Africa

A selection of the week's best photos from across the African continent and beyond.

The head of Liberia's doctors' association has not provided proof of his medical degree, the regulatory body says.

Migren Matanga grew up shying away from small and traditional grains in Rushinga, in northern Zimbabwe. The 58-year-old mother of four from Toruzumba village relied on maize and cotton, one of the major cash crops in the area at the time. It was not until the late 2010s that the smallholder farmer realised the need […]

Africa Cup of Nations-winning coach Aliou Cisse says he is a "man of a project" as he bids to take Libya to the tournament in 2027.

Africa Cup of Nations-winning coach Aliou Cisse says he is a "man of a project" as he bids to take Libya to the tournament in 2027.

Cover photo by Defensoría del Pueblo de Bolivia

By Samuel King and Inés M. Pousadela
BRUSSELS, Belgium / MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, May 9 2025 (IPS)

The world’s population is ageing. Global life expectancy has leapt to 73.3 years, up from under 65 in 1995. Around the world, there are now 1.1 billion people aged 60-plus, expected to rise to 1.4 billion by 2030 and 2.1 billion by 2050.

This demographic shift is a triumph, reflecting public health successes, medical advances and better nutrition. But it brings human rights challenges.

Ageism casts older people as burdens, despite the enormous social contribution many older people make through family roles, community service and volunteering. Prejudice fuels widespread human rights violations, including age discrimination, economic exclusion, denial of services, inadequate social security, neglect and violence.

The impacts are particularly brutal for those facing discrimination for other reasons. Older women, LGBTQI+ elders, disabled seniors and older people from other excluded groups suffer compounded vulnerabilities. During conflicts and climate disasters, older people face disproportionate hardships but receive disproportionately little attention or protection.

These challenges aren’t limited to wealthy countries such as Japan, where more than one in 10 people are now aged 80 and over. Global south countries are experiencing population ageing too, and often at a much faster pace than occurred historically in the global north. Many people face the daunting prospect of becoming old in societies with limited infrastructure and social protection systems to support them.

Despite these escalating challenges, no global human rights treaty specifically protects older people. The current international framework is a patchwork that looks increasingly out of step as global demographics shift.

The first significant international breakthrough came in 2015, when the Organization of American States adopted the Inter-American Convention on Protecting the Human Rights of Older Persons. This landmark treaty explicitly recognises older people as rights-bearers and establishes protections against discrimination, neglect and exploitation. It demonstrates how legal frameworks can evolve to address challenges faced by ageing populations, although implementation remains uneven across signatory countries.

Globally, the World Health Organization’s Decade of Healthy Ageing (2021-2030) represents progress in promoting age-friendly environments and responsive healthcare systems. But it’s a voluntary framework without legally enforceable protections. Only a binding treaty can deliver human rights guarantees.

That’s why the UN Human Rights Council’s decision on 3 April to establish an intergovernmental working group to draft a convention on older persons’ rights offers real hope. In the current fractured geopolitical landscape, the resolution’s adoption by consensus is encouraging.

This positive step came as a result of over a decade of dogged advocacy through the Open-ended Working Group on Ageing, established by the UN General Assembly in 2010. Through 14 sessions, states, civil society and national human rights institutions built an overwhelming case for action, culminating in an August 2024 recommendation to develop a treaty. Strategic cross-border campaigning and coalition-building by civil society organisations such as AGE Platform Europe, Amnesty International and HelpAge International were instrumental in advancing the cause.

Now the crucial phase of transforming principles into binding legal protection begins. The Human Rights Council resolution sets out the path forward. The first meeting of the drafting working group is due before the year’s end. Once drafted, the text will advance through the UN system for consideration and adoption. If adopted, this convention will follow in the footsteps of those on the rights of children in 1989 and people with disabilities in 2006, which have significantly advanced protections for their target groups.

This convention offers a rare opportunity to redefine how societies value their older members. The journey from declaration to implementation will demand persistent civil society advocacy, first to ensure the text of the convention delivers meaningful, enforceable protections rather than mere aspirational statements, and then to prevent the dilution of protections through limited implementation. But the potential reward is profound: a world where advancing age enhances rather than diminishes human dignity and rights.

