Feed aggregator

A tökéletes motivációs levél döntő lehet az állás elnyerésében. Ugyanis ha az önéletrajzot megnyerőnek találják, minden esetben elolvassák utána a kísérő levelet is.

Főbb szempontok az írásánál:

• megfelelő címzés ( fontos, hogy a cég címe is ott legyen ne csak a neve), megszólítás
• rövid bemutatkozás
• pozíció megjelölése és a forrás közlése
• a “szeretnék jelentkezni ” óriási hiba, helyette: “ezúton jelentkezem ” legyen
• fontos leírni az ÖSSZES tapasztalatot, eddigi munkahelyeket
• ki kell hangsúlyozni a személyes értékeket
• meg kell nyerni az olvasót hisz ő fogja eldönteni,hogy behívják-e személyes találkozóra vagy sem
• a leglényegesebb dolog a helyesírás, hisz senki nem akar majd egy olyan embert foglalkoztatni aki egy A4-es oldalt nem képes hibák nélkül megfogalmazni és leírni

Aki egy állásra pályázik első körben felejtse el az interneten található sablonokat! Tele vannak hibákkal és cseppet sem személyesek. Épp az lenne a lényeg, hogy a saját gondolatait és előnyeit hangsúlyozza. Egy szalagszámra gyártott Word dokumentumos kitöltési verziót gyorsan észrevesznek és máris elveszett a lehetőség az állásra. Lehetőleg ne legyenek fogalmazási hibák , szóismétlések és ilyenek. Nem szabad elfelejteni a lezárást sem, célszerű a ” Bízom a pozitív elbírálásban és a mihamarabbi személyes találkozás lehetőségében” mondatot átfogalmazva, mással kombinálva belefoglalni. A legvégén dátummal ellátva, névvel és elérhetőséggel kell befejezni a művet. Innentől kezdve már csak várni kell..

On November 3 1988, computer users were surprised by one of the first large-scale malware attacks. The so-called Morris Worm paralysed an estimated 10% of all computers connected to the internet. The incident also motivated the creation of CERTs – Computer Emergency Response Teams dedicated to cyber-security.

Since then, the internet has gone through dramatic changes. In 1988, it connected just 60,000 computers. Today there are 3.2bn users, 40% of the world’s population. By 2020, the number of connected devices is expected to reach 50bn – from refrigerators to “smart” jewellery. Computers control services and devices that make our daily life work. Attacks on them could damage the core functions of society, threatening the health and well-being of citizens and the security of any state.

In 2015 cyber-attacks have become a 24/7 reality. Yet policy makers seem to have only a fragmented understanding of their nature. Most cyber-security discussions centre on improving defensive instruments and systems, forgetting that the most effective defence is actually interrupting attacks and striking at the attackers’ motivation.

“Most cyber-security discussions centre on improving defensive instruments and systems, forgetting that the most effective defence is striking at the attackers’ motivation”

The cyber-security market today seems to focus on the business of building fences and locks without really knowing who they are defending against. It is common in high-level cyber-security discussions to hear statements comparing computer users with gun owners, placing blame on average users whose computers are hijacked for use in cyber-attacks without their knowledge. This kind of approach seems to forget some basics: that a computer in itself is not a high-risk threat source; that average users are probably unable to defend themselves against advanced attackers; and that responsibility for attacks should first and foremost be placed with the attacker who has created a malicious use for technology.

In order to find cyber-security solutions, it is therefore important to focus on the real threat – the attacker. There are as many ways of stopping attackers as there are motives behind the attacks. From the international law perspective, substantial work has already been done, such as within the Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare, to clarify perspectives for the use of force against cyber-attackers.

However substantial gaps remain in both legal policy and instruments for international co-operation in situations that fall below those where the use of force could be evoked. Most of the attacks that cyber-security professionals are faced with on a daily basis fall into this category, outside the context of military conflict. Even these can however endanger critical infrastructure and may pose a direct threat to human life.

