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A Renewed Vision for Prosperity for Landlocked Developing Countries

Fri, 01/03/2025 - 08:10

OHRLLS Office Banner. Credit: The United Nations Office of the High Representative for the Least Developed Countries, Landlocked Developing Countries and Small Island Developing States (UN-OHRLLS)

By Rabab Fatima
UNITED NATIONS, Jan 3 2025 (IPS)

Over 570 million people live in the world’s 32 Landlocked Developing Countries (LLDCs), spanning across Africa, Asia, Europe, and Latin America. These nations face unique and complex development challenges. Their lack of direct access to the sea, geographical isolation, limited infrastructure, and difficulty integrating into global trade and value chains hinder sustainable development and progress.

The lingering impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, rising vulnerability to external shocks, climate change, and mounting debt burdens have further compounded these challenges, eroding progress achieved under the last developmental roadmap for LLDCs—the Vienna Programme of Action.

However, a pivotal moment for LLDCs is at hand. In the lead-up to the Third United Nations Conference on LLDCs (LLDC3), to be held next year, the international community has adopted a new Programme of Action (PoA) to guide LLDCs’ development from 2025 to 2035.

UN Under-Secretary-General (USG) and High Representative, cr. Credit: OHRLLS

A new decade of opportunity and progress

The new PoA is a landmark achievement designed to address the structural challenges of LLDCs and accelerate their socio-economic integration into the global economy. This vision focuses on five priority areas critical to transforming LLDCs into resilient and competitive economies:

Structural Transformation and Science, Technology, and Innovation (STI)

Economic diversification is crucial for LLDCs. Their dependence on a narrow range of commodities leaves them highly vulnerable to external shocks. The new PoA prioritizes value-added industries and leveraging technology and innovation to help LLDCs integrate more effectively into global value chains and build more resilient economies.

Digital connectivity, which is pivotal for sustainable development, is also an important focus of the PoA. In 2023, only 39% of LLDC populations used the internet, compared to the global average of 67%. The PoA aims to create regional digital platforms for peer learning and capacity building while increasing support to LLDCs to leverage technology for sustainable growth.

Trade, Trade Facilitation, and Regional Integration

Trade drives economic growth, yet LLDCs account for just 1.1% of global merchandise exports. High trade costs—averaging 30% more than coastal countries—significantly hamper their competitiveness.

The new PoA highlights LLDCs’ interest in establishing a dedicated work programme at the World Trade Organization (WTO) to address their unique needs. It also recommends developing a high-level panel of experts to examine the application of existing international laws on freedom of transit for LLDCs, ensuring that LLDCs can engage in international trade under fairer conditions.

Transit, Transport, and Connectivity

Transport infrastructure is a critical link for LLDCs to global markets. Bridging the current gap—nearly 200,000 km of paved roads and over 46,000 km of railways—will require over half a trillion dollars.

To address this, the PoA proposes an Infrastructure Investment Finance Facility (IIFF) for LLDCs to mobilize resources for sustainable transport infrastructure, thereby reducing trade costs and enhancing connectivity.

Enhancing Adaptive Capacity and Resilience to Climate Change and Disasters

LLDCs face significant vulnerabilities to climate-related disasters. Between 2012 and 2022, 447 such events affected 170 million people in LLDCs—double the global average.

The PoA emphasizes climate-resilient infrastructure, sustainable agriculture, and improved access to climate finance. It also notes LLDCs’ interest in developing a dedicated work programme under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).

Lastly, but more importantly,

Means of Implementation

The success of the new Programme of Action depends on robust means of implementation, including adequate resources, technical support, and strong partnerships. The PoA calls for increased development assistance and emphasizes the role of public-private partnerships in realizing its ambitious goals.

Driving Progress through Partnerships – a call for global solidarity and action

The adoption of the new Programme of Action is more than a commitment—it is a renewed call to action. Global solidarity is essential to provide LLDCs with the financial, technical, and capacity-building support they need. Strengthened partnerships and concerted efforts will enable LLDCs to leverage their potential and contribute meaningfully to the global economy.

The upcoming LLDC3 Conference in 2025 will serve as a critical platform to build this momentum and strengthen international collaboration and multi-sectoral partnerships for the implementation of the PoA.

With political resolve, enhanced partnerships, and tangible actions, LLDCs can emerge as dynamic contributors to the global economy, charting a path toward sustainable prosperity over the coming decade.

Ms. Rabab Fatima, United Nations Under-Secretary-General and High Representative for the Least Developed Countries, Landlocked Developing Countries and Small Island Developing States.

IPS UN Bureau

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Categories: Africa

‘Digital platforms amplify the Israeli narrative while systematically silencing Palestinian voices’

Thu, 01/02/2025 - 13:18

By CIVICUS
Jan 2 2025 (IPS)

CIVICUS discusses the challenges Palestinian civil society faces in resisting digital suppression and advocating for justice with Palestinian lawyer and researcher Dima Samaro.

As the director of Skyline International for Human Rights, Dima advocates for digital freedoms and human rights in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). She is a board member of Innovation for Change, MENA Hub, and the Surveillance in the Majority World Network, and volunteers with Resilience Pathways, which helps Palestinian civil society organisations (CSOs) reclaim the narrative amid Israeli efforts to manipulate public opinion, block funding and restrict civic space.

Dima Samaro

How are digital platforms influencing the narrative on Palestine?

Digital platforms have become key to shaping narratives about Palestine, often amplifying the Israeli narrative while systematically silencing Palestinian voices. Platforms such as Meta, TikTok and X, formerly Twitter, routinely remove Palestinian content under vague ‘policy violations’. This has intensified since October 2023, with the Israeli Cyber Unit issuing over 9,500 takedown requests, 94 per cent of which were approved. These actions have resulted in the removal of posts, shadow bans – a form of censorship that limits visibility of pro-Palestinian content without user notification – and account suspensions, and have extended to the censorship of hashtags such as #FreePalestine.

Algorithmic bias further marginalises Palestinian narratives. For example, Instagram once mistranslated the Arabic phrase ‘alhamdulillah’ – praise be to God – next to a Palestinian flag as ‘terrorists fighting for their freedom’. On WhatsApp, AI-generated images depicted militarised scenes as illustrations for ‘Palestinian’ but benign cartoons for terms such as ‘Israeli boy’ or ‘Israeli army’. While these incidents are often dismissed as technical errors, they reveal a systemic bias.

