Défense

Bus rapid transit (BRT) has been widely adopted in emerging economies for its affordability and incremental implementation potential. Yet, many cities are now starting to implement urban rail as a higher-quality mass-transit alternative. This raises the question of the role of existing BRT networks once rail arrives, particularly regarding their land-value effects. This paper examines how BRT-related land value uplift (LVU) evolves after rail begins operation, using Jakarta as a case study. The study analyses residential land values around Transjakarta BRT and MRT Jakarta stations for 2017 (pre-rail) and 2021 (post-rail) using Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and Geographically Weighted Regression (GWR). The findings reveal that (1) proximity to Transjakarta stations was associated with uplift in 2017, particularly in South Jakarta; (2) by 2021, BRT proximity penalties were reported citywide, especially in the north and east, but also in Central Jakarta; and (3) proximity to MRT Jakarta stations was associated with consistent uplift in 2021, with strongest effects at upgraded interchange nodes in South Jakarta. The timing and spatial coherence of these patterns are consistent with a rail-led substitution mechanism in which urban policy attention and developer actions concentrate willingness-to-pay near rail, while stand-alone BRT corridors increasingly reflect proximity penalties in prices. Policy recommendations include strategic co-location and integration of BRT-MRT stations, mitigating BRT proximity effects with context-sensitive station design, and timely transit-oriented development (TOD) and land value capture (LVC) at integrated hubs to harness value where market signals are strongest.

In Mexico, tax expenditures refer to all fiscal measures that reduce public revenue by granting preferential tax treatment relative to the benchmark system. These include deductions, exemptions, tax credits, differentiated rates and tax incentives (SHCP, 2024b).
While tax incentives are conceptually equivalent to tax expenditures, in Mexico the former are a component of the latter, as per the structure of the SHCP’s tax expenditures document. As such, tax incentives constitute a specific subset of tax expenditures and are typically created by presidential decree, unlike other benefits which are incorporated directly into tax legislation (SHCP, 2024b).
Transparency: Mexico fell from 42nd to 51st place in the Global Tax Expenditures Transparency Index (GTETI)’s 2024 ranking, reflecting a decline in the availability, quality and clarity of information pertaining to tax expenditures. While the country still meets the minimum standards for publication of tax expenditure information (as regards such things as estimates, methodology, legal basis and beneficiary analysis), there is still significant room for improvement, particularly when it comes to defining the benchmark, incorporating assessments and strengthening the role of Mexico’s parliament, the Congress of the Union. With publication of the tax expenditures document (Documento de Renuncias Recaudatorias) having resumed in 2024, there is now an opportunity to make up lost ground in terms of tax transparency and promote more proactive oversight by the legislative branch and civil society.
Complex fiscal landscape: tax expenditures amounted to some MXN 1.42 trillion in 2024, which equates to 4.2% of gross domestic product (GDP) and 19.4% of tax revenue. The primary tax expenditures pertain to the 0% value added tax (VAT) rate and the income tax system. Additionally, tax incentives, most of which are granted by presidential decree, account for approximately 25% of total tax expenditure. These measures have different objectives, legal foundations and timeframes, reflecting a Mexican tax expenditure system that is fragmented and inconsistent in design.
Evaluation challenges: despite advances in incidence analysis and disaggregation by tax type, there is no systematic model in place to evaluate compliance with the objectives of this public policy. In the absence of ex-ante and ex-post evaluations and performance indicators, it is difficult to determine the effectiveness and relevance of the different tax expenditures. At the same time, a time lag between publication of tax decrees and the tax expenditures document limits assessment of the impact of these expenditures.
Fiscal sustainability: tax expenditures account for almost 20% of tax revenue. Their scale poses a challenge to the sustainability of public finances. Against the backdrop of the energy transition, demographic transition and structural pressure on welfare spending and public investment, it is essential to review the permanence and effectiveness of these tax expenditures to prevent them from becoming a structural source of inefficiency and regression.