Has a private person the right to defend himself or herself in a cyber-attack in a same way as with physical attacks? Timid discussions about the possibilities for active defence measures have so far been held mainly within the viewpoint of military conflict.

Yet in everyday life, people responsible for handling cyber-incidents are faced with a grim choice: when all passive measures have been exhausted, can the defender stop the attacker’s access to platforms being used for the ongoing attack? What if this platform is physically located in another country and requests for help directed at authorities there go unanswered? It seems quite clear such action to protect life, property and the state should be possible and legal if all other means to stop the attack are ineffective.

However, although work on the second volume of the Tallinn Manuel should provide a more transparent and sophisticated approach to self-defence in cyber-space from a nation state’s military perspective by 2016, there is a lack of similar discussions on the right of self-defence for citizens or companies.

“In many countries cyber-security agencies operate under different institutional frameworks, with varying working methods and mandates that hinder effective cross-boarder collaboration”

International co-operation in the cyber-security domain is not easy. In many countries cyber-security agencies operate under different institutional frameworks, with varying working methods and mandates that hinder effective cross-boarder collaboration. One solution could be to standardise risk-management and notification procedures so authorities can better understand the frameworks and practices used by others.

This is where the Network and Information Security (NIS) Directive currently under discussion in the European Union could come into play. The directive should improve member states’ national cyber-security capabilities. It should boost co-operation between member states, and between public and private sectors. It will require key internet services as well as companies in critical sectors – such as energy, transport, banking and health – to adopt risk management practices and report major incidents to the national authorities.

Discussions on the directive showed, that although state practices in cyber-security vary, there is a shared level of concern and an acknowledgement of the need to improve co-operation across the EU.

Cyber-security co-operation among state authorities, and between the private and public spheres, should be quick and efficient taking into account the often rapid escalation of cyber-attacks. Artificial bureaucratic barriers must be overcome.

Cyber-security is vital to the security of European citizens and the defence of state security. It can only be achieved through practical co-operation that keeps its focus on the attackers themselves. EU policy seems to be moving in the right direction, but states must work together more.

The post Strengthening cyber-security in the EU appeared first on Europe’s World.

Az EU-s biztosok Navracsics Tibor távollétében fogadhatták be a hetes cikk szerinti eljárást követelő polgári kezdeményezést, ami megbüntetné az országot az Orbán-kormány politikája miatt. Navracsics levélben akadt ki.

This issue looks at the DROI meetings of September and October, including the joint hearing on Migration Flows, the hearing on the Death Penalty and the joint hearing on Women in Armed Conflict. Also included are the DROI missions to Ukraine, Israel and the Palestinian Territories, and Serbia.
Issue 23
Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

The human tide of refugees and migrants finding their way north via the Western Balkans, primarily to Germany, showed how ill-equipped and underfunded to cope with them the Balkans countries are. It also underlined the fact that the refugee crisis may well deepen in months and years to come. In any case, it has come almost exactly a year after European Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker’s declaration that the time has come for the EU to “take a break from enlargement”, so that new members will join over the next four and a half years.

Juncker was just stating the obvious; none of the aspiring members will be able to tick all the boxes on their pre-accession “to-do” lists during the mandate of this Commission. True, accession country leaders would have preferred Juncker to state the obvious more gently, as that would have made their lives back home easier, not least by quietening their local eurosceptics. Juncker has, however, a duty to keep his finger on the pulse of opinion in EU member states, and for some time now that opinion has definitely not been in an enlargement mode.

“I myself do not believe there is a standstill, even if I do acknowledge the general lack of enthusiasm for further enlargement”

The refugee/migrant crisis, the eurozone crisis, Greece, Ukraine, foreign fighters in the Middle East and the UK threat of a Brexit all weigh on the minds of EU citizens. There is simply no interest in enlarging a European Union that already has enough problems of its own. But although Juncker needs to bear this kind of public sentiment in mind, he should do so only up to a point. He could also try to shape public opinion and lead it in the direction that is best for the EU. And embracing the Western Balkans is good not just for the region but for the EU as a whole.