Policies such as Meta’s Dangerous Organisations and Individuals framework are heavily influenced by US terrorism designations and stifle Palestinian discourse by prohibiting expressions of ‘praise’ or ‘support’ for major political movements. Meanwhile, hate speech targeting Palestinians – including posts celebrating violence or calling for the destruction of Gaza – often goes unchecked. While ads inciting violence against Palestinians are allowed, the use of terms like ‘Zionist’ is flagged as hate speech. This double standard silences Palestinian voices while enabling propaganda that justifies collective punishment and shields atrocities from scrutiny.

Platform complicity goes beyond censorship. In April, +972 Magazine reported that WhatsApp, which belongs to Meta, played a role in supporting the Israeli AI surveillance system Lavender, which has been linked to the killing of civilians in Gaza. These disturbing revelations suggest direct corporate complicity in violations of international law.

Digital platforms are distorting narratives, dehumanising Palestinians and normalising violence against an already oppressed and besieged population. They actively suppress efforts to document war crimes and manipulate information. They must be held accountable for this.

What challenges does Palestinian civil society encounter?

Palestinian CSOs work under immense pressure, facing arbitrary arrests, travel bans, funding cuts and violence. In October 2021, Israel designated six prominent Palestinian human rights groups as terrorist organisations. These unfounded accusations delegitimised their work, fuelling defamation campaigns and enabling harassment and other restrictions on their work.

Many human rights defenders have also become targets of digital surveillance. Pegasus spyware, developed by the Israeli company NSO Group, has been used to hack the devices of Palestinian activists and human rights defenders, putting their safety and work at risk. This surveillance has been widely condemned by organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch.

But the crackdown on Palestinian civil society goes beyond digital tactics: human rights defenders are harassed, arbitrarily detained and physically attacked. In Gaza, the situation has worsened after October 2023. Several civil society workers have been killed, injured or detained, and many have been displaced by the ongoing bombardment. The destruction of infrastructure has further hampered their work.

Journalists also face violence. Gaza has become the world’s deadliest place for journalists, with 195 media workers killed to date, many of them deliberately targeted while carrying out their duties. This loss of independent reporting creates a massive information gap, leaving human rights violations unreported and unchecked.

To make matters worse, international donors such as Germany, Sweden and Switzerland have suspended funding over unsubstantiated allegations of links to terrorism. The European Union’s imposition of ‘anti-incitement’ clauses also stigmatises Palestinian CSOs by forcing them to prove their neutrality, limiting their ability to document human rights violations without risking their safety.

How is Skyline International helping address these challenges?

We work at the intersection of technology, social media and human rights in Palestine and the region. We track, monitor and document human rights violations committed by states and corporations, particularly in the digital sphere. This includes tracking digital surveillance, analysing the ethical implications of AI in conflict settings and advocating for the protection of fundamental online rights such as freedom of expression, access to information and the right to privacy.

In Palestine, we support civil society activists and journalists by tackling online censorship and digital bias. We work closely with human rights defenders to document cases of over-enforcement of policies, content takedowns, account suspensions and algorithmic bias by social media platforms, as well as the illegal use of spyware and new technologies to target media workers. We also condemn Israel’s use of digital tools to target journalists in Gaza and Lebanon. Our aim is to draw national and international attention to these violations and advocate for the protection of press and online freedoms, ensuring that journalists can report without fear of retribution.

We also hold technology companies to account for their impact on human rights. In September, for example, we sent an open letter to Binance, a leading cryptocurrency exchange, expressing serious concerns about allegations of a mass seizure of Palestinian crypto wallets at Israel’s request. These actions exacerbate the economic and financial blockade of Gaza, making it even more difficult to access essential resources such as water, food and medical supplies. We demanded transparency regarding the criteria used to determine which accounts were frozen and immediate action to mitigate the humanitarian impact on Palestinian users. Although Binance responded, it didn’t provide a clear explanation or take any action.

What can the international community do to support Palestinian civil society?

Support for the work of Palestinian civil society is crucial to documenting abuses and advocating for justice. But this support must go beyond expressions of solidarity or charity. We need our allies to support our struggle for freedom and dignity.

The international community must move beyond empty rhetoric and take tangible action. It must also do more than just provide financial aid: it must put political pressure on Israel to end its occupation and respect Palestinian human rights. This includes protecting activists, fighting Israel’s constant attempts to criminalise and silence our work and holding accountable those who profit from the ongoing genocide. It means stopping arms exports to Israel and holding tech platforms accountable for their complicity in suppressing Palestinian voices, amplifying hate speech and facilitating Israeli surveillance and repression.

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Categories: Africa

Education Cannot Wait Interviews UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Afghanistan Richard Bennett

Thu, 01/02/2025 - 12:37

By External Source
Jan 2 2025 (IPS-Partners)

Richard Bennett was appointed as the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan in April 2022. He has served in Afghanistan on several occasions in different capacities, including as the Chief of the Human Rights Service with the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan. He has previously played a role in the promotion and protection of human rights in Afghanistan and supported the United Nations on a number of human rights issues, such as protection of civilians, transitional justice, child rights, rule of law, rights of people with disabilities, protection of human rights defenders and a range of economic, social and cultural rights.

Bennett also served with the United Nations as the Representative of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and head of the human rights components of peacekeeping operations in Sierra Leone, Timor-Leste and South Sudan – as well as twice in Afghanistan (2003-2007 and 2018-2019). He has been a long-term adviser to the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission. From 2007 to 2010, Bennett was the Representative of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Nepal and head of OHCHR’s office there. He has also been Chief of Staff for the UN Secretary-General’s Panel of Experts on Sri Lanka and Special Adviser to the Assistant Secretary-General for Human Rights in New York.

Bennett worked for Amnesty International from 2014–2017 initially as its Asia-Pacific Program Director, and later as head of Amnesty’s United Nations Office in New York. From mid-2019, he worked as a consultant on UN human rights assignments in Afghanistan, Myanmar and New York.

ECW: For more than three years, girls in Afghanistan have been banned from attending school beyond the sixth grade. In your latest report to the UN General Assembly, you describe a worsening human rights situation under the de facto authorities, particularly for girls and women. What impact is the education ban having on Afghan girls and on Afghan society as a whole?

Richard Bennett: The ban on education for girls above the sixth grade is of course having a devastating impact on Afghan girls. They see their future lives and opportunities having been narrowed almost entirely to the domestic sphere, and this, combined with the prospect of early or forced marriage, has driven thousands of them into depression. Self-harm, including suicides and suicidal ideation, has risen dramatically. Families are being torn apart, with siblings separated, and communities fractured. The education ban is impacting Afghan society as a whole. Let alone the denial of the fundamental right to education, no society can prosper if half the population is not able to contribute to its economy. The long-term consequences include deepening poverty and gender inequality, an increase in gender-based violence and child marriage, and more child labour and other forms of exploitation. The devastating consequences will be intersectional and intergenerational. Education is a fundamental right and also provides crucial protection. Society as a whole suffers almost irreparably when half the population is systematically excluded from life opportunities.