Many sub-Saharan African countries are increasingly adopting national health insurance policies to improve access to essential services. Informal sector workers, however, often lack coverage because their earnings are typically not low enough to qualify for government subsidies but insufficient to cover insurance premiums, resulting in a phenomenon known as "missing middle". This paper examined socioeconomic inequalities in national health insurance enrolment and determinants of participation among informal sector workers in Kenya. We used nationally representative cross-sectional household survey data (n = 5168) collected from informal sector workers in Kenya in December 2020. First, we examined levels of national health insurance enrolment among informal sector workers. Second, we examined socioeconomic inequalities in national health insurance enrolment using concentration curves and the Wagstaff index. Third, we employed a three-level mixed effects logistic regression model to assess the determinants of national health insurance enrolment. Overall, 21.75% (95% Confidence Interval 20.63–22.89) of informal sector workers in Kenya were enrolled in the national health insurance scheme. We observed pro-rich inequalities in national health insurance enrolment, with a concentration index of 0.35 (95% CI 0.30–0.41). Older age (adjusted odds ratio (AOR) = 1.66, 95% CI 1.31–2.10), employment in the non-agricultural sector (AOR = 1.96, 95% CI 1.60–2.39), microfinance institutional membership (AOR = 1.44, 95% CI 1.23–1.69), higher education level (AOR = 2.49, 95% CI 1.99–3.11), household’s prior positive experience with healthcare (AOR = 1.45, 95% CI 1.22–1.72), and higher socioeconomic status based on the wealth asset index (AOR = 3.87, 95% CI 2.97–5.05) were all significantly positively associated with national health insurance enrolment. Larger households had lower odds of enrollment (AOR = 0.76, 95% CI 0.60–0.96). Our findings suggest that enrollment rates among informal sector workers remain low, and important pro-rich inequalities prevail. Economic factors, education, and prior experience with healthcare services were key drivers of national health insurance enrollment. Further policies are needed to increase enrollment among informal sector workers, including differential premium levels, reliance on expanded targeted subsidies, and enhanced awareness campaigns. Our findings are also applicable to other low-resource settings experiencing conditions similar to those in Kenya as they transition toward national health insurance policies, with the goal of achieving universal health coverage.

Los gastos tributarios (o gastos fiscales) en México se conocen como renuncias recaudatorias y se refieren al conjunto de medidas fiscales que reducen los ingresos públicos al otorgar un tratamiento preferencial frente a la estructura tributaria de referencia. Estas incluyen deducciones, exenciones, créditos fiscales, tasas diferenciadas y estímulos fiscales (SHCP, 2024b).
Aunque el concepto de gastos tributarios es equivalente al de estímulos fiscales, en México, los estímulos fiscales son, siguiendo la estructura del documento de renuncias recaudatorias de la SHCP, uno de los componentes de dichas renuncias. Así, los estímulos fiscales conforman un subconjunto específico de las renuncias recaudatorias y suelen establecerse mediante decretos presidenciales, a diferencia de otros beneficios incorporados directamente en las leyes tributarias (SHCP b, 2024).
Transparencia: México pasó del lugar 42 al 51 en la edición más reciente del Índice Global de Transparencia en Gastos Tributarios (GTETI, por su nombre en inglés), lo que refleja un retroceso en la disponibilidad, calidad y claridad de la información relacionada con las renuncias recaudatorias. Si bien el país aún cumple con los elementos mínimos de publicación —como estimaciones, metodología, base legal y análisis de beneficiarios—, persisten áreas de mejora relevantes, en particular en la definición del sistema de referencia (benchmark), la incorporación de evaluaciones y el fortalecimiento del papel del Congreso. La reanudación de la publicación del Documento de Renuncias Recaudatorias en 2024 representa una oportunidad para recuperar terreno en transparencia fiscal y promover una supervisión más activa por parte del poder legislativo y la sociedad civil.
Contexto complejo: Las renuncias recaudatorias representaron en 2024 alrededor de 1,42 billones de pesos, equivalentes al 4,2% del Producto Interno Bruto (PIB) y al 19,4% de los ingresos tributarios. Las renuncias recaudatorias se concentran principalmente en el Impuesto al Valor Agregado (IVA) con tasa cero y en el Sistema de Renta. Además, los estímulos fiscales, otorgados en su mayoría mediante decretos presidenciales, representaron cerca de una cuarta parte del total. Estas medidas tienen distintos objetivos, fundamentos jurídicos y horizontes temporales, lo que refleja un diseño heterogéneo y fragmentado de las renuncias recaudatorias en México.
Desafíos de evaluación: A pesar de los avances en el análisis de incidencia y desagregación por tipo de impuesto, no existe una evaluación sistemática del cumplimiento de objetivos de esta política pública. La ausencia de evaluaciones ex ante y ex post, así como de indicadores de desempeño, impide conocer la eficiencia y pertinencia de varias renuncias recaudatorias. Asimismo, existe un desfase entre la publicación de los decretos fiscales y el Documento de Renuncias Recaudatorias, lo que limita la evaluación de su impacto.
Sostenibilidad fiscal: La magnitud de las renuncias recaudatorias, equivalente a casi una quinta parte de los ingresos tributarios, representa un desafío para la sostenibilidad de las finanzas públicas. En un contexto de presiones estructurales sobre el gasto social, inversión pública, transición energética y transición demográfica es indispensable revisar la permanencia y efectividad de las medidas que implican estas renuncias, ya que si no son evaluadas pueden convertirse en una fuente estructural de ineficiencia y regresividad.