Samuel King is a researcher with the Horizon Europe-funded research project ENSURED: Shaping Cooperation for a World in Transition and Inés M. Pousadela is Senior Research Specialist at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, writer at CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

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With the 3rd UN Ocean Conference (UNOC3) set to take place June 9-13 in Nice, and co-chaired by France and Costa Rica, Europe’s environmental leadership is under the spotlight. The EU has made ambitious pledges on ocean protection, but its progress on ratifying the landmark High Seas Treaty has been slow. So far, only a handful of member states have signed on, threatening to hinder progress on a landmark agreement for ocean protection.

By Pascal Lamy and Geneviève Pons
PARIS / BRUSSELS , May 9 2025 (IPS)

If one so wished, it would be entirely possible to spend a lifetime travelling from one international environmental conference to the next, without ever returning home. But the relentless pace of these meetings does not always translate into equally rapid action.

Instead, the result is often painfully slow progress, watered down commitments and timelines that can stretch into years if not decades. Public frustration is mounting, tired of broken promises. It wants action to tackle the climate and biodiversity crises before it is too late.

In this void of global environmental leadership, the European Union has an opportunity to step up on the stewardship of our planet’s greatest shared resource: the ocean.

Credit: Josh Sorenson

The ocean is Earth’s life support system. It covers over 70% of our planet, regulates the climate by absorbing carbon dioxide, produces at least half of the oxygen we breathe, sustains millions of livelihoods, provides food for billions, and holds mysteries we’ve only just begun to uncover.

Yet, despite its fundamental role in planetary health and human survival, the ocean remains under constant assault from climate change, pollution, overfishing, and habitat destruction.

Most alarmingly, vast areas of the ocean — especially the High Seas — remain dangerously under protected.

That is why it is both remarkable and welcome that, as EU Council President Antonio Costa highlighted, all 27 EU Heads of State and Government reached – for the very first time – ambitious conclusions on the ocean at the March 2025 European Council.

Among these was a commitment to swiftly ratify the new High Seas Treaty, a landmark international agreement finalized in 2023 after nearly two decades of negotiations.

This treaty, also known as the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) Agreement, is a cornerstone of marine conservation and was hailed as a major victory for multilateralism. It holds enormous potential to protect marine life in High Seas — the two-thirds of the ocean that lie beyond national borders. But treaties do not protect ecosystems — countries do.

And unless 60 nations ratify the agreement so it can enter into force, its historic potential will remain nothing more than words on paper.

Here, the EU has a chance to lead by example — and by numbers. With its 27 member states, it holds the key to being a game-changer in accelerating the process of entry into force. The EU finalized its ratification in June 2024, but progress among individual member states has lagged.

As of now, only France and Spain have formally deposited their ratification instruments with the United Nations. Several others are close, but the overall momentum is insufficient. In a positive development aimed at facilitating ratification and preparing for implementation, the EU Commission has recently proposed a Directive for transposing the BBNJ Agreement into EU law.

Member states must urgently speed up their national processes to complete their ratification and send a strong signal of global leadership. This urgency and roadmap are outlined in detail in Europe Jacques Delors’ most recent policy brief, which highlights the key institutional, legal, and diplomatic levers available to the EU and its member states.

The stakes could not be higher. 40% of EU citizens live in coastal areas, which contribute around 40% of the EU’s GDP. The EU, together with its overseas territories, also has the largest Exclusive Economic Zone in the world. From economic stability to energy security and food supply, the ocean is inextricably tied to Europe’s prosperity. A degraded ocean means a less secure, less resilient, and less prosperous Europe.

True leadership means more than making bold declarations, it is about delivering results.

This June, the 3rd UN Ocean Conference (UNOC3) will take place on European soil — in Nice. The Conference has been designated as the key political moment to secure the 60 ratifications needed to trigger the Treaty’s entry into force.

Achieving this goal is essential not only to uphold the EU leadership and credibility on ocean governance, but also to meet broader international commitments — including the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework’s goal of protecting 30% of the ocean by 2030 (30×30).