ECW: Despite the ban, many girls and young women are finding alternative ways to continue to learn. Why is it crucial for donors to continue funding multilateral organizations, such as Education Cannot Wait, who are working together to provide education access and support to Afghan girls and women?

Richard Bennett: Continuing donor support for organizations like Education Cannot Wait is crucial in this time of crisis for girls’ education in Afghanistan. Despite the ban, alternative and informal educational pathways are emerging to offer hope and learning opportunities for Afghan girls and women. However, for these programmes to be effective, resilient and safe, they must be equipped with adequate resources and expertise to support both student learning and emotional well-being.

Programmes supported by Education Cannot Wait offer a lifeline at a very difficult time for girls in Afghanistan, enabling them to continue learning, equipping them for a better future and providing hope and psychological sustenance. Moreover, they align with the international community’s commitment to the right to education as a universal value and do so within the principles of universality and inclusion.

Funding ECW’s initiatives is not only an investment in resilience and gender equality, but also in the future of today’s children – and, ultimately, in the prospects for peaceful, sustainable, long-term recovery of Afghanistan. Without such support, millions of girls and young women risk being left in the shadows, perpetuating cycles of despair and marginalization.

ECW: Your analysis emphasizes that the denial of girls’ and women’s right to education is part of a broader system of gender-based oppression amounting to “gender persecution,” a situation that many Afghans and human rights advocates describe as “gender apartheid.” Could you elaborate on this concept and explain why it needs to be urgently addressed?

Richard Bennett: The Taliban’s system of discrimination, segregation, disrespect for human dignity, and exclusion is pervasive and methodical. It is enforced through edicts, decrees and policies, often with strict implementation and sometimes violent punishment for transgressions. Every restriction on the rights of women and girls – whether on their rights to education, healthcare, freedom of movement, access to justice, or women’s right to work – is interlinked and mutually reinforcing.

Cumulatively, these deprivations are so severe and extensive, I have concluded that they may amount to crimes against humanity, in particular the crime of gender persecution. These are crimes under international law. They are not only ongoing, they are intensifying.

Further, in my discussions with Afghans, especially women, they consistently emphasize that the term “gender apartheid” most accurately describes their lived experiences and best captures the ideological and institutionalized nature of the Taliban’s discrimination and oppression of women and girls. There is a growing movement, which I support, advocating for the formal codification of gender apartheid in a future treaty on crimes against humanity.

Whether we describe what is happening in Afghanistan as gender persecution or gender apartheid, it is clear that the situation is not only unacceptable – it is unconscionable. We all have a collective responsibility to challenge and dismantle this appalling system and to hold those responsible to account.

ECW: You have been an early supporter of Education Cannot Wait’s #AfghanGirlsVoices global advocacy campaign, which amplifies testimonies of Afghan girls denied access to education and who are fighting for their rights. What message would you like to share globally to further mobilize support for their right to education?

Richard Bennett: To the global community, I say this: the courage and resilience of Afghan girls fighting for their right to learn is nothing short of heroic. Their voices remind us that education is a fundamental right, not a privilege. We must amplify their stories and rally resources to ensure they are heard everywhere and are not forgotten.

My personal interactions with Afghan girls, whether they are 11th grade students I met in the north of Afghanistan in 2022 who continue to pursue education despite the subsequent closure of their school, or the survivors of the Kaaj Academy bombing who I’ve met in Kabul, Türkiye and Europe, or the members of the winning Afghan Girls’ Robotics Team, they continue to inspire and motivate me. The world must stand in solidarity with Afghan girls and women, sending a clear message that their dreams and potential matter and that the denial of education to them is an injustice that may rise to the level of a crime against humanity.

Together, we can create pathways to hope and opportunity, even in the face of adversity. The message is clear: we cannot allow the dreams and potential of millions of Afghan girls to be extinguished. The time to act is now, and every effort counts.

ECW: We know that ‘readers are leaders’ and that reading skills are key to every child’s education, no matter who or where they are. What are three books that have most influenced you personally and/or professionally, and why would you recommend them to others?

Richard Bennett: It’s hard to choose three, but here is my list:

No Good Men Among the Living: America, the Taliban, and the War Through Afghan Eyes by Anand Gopal; often the first book I recommend to newcomers to Afghanistan and essential reading for those who wish to understand how America got it so wrong.

A Fine Balance by Rohinton Mistry; Almost 30 years ago, I read this exquisitely written, somewhat bleak but transformative novel set in India and it left an indelible mark on me. The balance is, of course, between hope and despair, so relevant for Afghans today.

Outspoken: My Fight for Freedom and Human Rights in Afghanistan by Sima Samar; published in 2024, this memoir by my first boss in Afghanistan is recommended reading for Afghan girls and boys looking for a role model. She is a doctor, human rights defender and, not least, the founder of schools and a fighter for girls’ education.

Categories: Africa

Who Will Save Nigeria’s Coastal City on the Brink of Extinction?

Thu, 01/02/2025 - 07:50

A welcome sign harks back to a more prosperous time. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

By Promise Eze
AYETORO, Nigeria, Jan 2 2025 (IPS)

In 2021, Ojajuni Olufunsho, a 53-year-old resident of Ayetoro, a town along the Atlantic coast, southwestern Nigeria, saw her home swept away by the encroaching sea. What was once a spacious 10-room house, a sanctuary for Olufunsho and her five children, was swallowed by the relentless force of rising sea waters.

With no place to go, Olufunsho was forced to beg a family living on higher ground to take her family in. A tiny temporary shelter made from wood and aluminium sheets replaced the comforts of her previous home. She now struggles to survive by mending clothes as her once-thriving tailoring business was destroyed by the waters.

“I used to be a big tailor, and I also sold clothes, but the waters carried away everything. My shop was always full,” she said, tears streaming down her face as she recounted her losses.

Ayetoro’s battle with sea level rise dates back to the early 2000s, but its impact has only worsened with time. Local residents claim that nearly 90 percent of the town is now submerged by water.

