Credit: Brenton Geach/Gallo Images

By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Dec 27 2025 (IPS)

Hours before world leaders gathered in Johannesburg for the 2025 G20 summit in November, hundreds of South African women wearing black lay down in a city park for 15 minutes — one for each woman who loses her life every day to gender-based violence in the country. The striking visual protest was organised by a civil society organisation, Women for Change, which also gathered over a million signatures demanding the government declare gender-based violence (GBV) a national disaster. Hours later, the government acquiesced.

It was a vital victory in a year marked by brutal violence and political backlash. As the dust settles on the 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence campaign – an annual event that starts on 25 November, International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, and ends on 10 December, Human Rights Day – the achievement in South Africa stands in contrast to a global landscape of regression.

The numbers that motivated this year’s mobilisations tell a grim story. In 2024, around 4,000 women were victims of femicides in Latin America alone, amounting to nearly 11 gender-related killings a day. Africa has the world’s highest rate at three femicides per 100,000 women, with South Africa’s numbers off the charts.

Throughout 2025, women took to the streets in response to sustained patterns of violence and femicide cases that shocked society. In Argentina, protests erupted in September following the live-streamed torture and killing of three young women by a drug-trafficking gang. In Brazil, tens of thousands mobilised in December after a woman was run over by her ex-boyfriend and dragged across concrete for a kilometre, resulting in the loss of her legs. In Italy, nationwide protests followed the murders of two 22-year-old students in April and the killing of a 14-year-old girl by an older boy whose advances she rejected in May.

These highly visible cases were the tip of the iceberg. Yet they galvanised mobilisations because of decades of civil society groundwork: naming femicide as a distinct phenomenon, fighting for legal recognition and creating the databases many governments still refuse to maintain. This deliberate work of counting the dead has transformed individual tragedies into evidence of systematic violence, making it impossible for states to dismiss each killing as an isolated incident.

This sustained pressure forced some governments to act. In 2025, Spain became a European Union (EU) pioneer in criminalising vicarious violence — violence perpetrated against women through intermediaries, typically children or family members. Its new law, passed in September, followed Mexico’s 2023 recognition of this form of abuse. On 25 November, coinciding with International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, Italy’s parliament passed a law making femicide a distinct criminal offence punishable by life imprisonment. The achievement is all the more significant given that, until 1981, the Italian penal code still offered leniency for so-called ‘honour killings’.

But progress is fragile. Right-wing governments that frame anti-GBV measures as ideological are moving to dismantle decades of feminist victories. In Argentina, the right-wing government of President Javier Milei has eliminated the Ministry of Women, Genders and Diversity and announced plans to dismantle comprehensive sexuality education and repeal gender parity in electoral lists, among other regressive changes.

In Turkey, which abandoned the Istanbul Convention – the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence – in 2021, thousands of women defied sweeping protest bans to demand justice over the suspicious death of a 21-year-old university student in October. According to the We Will Stop Femicide Platform, at least 235 women were killed by men between January and October, with an additional 247 women found dead in suspicious circumstances. Yet the right-wing nationalist government declared 2025 to be the ‘Year of the Family’, criticised by activists for reinforcing traditional roles instead of addressing women’s safety.

And in Latvia, parliament voted to withdraw from the Istanbul Convention, barely a year after ratifying it. Right-wing parties argued it promoted ‘gender theories’ under the guise of combating violence, and proceeded despite a petition against it that gathered over 60,000 signatures. The president sent the bill back to parliament for review, but if it passes, Latvia will be the first EU member state to quit the convention.

The 16 Days campaign highlights a fundamental truth: violence against women is not just a social problem but a violation of human rights. Its endpoint on Human Rights Day, established to commemorate the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, asserts that women’s rights are human rights and emphasises the demand that states fulfil their obligations under international law to prevent, investigate and punish GBV.

South Africa’s declaration proves that sustained collective action can force change. Women’s rights activists successfully leveraged the international spotlight of the G20 summit, staging a nationwide shutdown that saw thousands withdraw from paid and unpaid labour, refrain from spending money and lie in silent protest at noon. They forced the crisis onto the global agenda at a moment of unprecedented international attention.

Meeting even the most basic demands — the ability to walk home without fear, leave abusive partners, participate in politics without risking sexual violence, exist online without harassment — requires structural transformation. Women will only find safety when societies cease to view them as objects to possess and control, when those seeking to escape abuse have a path to economic independence, when judicial systems treat violence against women with the seriousness it deserves and when technology companies are held accountable for platforms that enable harassment.