Los gastos tributarios (o gastos fiscales) en México se conocen como renuncias recaudatorias y se refieren al conjunto de medidas fiscales que reducen los ingresos públicos al otorgar un tratamiento preferencial frente a la estructura tributaria de referencia. Estas incluyen deducciones, exenciones, créditos fiscales, tasas diferenciadas y estímulos fiscales (SHCP, 2024b).
Aunque el concepto de gastos tributarios es equivalente al de estímulos fiscales, en México, los estímulos fiscales son, siguiendo la estructura del documento de renuncias recaudatorias de la SHCP, uno de los componentes de dichas renuncias. Así, los estímulos fiscales conforman un subconjunto específico de las renuncias recaudatorias y suelen establecerse mediante decretos presidenciales, a diferencia de otros beneficios incorporados directamente en las leyes tributarias (SHCP b, 2024).
Transparencia: México pasó del lugar 42 al 51 en la edición más reciente del Índice Global de Transparencia en Gastos Tributarios (GTETI, por su nombre en inglés), lo que refleja un retroceso en la disponibilidad, calidad y claridad de la información relacionada con las renuncias recaudatorias. Si bien el país aún cumple con los elementos mínimos de publicación —como estimaciones, metodología, base legal y análisis de beneficiarios—, persisten áreas de mejora relevantes, en particular en la definición del sistema de referencia (benchmark), la incorporación de evaluaciones y el fortalecimiento del papel del Congreso. La reanudación de la publicación del Documento de Renuncias Recaudatorias en 2024 representa una oportunidad para recuperar terreno en transparencia fiscal y promover una supervisión más activa por parte del poder legislativo y la sociedad civil.
Contexto complejo: Las renuncias recaudatorias representaron en 2024 alrededor de 1,42 billones de pesos, equivalentes al 4,2% del Producto Interno Bruto (PIB) y al 19,4% de los ingresos tributarios. Las renuncias recaudatorias se concentran principalmente en el Impuesto al Valor Agregado (IVA) con tasa cero y en el Sistema de Renta. Además, los estímulos fiscales, otorgados en su mayoría mediante decretos presidenciales, representaron cerca de una cuarta parte del total. Estas medidas tienen distintos objetivos, fundamentos jurídicos y horizontes temporales, lo que refleja un diseño heterogéneo y fragmentado de las renuncias recaudatorias en México.
Desafíos de evaluación: A pesar de los avances en el análisis de incidencia y desagregación por tipo de impuesto, no existe una evaluación sistemática del cumplimiento de objetivos de esta política pública. La ausencia de evaluaciones ex ante y ex post, así como de indicadores de desempeño, impide conocer la eficiencia y pertinencia de varias renuncias recaudatorias. Asimismo, existe un desfase entre la publicación de los decretos fiscales y el Documento de Renuncias Recaudatorias, lo que limita la evaluación de su impacto.
Sostenibilidad fiscal: La magnitud de las renuncias recaudatorias, equivalente a casi una quinta parte de los ingresos tributarios, representa un desafío para la sostenibilidad de las finanzas públicas. En un contexto de presiones estructurales sobre el gasto social, inversión pública, transición energética y transición demográfica es indispensable revisar la permanencia y efectividad de las medidas que implican estas renuncias, ya que si no son evaluadas pueden convertirse en una fuente estructural de ineficiencia y regresividad.