Ayetoro resident Akinwuwa Omobolanle gestures towards a swampy expanse, a result of recurrent floods. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Ojajuni Oluwale lost two houses to the encroaching waters. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Emmanuel Aralu lost his business to the raging waters and now struggles to feed his family. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Streets, homes, schools, and even cemeteries have been swallowed by the rising tides, displacing thousands of residents. Many have been forced to move several times, seeking higher ground to escape the encroaching waters.

The buildings that once stood as symbols of the community’s resilience now lie as empty shells, victims of the sea.

“Many people have left the town,” said Comrade Omoyele Thompson, Ayetoro’s Public Relations Officer, noting that the population has dwindled from around 30,000 in 2006 to just 5,000 in recent times.

“Properties worth millions of dollars have been destroyed. Hundreds of residential houses, including a maternity centre and factories built through communal efforts, have been ravaged by the sea surge,” he added, highlighting that many residents now live in shanties.

The struggles of Ayetoro are not unique. Coastal communities around the world are facing similar challenges. Rising sea levels, fueled by climate change, are causing significant destruction, and projections suggest that the problem will only worsen.

According to data from the African Centre for Strategic Studies, African coastlines have experienced a consistent rise in sea levels over the past four decades. If this trend continues, sea levels are expected to increase by 0.3 meters by 2030, posing a threat to 117 million people on the continent.

Nigeria, with its vast coastline along the Gulf of Guinea, is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change. While desertification threatens the northern parts of the country, the southern coastal areas face the growing menace of rising sea levels.

According to USAID, a 0.5-meter rise in sea levels could force as many as 27 to 53 million Nigerians living along the coast to relocate by the end of the century. Sea rise could have devastating effects on human activities in these regions, including agriculture and fishing, all of which form the backbone of Ayetoro’s economy.

While rising sea levels pose a global threat, many countries are taking proactive measures to address the problem. For instance, about one-third of the Netherlands lies below sea level, and parts of the country have even been reclaimed from the sea. However, observers told IPS that the Nigerian government has shown minimal concern for Ayetoro’s plight. Without urgent intervention, they warn, the town may soon exist only in photographs and history books.

A once-thriving technical school now stands battered and desolate. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The community’s only remaining school, a fragile makeshift structure, has been repeatedly relocated due to relentless sea surges. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The Fading Jewel of the Atlantic

Ayetoro, originally founded in 1947 by Christian Apostolic missionaries, was once a beacon of self-sufficiency and progress. The town’s community-focused way of life, based on religious values, fostered a sense of unity that earned it the nickname “The Happy City.”

During the 1960s and 1970s, Ayetoro became known for its development in sectors such as agriculture, industry, and education. The town was home to Nigeria’s first dockyard, which spurred industries like boat building and fishing. In 1953, it became only the second town in Nigeria to have electricity. These advancements made Ayetoro an attractive destination for tourists and settlers alike.

However, the town’s once-beautiful beaches and thriving infrastructure have now become distant memories. Ayetoro, once known for its vibrant economy and cultural significance, now stands as a stark reminder of the destruction wrought by climate change.

Key landmarks such as the market, football pitch, community library, a technical workshop and the community’s first church have been submerged or destroyed by the sea. Even the monarch’s palace, a symbol of the town’s rich cultural heritage, is now surrounded by swampy water.

Disrupted Lives

For many residents of Ayetoro, fishing has long been their primary livelihood. However, rising sea levels have made it increasingly difficult to secure a good catch. The distance to the water has expanded, and fuel costs for longer trips have soared, putting additional strain on their already limited finances.

Additionally, farmland and water sources have been contaminated by saltwater, making agriculture nearly impossible.

Thompson, who has been fighting for the rights of Ayetoro residents, said, “People are living in complete poverty because businesses have been lost.”

In May 2024, he helped organize a peaceful protest, with thousands of residents—including children and the elderly—marching to demand government action. Their placards read “Save Our Souls” and “Save Ayetoro Now,” but despite their efforts, the government has failed to respond.

The town’s only surviving hospital is also in terrible condition and poorly equipped. Qualified healthcare workers have fled the area. In emergencies, residents must transport the sick by boat to hospitals in neighbouring communities. Tragically, many do not survive the journey.

Battered shanties dot Ayetoro. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The ruins of buildings stand as silent witnesses to the relentless sea surge. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Broken Promises

Ayetoro’s calls for help have not gone unanswered in the past, but the response has often been inadequate or marred by corruption.

In 2000, the community wrote numerous letters to the government, pleading for help as the sea incursions worsened. The government didn’t respond till 2004, when it launched the Ayetoro Shore Protection Project through the Niger Delta Development Commission, promising to build a sea embankment to protect the town from further flooding. However, millions of dollars allocated for the project were allegedly siphoned off, and no work was done.

“We read about the intervention in newspapers, but no contractor or equipment ever came to the site,” Thompson said.

In 2009, the project was re-awarded to another company, Dredging Atlantic, but once again, nothing materialized.

Nigeria introduced the Climate Change Act in 2021 with the goal of addressing climate challenges. However, critics argue that, like other policies on paper, it lacks the political will to see the light of day.

Idowu Oyeneyin, the 38-year-old mother of three, is angry that no one has been held accountable for the failed projects. She said politicians only visit the community during election periods to make empty campaign promises.

“The rising coastal sea levels have brought immense hardship to my family. My shop, where I sold provisions to support my children, was completely destroyed by the floods. It wasn’t just a shop—it was our primary source of income. Since the flood ruined my business, I can no longer afford to care for my children or meet their school needs,” Oyeneyin said.

“We need support from the government and organizations to help us rebuild our lives. Many of us have lost not just our businesses but also our homes and stability. Providing financial aid and awareness programs could make a significant difference.”

Her children now attend the only remaining school in the community, a makeshift structure of wooden huts precariously connected by unstable boardwalks and supported by stilts in the swampy ground. The school has been relocated multiple times due to relentless ocean surges.

Residents say there used to be three schools in the community. With the loss of two and the strain on the only one left, hundreds of children are now out of school.

“One time, schools were closed for about four years, and even when they reopened, the devastation in the area made it impossible for children to access their schools. This has been our greatest pain,” Thompson told IPS.

Zikora Ibeh, Senior Programme Manager at Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA), is of the belief that the Nigerian government should recalibrate its priorities.

“Until state authorities in Nigeria recognise community welfare and environmental justice as essential components of their legacy, communities like Ayetoro will continue to bear the brunt of neglect, exploitation, and climate change,” Ibeh said.

The monarch’s palace, now surrounded by swampy waters, tells a tale of loss. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The Curse of Fossil Fuels

Ayetoro’s vulnerability to rising sea levels is compounded by the oil exploration activities in the region. Located in Nigeria’s oil-rich belt, Ayetoro contributes to the country’s total oil production.