The EU must intensify its ‘blue diplomacy’, leveraging initiatives like the High Ambition Coalition for the High Seas Treaty, which it helped establish, to drive global ratification and implementation efforts of its 52 members. This conference needs to prove that once again environmental multilateralism can still deliver when it matters most.

The EU has set an ambitious course on ocean governance. The imminent launch of the European Ocean Pact, which builds on the foundations laid by the Manifesto for a European Ocean Pact initiated by Europe Jacques Delors and Oceano Azul Foundation, and the recent EU Council conclusions on the Ocean, are strong signals of intent.

With the global order in flux and geopolitical alliances shifting rapidly, the EU must work together and embrace its role as both a stabilizing force and a champion of the ocean. Delivering on the High Seas Treaty — through swift ratification, diligent preparation for implementation, and the establishment of a robust governance framework — will be a defining moment for the EU. It is a test of its credibility, leadership, and vision for the future.

The world is watching. The ocean is waiting. And the clock is ticking.

Pascal Lamy is the Vice-President of Europe Jacques Delors and former Director-General of the WTO. Geneviève Pons is the Vice-President and Director General of Europe Jacques Delors and a leading advocate for ocean conservation.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Critical medicines affected by the $50m cuts include Malaria, HIV and TB drugs, the US embassy says.

Wide shot of the site for displaced people hosted at Marie-Jeanne school in Port-au-Prince, where 7,000 people live in overcrowded and desperate conditions, seeking safety amidst the ongoing armed violence in Haiti. Credit: UNICEF/Patrice Noel

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, May 8 2025 (IPS)

Following a series of brutal altercations in the communes of Mirebalais and Saut d’Eau in Haiti back in late March, local gangs have taken over both communes, spurring heightened displacement and insecurity. This is indicative of the continuing deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Haiti as these armed gangs expand their control beyond Port-au-Prince.

On May 2, the White House issued a statement that declared the Viv Ansamn and Gran Grif gangs as terrorist organizations, attributing the core of Haiti’s issues to their activities. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio also emphasized the threats that these coalitions pose to Haitian and American national security.

“Their [the gangs’] ultimate goal is creating a gang-controlled state where illicit trafficking and other criminal activities operate freely and terrorize Haitian citizens. Terrorist designations play a critical role in our fight against these vicious groups and are an effective way to curtail support for their terrorist activities. Engaging in transactions with members of these groups entails risk in relation to counterterrorism sanctions authorities, not only for Haitians but also for U.S. lawful permanent residents and U.S. citizens,” said Rubio.

The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) issued a report on April 29 that detailed the current conditions in the capital and the Centre Department. An attack in early April resulted in the escape of over 515 inmates at a Mirebalais prison. UNICEF states that the clashes in this region have led to numerous civilian deaths, multiple lootings, and the destruction of a police station.

On April 25, an operation was carried out by law enforcement in Mirebalais in hopes of regaining control of the Centre Department. It is believed that during this operation, eight armed individuals were killed and three firearms were seized. However, this operation was largely unsuccessful in eliminating gang presence in this area. Furthermore, Haitian officials have noted an attempt by the Viv Ansamn gang to gain control of the Devarrieux area, which borders the commune of Lascahobas.

According to UNICEF, heightened gang activity in the Centre Department has complicated relief efforts by humanitarian organizations. Currently, authorities have prohibited humanitarian organizations from accessing sections of the road that connect Hinche to Mirebalais, Lascahobas, and Belladère. Due to relatively stable security conditions between Hinche and Cange-Boucan-Carré, humanitarian movement has been approved between these communes.

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has recorded over one million civilian displacements since the eruption of hostilities in 2023. In the Centre Department, IOM estimates approximately 51,000 civilian displacements, including 27,000 children.

Additional figures from IOM indicate that the Dominican Republic has considerably increased its rate of deportation of Haitian migrants. In the Belladère and Ouanaminthe communes, which are located along the borders between the two nations, over 20,000 Haitian migrants in April. This marks the highest monthly total recorded this year.
Humanitarian organizations have expressed concern over these deportations due to the highly vulnerable nature of these migrants. IOM reports that the majority of these populations consist of women, children, and newborns, who are disproportionately affected by gang violence.