At IDOS, we are committed to the sustainable development of our organisation – ecologically, socially and economically – and we contribute to sustainable transformations worldwide through research, policy advice and training. For us, sustainability is not a one-off objective but an ongoing process that we aim to shape with responsibility and foresight. Acting sustainably in our day-to-day operations is a self-imposed obligation that we pursue with conviction and consistency. Our ambition is to act today in such a way that good working conditions and the responsible use of natural resources remain possible in the future. With this report, we are presenting for the first time an account of our greenhouse gas emissions for the period 2022 to 2023.

Comment un roman situé sur une des iles les plus excentrées d'Indonésie réussit-il à nous passionner autant ? C'est grâce à sa galerie de personnages issus de la population défavorisée et oubliée de l'île de Timor qui prennent une ampleur inédite. Ils accèdent au statut de héros d'une nation largement méconnue dont l'histoire chaotique et violente devient la trame d'une fresque historique traversant tout le XXe siècle, et se prolonge jusqu'au XXIe.

- Contrebande / Indonésie, Littérature

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Caroline Awuor tends to tree seedlings on her farm in Siaya County, Western Kenya. She is a beneficiary of the My Farm Trees Project. Credit: Jackson Okata/IPS

By Jackson Okata
SIAYA, Kenya , Dec 8 2025 (IPS)

For years, Morris Onyango had been trying to reforest his degraded land on the shores of River Nzoia, in Siaya county, 430 kilometers from Kenya’s Capital, Nairobi. But every time he planted trees on his farm, his efforts bore little fruit, as floodwaters would not only wash away his tree seedlings but also fertile topsoil on his land.

“The land became unproductive and bare. I tried reclaiming the land through reforestation, but the trees’ survival rate was too low,” Onyango said.

Siaya County has a 5.23 percent forest cover and is ranked 44th out of Kenya’s 47 counties. Judy Ogeche, a scientist from the Kenya Forestry Research Institute (KEFRI), says that the compromised forest and tree cover in the county and the lack of any gazetted forests have discouraged the integration of tree and crop farming.

“Communities here do not see tree growing as a lucrative venture. Some myths and beliefs discourage tree growing. For example, some people believe that growing the Terminalia mentalis (often known as the Panga Uzazi) tree attracts death,” says Ogeche.

According to Ogeche, another challenge is gender inequality in land ownership, with men owning most available land and making decisions on what should be planted.

“We have many women interested in restoring tree cover, but their husbands would not allow it,” Ogeche said.

Across Africa, reforestation projects struggle to survive beyond the seedling stage. However, in parts of Kenya, a groundbreaking digital innovation is transforming the landscape by empowering rural farmers to earn a living while restoring degraded lands with native trees.

Tech and Reforestation

In a bid to restore lost biodiversity and enhance tree cover in Kenya, Alliance Bioversity International and CIAT, in partnership with the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), launched the My Farm Trees project, a blockchain-based platform that offers guidance to subsistence farmers on seed selection, planting, and post-plant care, ensuring that seedlings survive and thrive in harsh conditions.