The year revealed more regression than progress. Yet amid growing repression and dwindling resources, women’s movements persisted in documenting violence, supporting survivors, educating the public and advocating for systemic change. Their persistence reflects a clear understanding that real change demands sustained action. States have human rights obligations to protect women’s lives, and women’s movements will continue to insist these obligations are met with the seriousness and resources they require, one protest at a time.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Head of Research and Analysis, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report. She is also a Professor of Comparative Politics at Universidad ORT Uruguay.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

As two-time runner-up Mohamed Salah begins another tilt at the Africa Cup of Nations, BBC Sport Africa profiles top stars who never lifted the trophy.

As two-time runner-up Mohamed Salah begins another tilt at the Africa Cup of Nations, BBC Sport Africa profiles top stars who never lifted the trophy.

Gleich vier Löwen stehen sich im südafrikanischen Kruger-Nationalpark gegenüber. Es wird gefaucht, gebrüllt und mit den Tatzen geschlagen. Dann endet der Kampf ganz anders, als sich das die vermeintlichen Könige der Savanne vorgestellt haben.

The leaders of Guinea and the Central African Republic aim to consolidate power after Sunday's polls.

The leaders of Guinea and the Central African Republic aim to consolidate power after Sunday's polls.

The leaders of Guinea and the Central African Republic aim to consolidate power after Sunday's polls.

The decision has been condemned by Somalia, Egypt, Turkey and Djibouti, who call it a dangerous precedent.

Vor dem Spiel gegen Wolverhampton erinnert Liverpool-Coach Arne Slot emotional an den verstorbenen Diogo Jota. Es ist das erste Aufeinandertreffen der ehemaligen Teams des Portugiesen seit dessen tragischem Unfalltod.

Jean-Louis Gasset, ehemaliger Nationaltrainer der Elfenbeinküste und langjähriger Coach des Montpellier HSC, ist mit 72 Jahren verstorben. Der französische Fussball verliert mit Gasset eine prägende Trainerpersönlichkeit.

Blick nimmt dich mit in die Flumserberge! Unser Reporter Sandro Zulian war am Stephanstag im Skigebiet unterwegs, testete nebst seinen Skis auch seine Geduld und sprach mit Verantwortlichen und skiverrückten Gästen aus dem In- und Ausland.

Die früheren SRF-Aushängeschilder Monika Schärer und Stephan Klapproth stehen erstmals gemeinsam vor der Kamera. Für die Allianz Pro Medienvielfalt moderieren sie Clips, die im Kampf gegen die Halbierungs-Initiative zum Einsatz kommen.

Dans les années 1880, Thomas Stevens décida de faire quelque chose d'inédit : un tour du monde à vélo, un périple qui le mena d'Amérique du Nord en Turquie, en Chine, en Inde et au Japon. Qu'a-t-il vu ?

The Nigerian president "gave the go-ahead" for the strikes, the foreign ministry said

An official involved with the World Cup Pride Match says there has been no contact from Fifa about their plans, despite the Egyptian FA's complaint.

Le Maroc a passé plus d'une décennie à remodeler son football, mais l'organisation de la CAN 2025 permettra-t-elle au pays de mettre fin à 50 ans d'attente pour remporter le trophée ?

By CIVICUS
Dec 26 2025 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses Generation Z-led protests in Bulgaria with Zahari Iankov, senior legal expert at the Bulgarian Centre for Not-for-Profit Law, a civil society organisation that advocates for participation and human rights.

Zahari Iankov

Bulgaria recently experienced its largest protests since the 1990s, driven largely by young people frustrated with corruption and institutional decay. What began as opposition to budget measures quickly escalated into broader demands for systemic change. The prime minister’s resignation has triggered Bulgaria’s seventh election since 2021, but whether this cycle of repeated elections will finally address fundamental questions about institutional integrity, informal power structures and the enduring influence of the oligarchy remains to be seen.

What sparked recent protests?

Bulgaria has been in a prolonged political crisis since 2020, when mass protests first erupted against corruption and state capture. Although they didn’t immediately lead to a resignation, these protests marked the beginning of a cycle of repeated elections and unstable governments. Since 2021, Bulgaria has held several parliamentary elections, and no political settlement has lasted.