“The situation in Haiti is becoming increasingly dire. Each day, deportations and gang violence worsen an already fragile situation,” said IOM Director General Amy Pope.

These deportations have compromised relief efforts as over 12,500 Haitian refugees are scattered across 95 newly established displacement shelters, the majority of which are bereft of basic services, such as food access, clean water, and healthcare. Due to increased gang activity in Mirebalais, IOM states that Belladère has essentially been isolated from the rest of Haiti.

“This is a compounded crisis spreading beyond the capital, with cross-border expulsions and internal displacement converging in places like Belladère,” said Grégoire Goodstein, IOM’s Chief of Mission in Haiti. “Delivering assistance is becoming increasingly difficult as humanitarian actors find themselves trapped alongside the very people they are trying to help.”

Additionally, Haiti’s healthcare system has been overwhelmed by recent surges in hostility. According to the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), the healthcare system is particularly strained in Port-Au-Prince, where 42 percent of medical facilities remain closed. It is estimated that roughly 2 out of 5 Haitians urgently require access to medical care.

Sexual violence has also run rampant in Haiti. According to figures from the United Nations (UN), more than 333 women and girls have been subjected to gender-based violence from gang members, with 96 percent of these cases being rape. Furthermore, trafficking and forced recruitment remain common, especially in Port-Au-Prince.

Underfunding across multiple sectors has made it difficult for Haitian communities to access the tools they need to survive. Due to persisting structural barriers and societal taboos, many perpetrators of violence receive impunity. The amount of humanitarian aid is inadequate as relief teams are understaffed to handle the sheer scale of needs.

The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) states that the 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for Haiti is less than 7 percent funded, with only USD 61 million having been raised out of the USD 908 million required. The UN and its partners urge donor contributions as the situation continues to deteriorate.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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African Parks acknowledged its rangers committed human rights abuses in Congo-Brazzaville.

Human remains, believed to be that of a journalist and his partner, have been found by police.

Once a lifeline for women and families, the Afghanistan Family Guidance Association (AFGA)—one of the country’s oldest NGOs—has been forced to shut down its centers nationwide under Taliban orders. Credit: Learning Together.

By External Source
KABUL, May 8 2025 (IPS)

Rukhsar (pseudonym), 27, is a widow and sole breadwinner for a family of five. She recounts her life story under Taliban rule, a reality faced by thousands of women in Afghanistan.

Every time I picked up a pen, I would write about turning failure into success, rising up after falling, and the highs that follow life’s lows. Each time I wrote, my mood, soul, and mind came alive, fueled by the words of my achievements.

With every victory achieved and each milestone reached, I redoubled my efforts. Like a mountaineer dreaming of reaching the summit, my hope of realizing my dreams grew with each passing day.

But this time, my dreams have crumbled, and I am left defeated.

I, too, once had a stable life, but the winds of fate blew it apart. Shattering my dreams.

Exactly seven years ago, I began a relationship with a kind and brave person, Yusuf, who was my source of security while I in turn took care of patients in a hospital.  As nurses, our days were spent caring for the people of our country. We dedicated ourselves to our sacred duty with passion and enthusiasm.

It felt like being a woman in itself was a crime in Afghanistan. We could not study or go to the parks. Women were flogged on the mere of suspicion sleeping with anyone other than their husbands. Young girls were forced into marriage and women committed suicide. We are probably the most oppressed people in the history of Afghanistan

In the midst of life’s joys, Yusuf and I were blessed with two children, Iman and Ayat. They made our life shine brighter.

However, just when everything appeared to flourish, we began to hear rumblings in the distance. The Taliban had begun a fight to take back Afghanistan. We heard about districts falling in neighboring provinces such as Balkh, and the deaths, and disappearances of our loved ones. 

As the days passed by, the intensity of the war between the government and Taliban fighters increased. We were all in a state of panic, fearing that we could become victims of the conflict. The war was getting closer to the city with each passing moment.

One day Yusuf urged me not to go to work. He went instead. He kissed our children goodbye, tears in his eyes.  Thas was the last time we saw him alive.

After he left, I kept calling him at short intervals to ask if everything was fine with him, and each time he called back without delay. However, my call to him in the afternoon went unanswered; neither did he return the call. That triggered off restlessness in my mind. It soon took hold of me entirely and was no longer controllable.