It isn’t just a question of rounding off the geography of Europe and avoiding a black hole in its south-eastern corner. Nor it is a question of honouring promises made by EU leaders at the 2003 Thessaloniki summit and repeated several times since. It certainly isn’t a question of making the EU stronger by boosting its numbers – the six Western Balkan candidates would represent little more than a glitch in the EU’s demographic and economic statistics. It is all of these things and more, and it is a move that makes perfect sense.

The EU is above all a system of values – even though the EU itself sometimes seems to forget that. Insisting on a thorough and comprehensive adherence to the accession criteria of democracy, human rights and market economy by the Balkan candidates would be a timely reminder for all EU members of the values enshrined in the Union.

At its inception, the EU was primarily a peace and reconciliation project, and as such has become the most successful in history. Yet 16 years after the end of wars in the Western Balkans, it is disappointing we in the region have still to find common ground for a genuine and successful reconciliation. Most of the initiatives we have seen have come from outside the region, primarily from the EU.

Continuation of the accession process is vital to maintaining the momentum of reconciliation efforts, and Brussels is clearly aware of that and will continue to encourage, cajole and push forward reconciliation. We in the Regional Cooperation Council take a proactive approach based on our mission statement, which tells us to focus “on promotion and enhancement of regional co-operation in South East Europe” and on supporting the European and Euro-Atlantic integration of aspiring countries.

Like many others who are now part of the EU, we in the Balkans come from societies that have little in the way of democratic tradition. We went from feudal monarchies to autocratic dictatorships, fascism and communism. Then came a long and painful transition from socialist societies and centralised economies into the world of democracy and market forces. Democracy, we all know, is more than just rules, principles and multiparty elections; it is primarily a state of mind that takes time and careful nurturing to establish its roots and to flourish. The purpose of the RCC is to help that process. In 1999, after the final battles in the break-up of Yugoslavia, the Stability Pact for South East Europe was established by the international community to assist the region in overcoming the wounds of war and speed up Euro-Atlantic integration. Less than a decade later, it was felt that the Balkans had become stable enough to take ownership of the process, so the RCC came into being.

“Continuation of the accession process is vital to maintaining the momentum of reconciliation efforts, and Brussels is clearly aware of that”

Seven years on, huge progress has been made in bi-lateral and multi-lateral relations, on reconciliation, administrative reform and freedom of the media. One Balkan country – Croatia – has “left” the region and put an EU star on its shoulders. Everybody involved in that accomplishment deserves kudos. Most of the other Balkan countries now have candidate status, but it has to be admitted that the road to EU membership is still long and full of potholes. For each and every success, there is a problem left unsolved. That is the RCC’s focus – to help in overcoming the problems and to try to fill the potholes and ensure a smoother and faster ride to membership.

A lot of our work is political, as the RCC is the focal point of efforts not only to benefit individual members but also to create a climate for regional co-operation. The RCC engages with the wider region and with overseas friends who want to help us overcome the burdens of the past and to take our place in the EU.

An indication of the path towards that membership is the Berlin Process initiated in 2014 by Germany’s Chancellor Angela Merkel. This explicitly endorses regional co-operation as the main engine of EU accession for the Western Balkans, and identifies the RCC as the main platform for it. In the economic field, the RCC’s chief tool is the SEE2020 strategy, which details ways and means for spreading economic growth. Connectivity is one of the crucial elements for this and this sector got a boost last August at the Western Balkans Vienna Summit which cemented agreements and EU investments via infrastructure projects to the tune of 600 million Euro.

To return to Jean-Claude Juncker and the so-called “enlargement standstill”, I myself do not believe there is a standstill, even if I do acknowledge the general lack of enthusiasm for further enlargement. I genuinely do not think we are talking about enlargement fatigue, or that the EU citizens have suddenly been bitten by a strange bug called “Scepticus Balkanicus”. It is simply that we are living in an era when the EU is going through yet another re-examination of its role and purpose in a world burdened with problems. In such a climate, the region needs to work extra hard to smooth its road to accession.