The latest protests, which erupted on 1 December, have probably been the largest since the early 1990s, during Bulgaria’s transition from communism to democracy. They were initially sparked by a controversial 2026 budget that raised taxes to fund public sector wages, but while economic concerns played a role, the protests were primarily centres on values. People reacted to the fact that democratic rules were being openly disregarded and governance was increasingly being shaped by informal powers and personal interests.

Several incidents reinforced the perception that institutions were being systematically undermined. One symbolic moment was the treatment of student representatives during parliamentary debates about education, including proposals for mandatory religious education. Members of parliament publicly shamed student council representatives, which many people saw as emblematic of a broader contempt for citizen participation and government accountability.

Other cases reinforced this perception: environmental laws were weakened without debate, key oversight bodies were left inactive for over a year and proposals that threatened freedom of expression were introduced, and only withdrawn following public backlash. Together, these incidents created a sense that institutions were being hollowed out.

The budget acted as a trigger, but public anger had been building for months. Throughout the government’s short mandate, there was a clear pattern of sidelining public participation and bypassing parliamentary procedures. Laws were rushed through committees in seconds, major reforms were proposed without consultation and controversial decisions were taken at moments designed to avoid opposition.

What made these protests different from previous ones?

One striking difference was the speed and scale of the mobilisation. What began as a protest linked to budget concerns quickly turned into huge demonstrations involving tens of thousands of people. Estimates suggest that between 100,000 and 150,000 people gathered in Sofia, the capital, during the largest protest. For such a small country, this was impressive. Also unlike previous mobilisations, these protests spread well beyond Sofia to many cities across the country, something unusual for Bulgaria’s highly centralised political system.

Another important difference was the strong presence of young people, which led to the protests being described as Gen Z protests. While young people also played a role in big protest movements in 2013 and 2020, this time the generational identity was much more visible and explicitly embraced. Young people were central as communicators as well as participants. Social media campaigns, humour and memes played a significant role in spreading information and mobilising support.

Additionally, these protests were not driven by a single political party. Although one party provided logistical support in Sofia, the extent of participation and the geographic spread made clear this was a broad social mobilisation, not a partisan campaign.

What role did organised civil society groups play in sustaining the protests?

There were a couple of civil society groups that were involved in the organisation of protests, but organised civil society’s main role was not in mobilising but in providing crucial long-term support. For years, civil society groups and investigative journalists have documented corruption, challenged harmful laws and mobilised public awareness around environmental and rule-of-law issues.

As traditional media came under increasing control, civil society helped fill the gap by exposing abuses and explaining complex issues in accessible ways. This helped counter the narrative that ‘nothing ever changes’ and empowered people to believe protest could make a difference.

At the same time, attempts by politicians to discredit or intimidate civil society organisations, including proposals resembling laws to stigmatise civil society as foreign agent, underscored how influential civil society has become.

Who are the figures at the centre of public anger, and what do they represent?

The two key figures are Boyko Borissov and Delyan Peevski, who represent two different but deeply entrenched forms of political power. A former mayor of Sofia and prime minister who has dominated Bulgarian politics for over a decade, Borissov retains a loyal voter base despite major scandals, and has repeatedly returned to power through elections. He built his image on strongman rhetoric and visible policing actions.

Peevski is a different figure. Sanctioned under the Magnitsky Act — a US law targeting people involved in corruption and human rights abuses — he has never enjoyed broad public support but wields enormous informal influence. Despite leading a political party, he operates largely behind the scenes. Over the years, he has been linked to deep penetration of the judiciary, influence over regulatory bodies and media control. His role in governance has become increasingly visible despite his party not formally being part of the ruling coalition.

Together, these two figures embody what protesters see as the fundamental problem: a ‘mafia-style’ system of governance, where access, decision-making and protection depend on proximity to powerful individuals rather than transparent institutional processes.

Does the government’s resignation address the underlying problems?

This was a political response, but it does not resolve the structural issues that triggered the protests. Bulgaria’s institutions remain weak, key oversight bodies continue operating with expired mandates and the judiciary continues to face serious credibility problems.

What happens next will depend largely on voter participation and political renewal. Turnout in recent elections has fallen below 40 per cent, undermining any legitimacy claims and making vote-buying and clientelism easier. Mass turnout would significantly reduce the influence of these practices and could be our only hope for real change.

However, lasting change will require action to restore institutional independence, reform the judiciary and ensure regulatory bodies function properly. Otherwise, any new government risks being undermined by the same informal power structures that brought people out onto the streets.