At the peak of my desperation, and exhaustion, Yusuf’s father told me he had received a call from an unfamiliar number. Yusuf was no longer with us, he announced. He was brutally killed by a tyrannical, ruthless, bloodthirsty, and oppressive group.

The date is forever edged in my memory. It was June 16, 2021. 

The grief of losing Yusuf brought sleepless nights, memories that haunted me every moment, and a deep loneliness that nothing could fill. I was entrapped in emotional and mental struggles from which I could not escape.

Days and months went by, and problems kept piling up one after the other with no respite. There was no psychological support, I was caught midst of increasing financial struggles, and I constantly worried about how to provide for our children, which were now entirely under my care. I had to find a way out.

I returned to my former work place at the hospital in Mazar-i-Sharif, but someone new took up my place. I returned home empty-handed. All around me was despair and fear. 

All the while, I was under increasing pressure from my family to consider a second marriage. No one could really understand the pain I was enduring. My husband Yusuf was gone but his love was still alive. It was the only thing besides the children, which gave me hope. I started looking for work and eventually got one as a midwife at Afghanistan Family Guidance Association (AFGA), one of the oldest NGOs in Afghanistan.

It was in 2023. I had an eight-hour job and was now earning monthly salary of over 9,500 Afghanis, which enabled me to support my children and financially support my late husband’s parents as well. I was excited and nervous about the new phase in my life.

We provided services to the most vulnerable clients who were suffering from impact of earthquakes, floods, and drought.

Nevertheless, every day I heard news about how the Taliban regime was planning to shut down various organizations that support women and families, as well as banning women from schools and universities. At my workplace, we could foresee that thousands of families would soon be left without help.

A flood of bad news kept inundating us each day about measures that adversely affected women’s situation. It felt like being a woman in itself was a crime in Afghanistan. We could not study or go to the parks. Women were flogged on the mere of suspicion sleeping with anyone other than their husbands. Young girls were forced into marriage and women committed suicide. We are probably the most oppressed people in the history of Afghanistan.

However, my colleagues and I took comfort in the fact, that since we were working in the medical field as essential members of society, we assumed we were indispensable.

We still maintained high hopes that our work in the medical field would continue, even though officials from the brutal and oppressive unit, the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, continuously monitored us. For one hour every Thursday, these officers would give us religious lessons as if we were not Muslim.

We were working mainly with women patients, yet we were made to cover our faces with masks and to maintain our hijabs. We were prohibited from speaking loudly, and from engaging in any conversation with the male companions of the patients. The restrictions kept increasing, but I had to stay strong for my family.

Despite all the bullying and oppression, we continued to work because serving our patients brought us peace of mind, not to mention the deep satisfaction and relief of being able to provide financial support to our families. 

On the morning of December 3, 2024, I heard the news about the closure of medical institutions. It was incredibly painful, like a dagger thrust into my heart. I spent the entire day in tears and sorrow. In the small shelter where I worked, we were all crushed by grief. 

That day passed by and we did not know how we had managed to get through it. We concluded to each other at the end of the day that, “We might be the last generation of medical professionals.”

On January 3rd, at 9:08 AM, I received a call from a colleague at the Kabul central office. She informed me that Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada, the misogynist Taliban leader, had issued a decree to close down healthcentres funded by foreign donors. They were, according to him, aimed at curtailing the increase of the Muslim population.

My blood ran cold. My colleagues and I nevertheless entertained the hope that the decree would be reversed. It did not happen.

Just a week later, we were notified by email that AFGA had to close due to Taliban’s new restrictions.

At that moment, as I read the email, it felt like the ground had been cut from under my feet. My mind became consumed by thoughts of Ayat and Iman, wondering what to do next and which door to knock on.

I was not alone. Similar thoughts must have been coursing through the minds of 270 Afghan women working in 23 provinces. I also lost every shred of hope for the future. I had no idea what I could do next.

 

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

The Benin Cycling Federation hopes to discover new talent and raise the profile of the sport on a continent largely dominated by football.

The Benin Cycling Federation hopes to discover new talent and raise the profile of the sport on a continent largely dominated by football.