Akinwuwa Omobolanle, who was the queen to the former king of Ayetoro, wants local and international oil companies to stop operating in the area.

“The crude oil drilling in the ocean and the arrival of foreigners who discovered natural resources in Ayetoro in the 1990s are one of the main causes of what we are facing. Since they started drilling oil, problems have been escalating,” Omobolanle said.

While oil companies deny responsibility for the destruction, environmental experts want justice.

“While rising sea levels are undoubtedly driven by global warming, the plight of Ayetoro, like many oil-rich communities in the Niger Delta, is also a direct consequence of reckless extractivism perpetuated by multinational oil and gas corporations. For decades, these corporations have operated with near-total impunity, leaving a trail of environmental destruction in their wake,” Ibeh posited.

The Nigerian government, she added, does not hold these corporations accountable and demand reparations for the damage done, but rather “successive governments have chosen complicity, upholding corporate interests and revenue generation over the welfare of communities like Ayetoro. This negligence has left the town doubly vulnerable—first to the global impacts of climate change and second to the unchecked greed of profit-driven industries that treat the environment as disposable.”

Cynthia N. Moyo, Greenpeace Africa’s Climate and Energy Campaigner, told IPS that it is essential for Africa to transition from fossil fuels to sustainable energy sources. She argued that fossil fuels represent not only an environmental threat but also a perpetuation of oppression, exploitation, and neocolonialism.

“The science is clear: the extreme weather events we’re experiencing in our communities are a direct consequence of continued reliance on fossil fuels. These events are wreaking havoc on vulnerable communities worldwide. In Africa, the effects of climate change are devastating—cyclones, typhoons, floods, and billions of dollars in damage occur annually,” she said.

Moyo warned that increased investment in offshore oil and gas drilling would lead to severe environmental damage, including the risk of spills that harm marine ecosystems and destroy the livelihoods of coastal communities. This, she explained, would only exacerbate the climate crisis.

“Such activities undermine meaningful efforts and commitments to transition towards renewable energy. Fossil fuels like coal and oil lie at the core of a broken, unjust, and unsustainable energy system that harms both people and the planet,” she noted.

A Bleak Future?

For the residents of Ayetoro, time is running out. Amid the lack of government support, they have been attempting to find local solutions to their worsening plight but without success.

“We have tried to build local barriers to stop the flood,” said Ojajuni Oluwale, a father of seven who has lost two houses to the encroaching waters. “We’ve tried bagging sand and placing it along the coastline, but when the sea rises, it scatters everything.”

“Solving this will require huge financial investment,” Oluwale said.

At COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan, developed nations agreed to allocate USD 300 billion annually to help developing countries address climate impacts. However, developing countries criticized this amount as inadequate, with Nigeria describing it as a “joke.”

There is widespread skepticism that developed nations, responsible for nearly 80 percent of historical greenhouse gas emissions, will honor their commitments. In 2009, they pledged to provide USD 100 billion annually to support vulnerable countries grappling with worsening climate disasters, but the promise was slow to materialize, even though, according to the OECD, developed countries exceeded the amount in the end.

In 2022, after years of pressure, developed nations agreed to establish a Loss and Damage Fund to offer financial support to nations most vulnerable and severely impacted by the consequences of climate change. Contributions to the fund have exceeded USD 70 million, with disbursement expected to begin by 2025.

Tolulope Theresa Gbenro, a climate expert in Nigeria, worries about the disparity between the climate financing needs of developing countries, especially African nations, and the pledges made by developed countries. She noted that at present, climate finance and accountability are somewhat disorganized and lacking a clear, unified approach across various funding sources.

“It’s one thing to have enough funding to meet the needs, but another to have the right accountability, monitoring, and auditing frameworks in place to ensure that funds are properly disbursed and reach the most vulnerable groups. At this stage, I would say it is still a work in progress because negotiations related to this will continue moving forward,” Gbenro highlighted.

While Ayetoro awaits any form of assistance to prevent its complete destruction, residents report that the psychological toll of their suffering is overwhelming.

“The trauma is unbearable,” said Emmanuel Aralu, who lost his barbershop to the encroaching sea. “The entire shop was wiped out overnight. Not a single item could be saved. Now, I’m struggling to make ends meet, support my wife and children, pay school fees, and cope with the rising cost of living.”

He continued, “I’m suffering for something I didn’t cause. Oil exploration drains resources from our offshore areas, but the benefits go to cities like Abuja and Lagos, leaving us to bear the brunt of the damage. It’s emotionally exhausting.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

Excerpt:

Ayetoro, a Nigerian town once known for its vibrant economy and cultural significance, now stands as a stark reminder of the destruction wrought by climate change. Key landmarks such as the market, football pitch, community library, a technical workshop and the community’s first church have been submerged or destroyed by the sea. Even the monarch’s palace, a symbol of the town’s rich cultural heritage, is now surrounded by swampy water.

Categories: Africa

Remembering Jimmy Carter: a UN Perspective

Thu, 01/02/2025 - 07:28

Carter was a man of decency and integrity who devoted his life to promoting peace and democracy. Credit: Courtesy Kul Chandra Gautam

Former US President Jimmy Carter, a leader of impeccable integrity and decency who devoted his life to promoting peace and democracy worldwide. I recall his contribution to the peace process in Nepal and his leadership in combatting deadly diseases in Africa.

Jimmy Carter enthusiastically supported the child survival campaign led by UNICEF. He had nominated Jim Grant to be the Executive Director of UNICEF and said that it was one of the most important decisions of his presidency.

By Kul Chandra Gautam
KATHMANDU, Nepal, Jan 2 2025 (IPS)

Former American President Jimmy Carter was a man of peace and principles. He presided over a tumultuous period in American history from 1977 to 1981, working hard to restore trust in government after the Watergate scandal and the divisive era of the Vietnam War. He brokered a landmark peace deal between Israel and Egypt and negotiated a historic treaty to hand over the Panama Canal to Panama.

Carter, a champion of human rights both in the US and around the world, passed away at 100 on December 29, 2024.

More than any recent American president, Carter pressed gently but firmly on autocratic regimes worldwide to respect human rights and the rule of law. When he led the country with immense moral authority, it encouraged many human rights advocates, while dictators worried about the US sanctions.

At home, Carter got many progressive legislations passed in areas of consumer protection, welfare reforms and the appointment of women and minorities in America’s judiciary. However, he had difficulties managing the US economy, the Iran hostage crisis and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. And in the 1980 Presidential election, when he lost his bid to Ronald Reagan, his active political career came to an end.