Beyond the political and reconciliation potholes, there are economy, unemployment and poverty problems. The region has been suffering from the global economic downturn, made worse by our own domestic troubles – endemic corruption, organised crime, shoddy privatisations, and political and familial nepotism. The list goes on, and much of the job remains undone. Unless we sort out these problems we cannot hope for a change in the climate of opinion when it comes to our EU accession prospects. To be accepted, we have to be recognised – if not yet as equals, then at least as peoples and nations who share the same values, aim for the same goals and accept the same principles. The RCC is committed to smoothing out these potholes, so that when the next European Commission and Parliament take office, Balkan candidate countries will be ready to move towards membership.

The post There’s no enlargement standstill – just a springboard appeared first on Europe’s World.

Main points include: Hearing on Sport and Human Rights; Human rights in Central Asia; Exchange of views with Habib Essid, Prime Minister of Tunisia; Human rights situation in Egypt; Human rights in Venezuela; Respect of human rights and international humanitarian law in the Gaza Conflict; Human rights situation in Ukraine and Human rights in Angola;
Issue 22
Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

Main points : Human rights situation in Eritrea with Sheila B. Keetharuth; Discussion with Michel Forst, UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders; Situation of Syrian refugees in Lebanon with Ninette Kelley; Sakharov Prize laureate Denis Mukwege; Evaluation of the activities of the European Endowment for Democracy (EED) since its establishment; Exchange of views with the Delegation for relations with the Arab Peninsula (DARP);
Issue 21
Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

Highlights in this issue include: * Hearing on human rights and technologies * Exchange of views with Ambassador Robert King * Update on Raif Badawi in Saudi Arabia * Hearing on freedom of religion or belief


Issue 20
Source : © European Union, 2015 - EP

Je pèse en moyenne 40 kilos et je peux parcourir plusieurs kilomètres. Pour assurer mon bon emploi, toute une équipe appelée « servants de pièce » est nécessaire. Je suis d'une robustesse extrême, léger et facilement projetable.

On Black Friday, the biggest shopping day of the year, Catherine Armitage takes a look at e-commerce in the EU and asks, is online shopping the key to the Digital Single Market?

Today is Black Friday – the biggest day in the e-commerce calendar. It started out as an American phenomenon, marking the busiest shopping day of the year (falling on the day after Thanksgiving) and signalling the start of the Christmas shopping period. However, over recent years Black Friday has spread across the Atlantic and retailers across Europe are now embracing Black Friday too. It’s not only Black Friday – there’s also ‘Cyber Monday’ which takes place next Monday.Wikipedia tells us this was actually invented as a ‘marketing term’ to encourage people to shop online. Online shoppers in France are currently seeing advertisements for ‘Cyber Week’ on e-commerce sites, and Amazon in the UK is announcing a full week of ‘Black Friday deals’.

So, on this momentous day (or, rather, week) for the e-commerce world, it seems appropriate to write this blog post about e-commerce in the EU and the Digital Single Market.

The European Commission’s Digital Single Market (DSM) strategy is increasingly looking more and more like it’s all about e-commerce. This is no surprise to many, like me, who have been excitedly following the DSM since the strategy was launched 6 months ago. The strategy document itself has a short ‘e-commerce’ section, which only appears to cover consumer protection. But a careful reading of the full document reveals that e-commerce is at the heart of the Commission’s DSM strategy. Online consumer protection is a start, but there is much more that could have a profound effect on any businesses that buy, sell or trade online.

Geo-blocking, for example, is all about e-commerce – now that it’s not about copyright (see my previous blog post on geo-blocking). Companies that use geo-localisation techniques to offer shoppers relevant information based on their location will need to persuade policymakers at the Commission why this is a positive, useful way of helping consumers navigate e-commerce websites. And they’ll need to show how this compares to the offline world.