This village is half in India and half in Pakistan. In Pakistan it is called Chilhana; on the Indian side, it's called Teetwal. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS

By Zofeen Ebrahim
KARACHI, Pakistan, May 8 2025 (IPS)

Just after the young couple arrived at Al-Sayyed Shabistan, a quaint guesthouse in Taobat, on April 30, soldiers showed up, urging them to leave—war, they warned, could break out any moment.

Yahya Shah, guest-house owner and head of Taobat’s hotel association, told IPS over the phone, “Tourist season just began, but for two weeks the village feels like a ghost town—everyone’s hit: shopkeepers, eateries, drivers.”

Just 2 km from the tense Line of Control (not a legally recognized international border, but a de facto border under control of the military on both sides between the Indian- and Pakistani-controlled parts of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir), Taobat sits where India’s Kishenganga river crosses into Pakistan—reborn as the Neelum.

Tensions spiked after a deadly April 22 attack in the Indian-administered Pahalgam by The Resistance Front, killing 26 people—25 Indians and one Nepali.

India blamed Pakistan for backing TRF, calling it a Lashkar-e-Taiba front. Pakistan denied involvement, urging an independent probe. Meanwhile, pressure mounted on the Indian prime minister, Narendra Modi, to respond forcefully, as the attackers remained at large two weeks later.

The question on everyone’s mind — including Michael Kugelman, a Washington, DC-based South Asia analyst — is, “How could such a horrific attack have been carried out on soft targets in one of the most heavily militarized regions in the world?”

Taobat is the last village of Neelum Valley and the place where the Kishenganga River enters Pakistani territory and is called the Neelum river. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS

When India crossed the line

On May 7, early morning, the intensity of the animosity between the two since the Pahalgam attack took on a serious turn when India launched a full-fledged series of attacks on Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir.

India claimed it targeted “terrorist camps” in Pakistan, stating, “No Pakistani military facilities have been targeted.”

Pakistan’s armed forces have been authorized to take “corresponding actions” following the strikes, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s office said following the attack.

The Indian attack killed 26 civilians, injuring 46. In addition, the Pakistani army reported downing five Indian jets. In retaliatory attacks by Pakistani forces, at least 10 people have been killed in Indian-administered Kashmir.

Reuters, quoting the local government on the Indian side, admitted that three fighter jets crashed in Jammu and Kashmir hours after India announced it had struck “nine Pakistani terrorist infrastructure sites across the border.”

The international community has called for restraint, with the United States urging the two sides to “keep lines of communication open and avoid escalation” the United Kingdom offering “in dialogue, in de-escalation and anything we can do to support that, we are here and willing to do…” United Nations’ Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said the international community could not “afford a military confrontation” between the nuclear-armed nations.

Tensions between India and Pakistan ripple across South Asia.

“A tense situation between Pakistan and India is always a cause for worry for others in the region,” said Reaz Ahmad, Dhaka Tribune’s editor, with over 30 years of writing about South Asian politics. Bangladeshis only “want both nations to stop the blame game and tit-for-tat actions that only worsen life for ordinary people.” These unfortunate events, said Ahmed, referring to the war-like situation, show the “people deserve far better from their leaders.”

Daily life in Taobat Bala, about 1.5 km from Taobat. The area isn’t populated; people may work in the area but live in Taobat. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS

Closed gates, broken pacts

Following the Pahalgam attack, India and Pakistan shut borders, halted visas, expelled visitors, and downgraded missions—familiar moves in past standoffs. But this time, India suspended the 1960 water treaty, prompting Pakistan to threaten withdrawal from the 1972 Simla Agreement.

Dr. Moonis Ahmar, former chairman of the department of international relations at Karachi University, blamed leaders of both countries for “misguiding their people” and polarizing them by spewing so much vitriol. “What was the point of bringing in the unnecessary “jugular vein” conversation out of the blue?

 The ‘jugular vein’ debate

Recently, Pakistan’s army chief of staff, General Asim Munir’s characterization of Kashmir as Pakistan’s jugular vein at a diaspora event held just days before the Pahalgam tragedy, was considered provocative and a “trigger” for the massacre.