GET IN TOUCH
Website
Facebook
Instagram
LinkedIn
Zahari Iankov/LinkedIn

SEE ALSO
Anti-euro protests continue; arrest of Varna mayor sparks protests CIVICUS Monitor 28.Jul.2025
Unprecedented protests in Bulgaria’s public media CIVICUS Monitor 27.May.2025
Bulgaria: stuck in a loop? CIVICUS Lens 24.Oct.2022

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

The US president accuses the group of killing Christians, as Nigeria’s foreign minister tells the BBC the strikes were a "joint operation" and "nothing to do" with religion.

Das US-Militär hat an Weihnachten IS-Terroristen in Nigeria angegriffen, wie Donald Trump auf Truth Social mitteilte. Die Angriffe im Bundesstaat Sokoto erfolgten nach Morden an Christen. Die Zahl der Toten blieb ungenannt.

"Béninoises, Béninois, mes chers compatriotes. Regardons-nous en face. Pendant des décennies, notre système éducatif a été gangrené par des dysfonctionnements profonds et importants. Greves perlées et incessantes des acteurs, manque criard d'enseignants dans les salles de classes, financement insuffisants et non structuré, bref une véritable machine à fabriquer des diplômés sans débouchés. Nos enfants apprenaient, mais pour quel avenir ? Aujourd'hui, cette question n'est plus une fatalité, elle est devenue un défi presque relevé.

Sous l'impulsion des réformes de la mouvance présidentielle, le Bénin a opéré un virage historique. Nous avons mis fin a nombre de ces dysfonctionnements et cessé de former pour le chômage pour enfin former pour l'emploi. Ce n'est pas une simple promesse électorale, c'est une réalité qui transforme déjà nos familles."

En effet, la grande révolution operée par le régime actuel, c'est l'Enseignement Technique et la Formation Professionnelle. Nous avons compris qu'un pays ne se développe pas uniquement avec des théories, mais avec des mains qualifiées.

Notre objectif est clair : 70 % de nos apprenants doivent désormais sortir avec un métier en main. C'est cela, la vraie indépendance. Donner à chaque jeune la fierté de vivre de son savoir-faire et non de l'aide de ses parents ou de l'Etat."

"Mais former ne suffit pas, il faut insérer. C'est pouquoi le gouvernement a mis en place de nouvelles mesures plus efficaces et mieux adaptés aux besoins des entreprises et des jeunes. Vous connaissez maintenant le Programme Spécial d'Insertion dans l'Emploi. Des milliers de jeunes sont aujourd'hui placés en entreprise, payés par l'État, pour acquérir cette première expérience qui leur manquait tant. Ici, ce n'est plus 'qui vous connaissez' qui compte, mais 'ce que vous savez faire'. La dématérialisation des concours et des bourses a rétabli l'équité : l'enfant du paysan a désormais les mêmes chances que celui du ministre.

Et que dire de la GDIZ ? Ce qui était un champ il y a quelques années est devenu le poumon industriel de l'Afrique de l'Ouest. Nos vêtements, nos noix de cajou, notre soja y sont transformés par des mains béninoises. Ce sont des dizaines de milliers d'emplois créés, une jeunesse qui retrouve sa dignité au travail."

"Mes chers compatriotes, les élections qui arrivent ne sont pas un simple rendez-vous politique. C'est un choix de projet ; le choix d'un projet d'avenir et de developpement pour nos jeunes, ou le choix du retour aux pratiques retrogrades qui ont longtemps arrierés notre pays et hypotiqué l'avenir de sa jeunesse. Voter pour l'Union Progressiste le Renouveau c'est voter pour que ces réformes ne s'arrêtent pas en si bon chemin. C'est protéger les acquis. C' voter pour un avenr meilleur pour la jeunese.

Nous avons posé les fondations. Ne laissons personne démolir ce que nous avons construit au prix de tant d'efforts. Le temps des discours creux est fini, l'heure est au bilan et à la poursuite de l'excellence."

Beninoises Beninois, le Bénin avance. Nos enfants apprennent. Nos jeunes travaillent. Notre économie rayonne. Pour la transformation de notre école, pour l'emploi de nos fils et filles, et pour la grandeur de notre Nation, restons mobilisés derrière la vision du progrès, la vision de l'Union Progressiste le Renouveau.

Le dimanche 11 janvier 2026, choisissez la compétence, choisissez la continuité, choisissez le Bénin qui gagne, choissisez l'Union Progressiste le Renouveau.