Implemented in the counties of Siaya, Turkana and Laikipia, MFT emphasizes genetically robust native species that support biodiversity, improve soil health, and provide long-term ecological and economic benefits.

Ogeche observes that the My Farm Trees project has motivated communities in Siaya to grow trees.

“They are given free seedlings and taught how to plant and take care of them, and when the trees grow, they are paid,” she said.

To provide the right seedlings, the project is partnering with the Kenya Forestry Research Institute (KEFRI), the Kenya Forest Services (KFS) and private tree nursery operators in the respective counties.

For farmers like Onyango, the My Farm Trees Project gave them the much-needed solution to their degraded lands and soils

“The project gifted me 175 seedlings of various trees, which I planted along the riverbank. The trees have helped me reclaim my land, prevent erosion and get paid for taking care of my own trees,” Onyango says.

How it Works

In the My Farm Trees project, participating farmers are registered on the MyGeo Farm App, which allows them to monitor seedlings from planting to growing. Through the app, farmers can track and report progress.

Francis Oduor, the National Project Coordinator, says since its rollout, the project has seen over 1,300 farmers registered on the MyGeo Tree App, and over 100,000 seedlings have been planted across the three counties.

“The project is especially interested in using indigenous trees for landscape restoration, which are native to specific areas, and to enhance genetic diversity,” says Oduor.

Oduor explains that My Farm Trees uses monitoring, verification, and incentives to empower local communities to become leaders and stewards of tree-planting projects that provide immediate short-term benefits.

“The project does not just focus on payment to farmers but the long-term benefits of restored landscapes for improved agricultural productivity, water regulation, and climate resilience,” said Oduor.

To ensure the use of native varieties and guarantee the production of quality tree seedlings, the project team collaborates with KEFRI to provide technical assistance to local tree nursery operators.

Lawrence Ogoda, a tree nursery operator, is among the project beneficiaries. He has been trained on seed collection, raising seedlings and record keeping.

“Through the MyGeo Tree and MyGeo Nursery Apps, I can collect data and track progress on seed collection, propagation and development at the nurseries.”

Before joining the My Farm Trees project, Caroline Awuor had not given much attention to growing trees. She received 110 seedlings, 104 of which have successfully survived and are earning her cash incentives.

“Most of them are fruit trees, including mangoes, avocado and jackfruit, while there are also some timber trees. In addition to the incentives from the project, I also earn money by selling the fruit,” she says.

Caroline intends to plant an additional 1,000 tree seedlings on her land, strategically located near the River Nzoia.

According to Joshua Schneck, the Green Climate Fund (GCF) Portfolio Manager for Global Programs at IUCN, My Farm Trees is an innovative project driven towards sustainable transformation.

The Impact

In Kenya, My Farm Tree has supported 3,404 farmers, 56 percent of whom are women. A total of 210,520 trees have been planted, with a survival rate of over 60 percent beyond the first year, with 1,250 hectares of land being restored across Siaya, Turkana, and Laikipia counties.

The program has released KES 26 million (approximately USD 200,000) in digital payments, directly benefiting 1,517 farmers. Additionally, 13 local nurseries have been strengthened in partnership with the Kenya Forestry Research Institute.

Also implemented in Cameroon, the project has seen the restoration of 1,403 hectares of forest land with over 145,000 seedlings being planted and 2,200 farmers registered on the platform. The project has also seen the restoration of 423 community lands and 315 sacred forests, with USD 130,000 in incentives distributed to farmers.

Oduor noted that the My Farm Trees project offers a scalable blueprint for  forest restoration by combining science and Blockchain technology in tree selection, post-planting support, and farmer incentives, which gives it  global relevance.

“MFT is a scalable model that aligns with climate action, poverty reduction, and ecosystem recovery. This approach supports the goals of the Paris Agreement, the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification, and the UN Decade on Ecosystem Restoration,” Oduor said.
IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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