“But that is what it is, and the general only reiterated the stand taken by the Quaid,” defended Khawaja Muhammad Asif, the country’s defense minister, referring to the country’s founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

Defining the jugular vein, Asif said Kashmir stirred both deep emotions and economic concerns. Recalling the lesser-known massacre of the partition, he said, “Thousands of Muslims were massacred in the Jammu region by mobs and paramilitaries led by the army of Dogra ruler Hari Singh,” adding that Muslim villagers from Jammu province were forced to evacuate to West Pakistan and were then accommodated in refugee camps in the districts of Sialkot, Jhelum, Gujrat, and Rawalpindi.

Asif, a native of Sialkot, emphasized that the economic significance of Kashmir cannot be overstated. “Kashmir is our lifeline—all our rivers, including the Jhelum, Sutlej, and even the smaller tributaries flowing through my own hometown, originate there,” he said, acknowledging that India’s recent announcement to withdraw from the pact posed a “real threat.”

Village life in Taobat Bala before the escalation of violence. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS

What is the root of conflict?

Over the years many historians from both sides have unraveled the historical, political, and emotional fault lines dividing India and Pakistan since 1947. But Kashmir remains the stumbling block, 78 years later.

“At the time of British India’s partition in August 1947, the 565 princely states were given the option to join India, Pakistan, or remain independent—provided their people had the right to decide.” Jammu and Kashmir, a Muslim-majority state ruled by a Hindu king, Maharaja Hari Singh, initially chose to remain independent.

After tribal militias from Pakistan invaded parts of Jammu and Kashmir in October 1947—reportedly with covert support from Pakistani forces and encouragement from some local Muslims—the situation quickly descended into chaos and violence. Facing the threat, Maharaja Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession, ceding the state’s sovereignty to India in exchange for military assistance.

The Indian government, led by then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, agreed to extend help but asked Hari Singh to sign an Instrument of Accession first. The Raja agreed. The documents conferred a special status on Jammu and Kashmir and allowed it to have its constitution, a flag, and control over internal administration, except in matters of defense, foreign affairs, finance, and communications, and were subsequently enshrined under Articles 370 and 35A of the Indian Constitution.

“These rules were not just legal provisions; they were a vital protection that ensured that no non-resident could purchase immovable property in the region, and this was done to safeguard the distinct identity, local ownership, and indigenous rights of the Kashmiri people,” explained Naila Altaf Kayani, an expert in Kashmir affairs, speaking to IPS from Muzaffarabad in Pakistan-administered Kashmir.

But even before 2019, especially between 1952 and 1986, and through 47 presidential orders, the historical guarantees under the Maharaja’s Instrument of Accession had slowly been diluted and J&K’s special status steadily diminished. “India effectively dismantled the State Subject Rules that had long been in place in Jammu and Kashmir,” said Kayani.

In 2019, India finally scrapped these articles completely, and J&K became a union territory (governed directly by the central government, unlike states, which have their own elected governments with significant autonomy).

Can India and Pakistan ever make peace?

Both Asif and Ahmar doubt the Kashmir dispute will be resolved in their lifetime. And till that doesn’t happen, the thorn in their side will keep pricking. But what the latter finds befuddling is the “unstable and unpredictable” Pakistan-India relationship. “The two countries swing between total silence and sudden warmth, with no steady, consistent engagement like most nations maintain,” he said.

Ironically, it’s during the lowest points in their relationship that both Indian and Pakistani leaders stand to gain the most politically, said Kugelman. “Delhi can bolster its tough-on-terror stand and reputation as a strong and defiant administration by responding with muscle, and in Pakistan, the civilian and military leaderships, which are not terribly popular, can shore up public support by rallying the country around it in the face of an Indian threat.”

Forgotten formula or a new peace plan?

Ahmar said this is the lowest point in India-Pakistan relations he has ever witnessed.

However, “if by some miracle General Pervez Musharraf’s out-of-the-box four-point formula gets a shot in the arm,” perhaps we can begin anew, on a friendlier note,” he said, referring to the July 2001 Agra summit, hosted by Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee.