Kul Chandra Gautam

But he didn’t retire to a comfortable life, rather, he embarked on a noble mission as one of the world’s highly respected elder statesmen, deeply committed to promoting democracy and human rights. He founded the Carter Center with a motto of “Waging Peace, Fighting Disease and Building Hope”.

With his team, he worked tirelessly to help resolve conflicts, monitor elections and improve human health through campaigns to eliminate several neglected diseases afflicting the poorest people worldwide, particularly in Africa.

“For his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights and to promote economic and social development,” Carter won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002.

Links with UNICEF and Nepal

Carter greatly admired UNICEF Executive Director James Grant and strongly supported the UNICEF-led global child survival and development campaign. Further, the organisation was a key partner in the Carter-led global campaign to eradicate a debilitating disease called dracunculiasis or Guinea-worm disease.

My first substantive meeting with Carter took place on August 3, 1995, at an event in Washington, DC, organised jointly by the Carter Center, USAID, WHO and UNICEF to mark the 95 percent reduction in Guinea worm cases worldwide and to recommit to its total eradication. I had a long and fruitful discussion with Carter on strengthening our collaboration in the global campaign to eradicate Guinea-worm disease.

In February 2004, I joined President Carter and WHO Director-General JW Lee on a 3-day field visit to observe and advocate for Guinea-worm eradication in Ghana. I learned about Carter’s humble personality, deep commitment to many worthy causes and impressive advocacy skills.

In our informal interactions, we often talked about Nepal.

Carter’s involvement in Nepal

Carter visited Nepal twice to observe Nepal’s Constituent Assembly Elections. He advised Nepali leaders, including the Election Commission, based on his worldwide experience and credibility in observing elections and conflict resolution. Over the years, the Carter Center produced several reports on Nepal dealing with issues related to the peace process, challenges in drafting Nepal’s Constitution and other important issues of social justice and equity.

I instinctively supported Carter’s noble efforts to promote peace, democracy and development. However, like everybody else, Carter was human and fallible, and some aspects of the Carter Center’s reports on Nepal were flawed.

In particular, Carter’s hasty verdict that Nepal’s first Constituent Assembly election was free, fair and peaceful ignored the fact that there was an unusually high degree of intimidation in many rural constituencies. The non-Maoist parties’ candidates were prevented from campaigning, and voters were threatened with physical violence for weeks preceding the actual voting.

There were well-intentioned but inaccurate analyses of Nepal’s socio-political dynamics by the Carter Center, the International Crisis Group, and even the United Nations. In their effort to appear “balanced and even-handed”, they gave the undue benefit of the doubt to the progressive-sounding rhetoric of the Maoists, ignoring their violent and corrupt practices.

Carter witnessed the insincerity and duplicity of the Maoists when they initially welcomed the 2013 election for the second Constituent Assembly but then denounced it as rigged and unfair when the results showed that they had suffered a humiliating loss.

Unlike during the first CA election, Carter took the necessary time to analyse the second CA election better. He left somewhat sobered by a deeper understanding of the Maoists’ opportunistic and undemocratic nature.

A man of faith and integrity

Jimmy Carter was a deeply religious and spiritual man who often turned to his faith during his political career. But as a progressive man and defender of human rights and gender equality, he found himself at odds with his Southern Baptist Church when it opposed gender equality, citing a few selected verses from the Bible that women must be “subservient” to their husbands and must not be allowed to serve as priests.

Carter protested and took a painful decision to sever ties with his Baptist Church, saying that parts of its rigid doctrine violated the basic premises of his Christian faith. He wrote to his fellow Baptists and published an op-ed article “Losing my religion for equality”.

Carter had a philosophical and spiritual perspective on death. As he suffered from multiple bouts of cancer treatment, he remarked, “I didn’t ask God to let me live, but I just asked God to give me a proper attitude toward death. I found that I was absolutely and completely at ease with death”.

May Carter’s noble soul rest in eternal peace.

Source: Kathmandu Post, Nepal

Kul Chandra Gautam is a distinguished diplomat, development professional, and a former senior official of the United Nations. Currently, he serves on the Boards of several international and national organizations, charitable foundations and public-private partnerships. Previously, he served in senior managerial and leadership positions with the UN in several countries and continents in a career spanning over three decades. As a former Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF and Assistant Secretary-General of the United Nations, he has extensive experience in international diplomacy, development cooperation and humanitarian assistance.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

IPS – Year End Video, 2024

Sat, 12/28/2024 - 21:21

By External Source
Dec 28 2024 (IPS-Partners)

The world’s troubles deepened in 2024. Civilians bore the brunt of war.

Violence in Gaza, Sudan, Ukraine, Haiti, and more displaced over 100 million people worldwide.

Over 70% of those killed in Gaza were women and children, according to the UN Human Rights Office.

With critical infrastructure in ruins, an estimated 1 million children are now displaced, according to UNICEF.

In Sudan, 10 million people were displaced by conflict in 2024.

2024 became the hottest year on record, with global temperatures 1.4°C above pre-industrial levels.

Over 2 billion people experienced extreme heatwaves this year.

At COP29, leaders failed to reach a breakthrough on climate finance.

Developing nations are still waiting for the $100 billion pledged annually since 2009.

Floods in the Sahel displaced 2 million people.

Southern Africa’s drought put over 20 million at risk of food insecurity.

Efforts to protect biodiversity also fell short.

1 million species remain at risk of extinction, warns the Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES).

But hope emerged from renewable energy.

Solar and wind capacity increased by 25% globally, pushing emissions toward a long-awaited peak.

The world now has 281 million international migrants, with remittances exceeding $800 billion annually, boosting economies in low-income nations.

Gender violence remains a global crisis.

Nearly 1 in 3 women worldwide experience abuse, according to UN Women.

Women human rights defenders were targeted and silenced.

In 2024, over 30 journalists were killed covering conflict zones.

Gaza saw the highest number of journalist deaths in three decades.

Haiti’s crisis worsened, with over 700,000 people displaced by gang violence.

Small farms provided 80% of food consumed in Africa, highlighting their critical role in food security.

New breakthroughs in malaria vaccines are expected to save over 10 million lives by 2050.

In Bangladesh, mass protests ousted corrupt leaders.

Dr. Muhammad Yunus hailed the movement as a triumph of “ordinary people’s power.”

The world may feel like a runaway train heading for disaster, but collective action can slow it down.