The Commission’s ‘comprehensive assessment of the role of platforms’ announced in the DSM strategy will also touch on e-commerce sites, as well as services which enable online payments. In the public consultation on platforms, which was launched in September, the Commission mentions specific online market places (Amazon, eBay, Allegro, Booking.com) and payment systems (PayPal, Apple Pay). There are also measures which impact the whole ecosystem of online shopping, such as parcel delivery and harmonising VAT across the EU. Anyone working in the retail sector today will know just how much these two things can help or hinder selling online across the EU.

Finally, for any e-commerce sites which allow vendors to sell on their platforms, the Commission is looking at changing the rules on ‘mere conduit’, which would mean that in the future e-retailers could be required to actively police third-party listings on their sites and remove any content which breaches copyright rules – both for virtual goods (e.g. films, music) and physical goods (e.g. fake designer handbags).

So, even though only 1 out of the 15 sections of the DSM strategy is labelled ‘e-commerce’, online shopping is the thread that runs through a huge part of the Commission’s ambitions to create a true digital single market. To make it clearer, the team at Fleishman Hillard have developed a useful timeline which brings together all the e-commerce elements from the different bits of the DSM. As you can see, there’s a lot to digest. The DSM has the potential to fundamentally change the e-commerce landscape in the EU over the next five years. So, to all those who say the DSM is complicated, I say not at all – it’s simple. It’s all about shopping.

 

Catherine Armitage

Candidat du MPP à la présidentielle burkinabè du 29 novembre 2015. L'invité BBC AFRIQUE 23/11/2015 : Tahirou Barry L'invité BBC AFRIQUE 24/11/2015 : Bénéwendé Sankara L'invitée BBC AFRIQUE 26/11/2015 : Françoise Toé

Militaries arguably need more support from industry and their supply chain than at any point over the last decade due to the uncertainty of future requirements, campaigns and operating environments. Militaries, as well as defence ministries, will also require greater input from third p

In the age of high cost and shrinking budgets, sometimes the best choice is to modernise, not replace,” says the U.S. Navy’s Captain James Dick, who i

This article first appeared in BUCSIS . ISIL has recruits from over 100 countries. Large numbers from Belgium and France but proportionately it also has a significant number from the Caribbean – specifically Trinidad and T

American FIM-92 Stinger Man-Portable Air Defense System

Das Jahresprogramm 2016 gibt Ihnen einen Überblick darüber, welche Fragestellungen und Themen wir im nächsten Jahr interessant und wichtig finden. Überjährig bieten wir Maßnahmen zu vier thematischen Schwerpunkten an: "Die Kraft Europas", "Bürgerliche Verantwortung und Demokratie", "Soziale Marktwirtschaft und Wohlstand für morgen" sowie "Religion und Gesellschaft".

(Own report) - Leaders of the Crimean Tartars, who have been blocking the supply of electricity to Crimea for the past few days, have good contacts to the German political establishment. Years ago, Mustafa Jemilev and Refat Chubarov, who were involved in the sabotage action, had held talks on closer ties between Crimea and the West with officials of the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs and with the German government's Representative for ethnic German immigration to Germany. Just two and a half weeks ago, they discussed with the EU's High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security, Federica Mogherini, the "de-occupation of Crimea" and the necessary "peaceful actions, in particular with respect to power supply." The Crimean Tartars, who are currently cooperating with fascist organizations and ultra-rightwing battalions, have been elected to the Ukrainian parliament on the electoral list of President Petro Poroshenko's party. According to an expert, Poroshenko is "instrumentalizing" them for "his foreign policy" objectives. Jemilev also has good contacts to the US political establishment. Among the Crimean Tartars, he and Chubarov, who in Berlin enjoy exclusive recognition, are competing with Tartar Salafists - some of whom are currently fighting on the battlefields of Syria - and with Russia-oriented Tartar organizations.