The four fixes included a gradual demilitarization of troops from both sides; no change in borders but allowing the people of Jammu and Kashmir to move freely across the LoC; self-governance without independence; and a joint supervision mechanism in the region involving India, Pakistan, and Kashmir.

But until that happens, Ahmar said, it would be best to let the territory be put under international supervision until its fate is decided. “I would say, place the region under the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations for at least 10 years,” he said.

Comprising the five permanent UN Security Council members—China, France, Russia, the UK, and the US—the Trusteeship Council aims to guide territories toward self-government or independence, either as separate states or by joining neighboring countries. The last trust territory, Palau, gained independence in October 1994. “The Trusteeship Council may have completed its mission in Palau but continues to exist on paper, under the UN Charter, chapter XII,” added Ahmar.

Columnist Munazza Siddiqui, also executive producer at Geo News, a private TV channel, advocated for yet another option: “Turn the LoC into a Working Boundary (a temporary, informally demarcated line used to separate areas, often in disputed regions or during a ceasefire, but different from the LoC, which is a military control line; something in-between the LoC and an international border), similar to the one that exists between Pakistan’s Punjab and Indian-administered J&K, as recognized under UN arrangements.

“The idea is to then shift focus towards bilateral cooperation in other areas,” she pointed out, adding, “This approach can hopefully help de-escalate the violence historically associated with the Kashmir issue.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Karla Quintana (centre), head of the Independent Institution on Missing Persons in Syria, visits Al Marjeh Square in Damascus, a place where families of missing persons display photos in the hope of finding their loved ones. Credit: IIMP Syria

By Louis Charbonneau
May 8 2025 (IPS)

Major-power cutbacks and delayed payments amidst conflict and insecurity are testing the very principles and frameworks upon which the international human rights infrastructure was built nearly 80 years ago.

Human rights need defending now more than ever, which is why the United Nations leadership needs to ensure that its efforts to cut costs don’t jeopardize the UN’s critical human rights work.

The Trump administration’s review of US engagement with multilateral organizations and its refusal to pay assessed UN contributions—which account for 22 percent of the UN’s regular budget—have pushed the cash-strapped international organization into a full-blown financial crisis.

China, the second biggest contributor, continues to pay but has been delaying payments, exacerbating the UN’s years-long liquidity crisis. With widespread layoffs looming, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has been forced to dig deep for cost-saving measures.

A six-page memo seen by Human Rights Watch—entitled “UN80 structural changes and programmatic realignment” and marked as “Strictly Confidential”—outlines proposals for eliminating redundancies and unnecessary costs across the UN.

The proposals include consolidating apparently overlapping mandates, reducing the UN’s presence in expensive locations like New York City, and cutting some senior posts.

While some UN80 proposals have merit, the section on human rights is worrying. It suggests downgrading and cutting several senior human rights posts and merging different activities. But at a time when rights crises are multiplying and populist leaders hostile to rights are proliferating, any reduction of the UN’s human rights capacities would be shortsighted.

Efficiency and cost-effectiveness are important, but the UN’s human rights work has long been grossly underfunded and understaffed. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights gets just 5 percent of the UN’s regular budget.

Countless lives depend on its investigations and monitoring, which help deter abuses in often ignored or inaccessible locales. Investigations of war crimes and other atrocities in places like Sudan, Ukraine, Israel/Palestine, and elsewhere are already struggling amidst a UN-wide hiring freeze and pre-Trump liquidity shortfall.

For years, Russia and China have lobbied to defund the UN’s human rights work. There is now a risk that the United States, which has gutted its own funding for human rights worldwide, will no longer oppose these efforts and will instead enable them.

During these trying times, the UN should be reminding the world that its decades-long commitment to human rights is unwavering.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Excerpt:

Louis Charbonneau is UN director, Human Rights Watch

Why ex-bank boss Tidjane Thiam has been barred from seeking the Ivorian presidency - and the potential fallout.

Why ex-bank boss Tidjane Thiam has been barred from seeking the Ivorian presidency - and the potential fallout.

Why ex-bank boss Tidjane Thiam has been barred from seeking the Ivorian presidency - and the potential fallout.

The order comes after lawyers expressed alarm that the US was planning to deport migrants to the North African country "immediately".