2024 highlighted our vulnerabilities, but it also reminded us of humanity’s capacity for resilience.

When people unite, they can spark real, transformative change.

Organizations, activists, and individuals are working tirelessly for a better tomorrow.

Every step forward, no matter how small, brings us closer to hope.

2024 tested us all, but it also showed us that change is possible.

2025 is a blank canvas.

Together, let’s paint a brighter future

Categories: Africa

This Year’s Three UN Summits Set the Stage for COP30 to Transform Food Systems

Tue, 12/24/2024 - 18:57

12 November 2024, Baku, Azerbaijan. FAO Director-General QU Dongyu and Ismahane Elouafi, EMD of CGIAR attend the inauguration of the Food and Agriculture Pavilion FAO/CGIAR during COP29. Credit: FAO/Alessandra Benedetti

By Aditi Mukherji and Cargele Masso
NAIROBI, Kenya, Dec 24 2024 (IPS)

This year has been a landmark one for climate and environment policy. Starting with the UN’s COP16 biodiversity talks in October, followed by the COP29 climate talks in November, and closing with the desertification COP16 in December, few years have offered such critical moments back-to-back.

This created an unprecedented opportunity to bolster food systems against climate change, improve their environmental impacts, and concretize support for smallholder farmers – some of the people most affected by climate change, land degradation, and biodiversity loss.

Across the summits, negotiators broadly agreed on the need to integrate food systems into the UN’s three environmental frameworks, a step in the right direction given the interconnectedness of food and agriculture, and the environment at large. However, to build on the flagship UAE Declaration on food systems at the COP28 climate talks in 2023, the global community must urgently ramp up financing and action to make good on the ambitious goals set.

In other words, the next 12 months to the COP30 climate talks in Brazil are critical for “walking the talk” of the COPs this year. To make the most of the opportunity for food systems to support environmental and climate goals, several steps are needed.

The first is increased investment into low-emissions technologies and innovations for food systems. This includes both investment into new and emerging solutions as well as financing for scaling up existing technologies.

Just as increased investment and support in recent decades led to a solar energy boom, causing the price of solar panels to fall sharply and became cheaper than fossil fuels, food systems need similar long-term and sustained investments. Channelling international finance towards agricultural research and development would accelerate and scale affordable, impactful, and clean technologies that curb emissions and enhance biodiversity while also supporting adaptation and rural livelihoods.

Green ammonia, for instance, is a promising new sector for food and agriculture. It reduces emissions from fertiliser production by utilising renewable energy sources, such as wind or solar power, to fuel the traditional Haber–Bosch process. But at present, green ammonia is more expensive than its fossil fuel-based alternative, and requires more research to achieve cost-effective production in the years to come.

Second, finance is urgently needed to cover the costs and potential short-term losses as farmers adopt low-emission, regenerative agricultural practices. The transition to sustainable agriculture is not without costs, and supporting countries and communities as they make this shift is essential to long-term implementation. For example, payment for ecosystem services, including carbon credits, is worth exploring and implementing.

As it stands, food systems receive only around 0.8 per cent of climate finance, totalling $28.5 billion average yearly. This is far from the estimated $212 billion needed annually to reduce food systems’ environmental footprint, which currently account for one third of all global greenhouse gas emissions. Increased finance in food systems represents a huge opportunity to bring the world back on track to reach climate targets.

The need for finance goes beyond just climate goals. There is also a need for increased finance for biodiversity to fully implement the Global Biodiversity Framework and land degradation neutrality. At the same time, these seemingly competing finance needs can be coordinated to make best use of resources to make progress across the board. Reducing and phasing out harmful subsidies and mobilizing financial resources to enhance biodiversity and ecosystem gains, both targets under the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework, are paramount to deliver on all three Rio Conventions.

Finally, harmonizing policy can help address this by optimizing the use of resources like finance. Improving policy coherence across climate adaptation and mitigation can help maximize impacts and reduce trade-offs.

For instance, there are currently different country-level policy frameworks to reduce emissions and protect biodiversity: Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAPs). While both acknowledge the interconnectedness between climate and biodiversity, their implementation has been fragmented and siloed. This means we are missing out on the “double-wins”, more often duplicating efforts and even undermining sustainability goals.

Integrating the three Rio Conventions on biodiversity, desertification, and climate is fundamental. Though they are separate frameworks, they cannot operate in siloes, especially regarding food systems, because they are deeply interconnected.

This includes improved coordination to minimize competition for resources like finance and transaction costs, while enhancing systems thinking.

Food systems offer an opportunity for just and fair climate action, simultaneously vulnerable and powerful when it comes to the impacts of climate change, biodiversity loss, and land degradation. Given that next year will be a single-COP year, attention must return to the opportunities for food systems to reduce emissions and enhance biodiversity and ecosystem gains, at the same time as supporting a just transition to ensure we sustain not only the planet, but all humanity too.

Aditi Mukherji, CGIAR’s Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation Impact Action Platform and IPCC author

Cargele Masso, Director of the CGIAR Impact Platform on Environmental Health and Biodiversity

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Civil Society Trends for 2025: Nine Global Challenges, One Reason for Hope

Tue, 12/24/2024 - 18:26

By Andrew Firmin and Inés M. Pousadela
LONDON / MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Dec 24 2024 (IPS)

It’s been a tumultuous year, and a tough one for struggles for human rights. Civil society’s work to seek social justice and hold the powerful to account has been tested at every turn. Civil society has kept holding the line, resisting power grabs and regressive legislation, calling out injustice and claiming some victories, often at great cost. And things aren’t about to get any easier, as key challenges identified in 2024 are likely to intensify in 2025.

Andrew Firmin

1. More people are likely to be exposed to conflict and its consequences, including humanitarian and human rights disasters, mass displacement and long-term trauma. The message of 2024 is largely one of impunity: perpetrators of conflict, including in Israel and Russia, will be confident they can resist international pressure and escape accountability. While there may be some kind of ceasefire in Gaza or halt to the Russia-Ukraine conflict, those responsible for large-scale atrocities are unlikely to face justice. Impunity is also likely to prevail in the conflicts taking place largely off the global radar, including in Myanmar and Sudan. There will also be growing concern about the use of AI and automated weapons in warfare, a troublingly under-regulated area.

As recent events in Lebanon and Syria have shown, changing dynamics, including shifting calculations made by countries such as Iran, Israel, Russia, Turkey and the USA, mean that frozen conflicts could reignite and new ones could erupt. As in Syria, these shifts could create sudden moments of opportunity; the international community and civil society must respond quickly when these come.

Inés M. Pousadela

2. The second Trump administration will have a global impact on many current challenges. It’s likely to reduce pressure on Israel, hamper the response to the climate crisis, put more strain on already flawed and struggling global governance institutions and embolden right-wing populists and nationalists the world over. These will bring negative consequences for civic space – the space for civil society, which depends on the freedoms of association, expression and peaceful assembly. Funding for civil society is also likely to be drastically reduced as a result of the new administration’s shifting priorities.

3. 2025 is the year that states are required to develop new plans to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and adapt to climate change under the Paris Agreement. The process will culminate in the COP30 climate summit in Brazil, likely the world’s last chance to limit the global temperature rise to 1.5 degrees above preindustrial levels. This will only happen if states stand up to fossil fuel companies and look beyond narrow short-term interests. Failing that, more of the debate may come to focus on adaptation. The unresolved question of who will pay for climate transition will remain central. Meanwhile, extreme weather events such as heatwaves and floods can be expected to continue to devastate communities, impose high economic costs, drive migration and exacerbate conflicts.

4. Globally, economic dysfunction is likely to increase, with more people struggling to afford basic necessities, increasingly including housing, as prices continue to rise, with climate change and conflict among the causes. The gap between the struggling many and the ultra-wealthy few will become more visible, and anger at rising prices or taxes will drive people – particularly young people deprived of opportunities – onto the streets. State repression will often follow. Frustration with the status quo means people will keep looking for political alternatives, a situation right-wing populists and nationalists will keep exploiting. But demands for labour rights, particularly among younger workers, will also likely increase, along with pressure for policies such as wealth taxes, a universal basic income and a shorter working week.

5. A year when the largest number of people ever went to the polls has ended – but there are still plenty of elections to come. Where elections are free and fair, voters are likely to keep rejecting incumbents, particularly due to economic hardship. Right-wing populists and nationalists are likely to benefit the most, but the tide will eventually turn: once they’ve been around long enough to be perceived as part of the political establishment, they too will see their positions threatened, and they can be expected to respond with authoritarianism, repression and the scapegoating of excluded groups. More politically manipulated misogyny, homophobia, transphobia and anti-migrant rhetoric can be expected as a result.

6. Even if developments in generative AI slow as the current model reaches the limits of the human-generated material it feeds on, international regulation and data protection will likely continue to lag behind. The use of AI-enabled surveillance, such as facial recognition, against activists is likely to increase and become more normalised. The challenge of disinformation is likely to intensify, particularly around conflicts and elections.

Several tech leaders have actively taken the side of right-wing populists and authoritarians, putting their platforms and wealth at the service of their political ambitions. Emerging alternative social media platforms offer some promise but are likely to face similar problems as they grow.

7. Climate change, conflict, economic strife, repression of LGBTQI+ identities and civil and political repression will continue to drive displacement and migration. Most migrants will remain in difficult and underfunded conditions in global south countries. In the global north, right-wing shifts are expected to drive more restrictive and repressive policies, including the deportation of migrants to countries where they may be at risk. Attacks on civil society working to defend their rights, including by assisting at sea and land borders, are also likely to intensify.

8. The backlash against women’s and LGBTQI+ rights will continue. The US right wing will continue to fund anti-rights movements in the global south, notably in Commonwealth African countries, while European conservative groups will continue to export their anti-rights campaigns, as some Spanish organisations have long done throughout Latin America. Disinformation efforts from multiple sources, including Russian state media, will continue to influence public opinion. This will leave civil society largely on the defensive, focused on consolidating gains and preventing setbacks.

9. As a result of these trends, the ability of civil society organisations and activists to operate freely will remain under pressure in the majority of countries. Just when its work is most needed, civil society will face growing restrictions on fundamental civic freedoms, including in the form of anti-NGO laws and laws that label civil society as agents of foreign powers, the criminalisation of protests and increasing threats to the safety of activists and journalists. Civil society will have to devote more of its resources to protecting its space, at the expense of the resources available to promote and advance rights.

10. Despite these many challenges, civil society will continue to strive on all fronts. It will continue to combine advocacy, protests, online campaigns, strategic litigation and international diplomacy. As awareness grows of the interconnected and transnational nature of the challenges, it will emphasise solidarity actions that transcend national boundaries and make connections between different struggles in different contexts.

Even in difficult circumstances, civil society achieved some notable victories in 2024. In the Czech Republic, civil society’s efforts led to a landmark reform of rape laws, and in Poland they resulted in a law making emergency contraception available without prescription, overturning previous restrictive legislation. After extensive civil society advocacy, Thailand led the way in Southeast Asia by passing a marriage equality law, while Greece became the first predominantly Christian Orthodox country to legalise same-sex marriage

People defended democracy. In South Korea, people took to the streets in large numbers to resist martial law, while in Bangladesh, protest action led to the ousting of a longstanding authoritarian government. In Guatemala, a president committed to fighting corruption was sworn in after civil society organised mass protests to demand that powerful elites respect the election results, and in Venezuela, hundreds of thousands organised to defend the integrity of the election, defeated the authoritarian government in the polls and took to the streets in the face of severe repression when the results weren’t recognised. In Senegal, civil society mobilised to prevent an attempt to postpone an election that resulted in an opposition win.

Civil society won victories in climate and environmental litigation – including in Ecuador, India and Switzerland – to force governments to recognise the human rights impacts of climate change and do more to reduce emissions and curb pollution. Civil society also took to the courts to pressure governments to stop arms sales to Israel, with a successful verdict in the Netherlands and others pending.

In 2025, the struggle continues. Civil society will keep carrying the torch of hope that a more peaceful, just, equal and sustainable world is possible. This idea will remain as important as the tangible impact we’ll continue to achieve despite the difficult circumstances.

Andrew Firmin is Editor-in-Chief and Inés M. Pousadela is Senior Research Specialist at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation. The two are co-directors and writers for CIVICUS Lens and co-authors of the State of Civil Society Report.

Categories: Africa

Innovative Financing to Unlock Africa’s Blue Economy

Tue, 12/24/2024 - 08:32

Mangroves, Madagascar. Credit: Rod Waddington

As part of the Great Blue Wall initiative, the goal is to safeguard 30% of the countries’ Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) by 2030, focusing on achieving a net gain in critical ecosystems such as mangroves, corals, and seagrasses.

By Jean-Paul Adam
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 24 2024 (IPS)

Securing new financing for global good has become more challenging than ever. Negotiations at the recently-concluded COP16 on Nature and Biodiversity failed to reach an agreement on establishing a fund to support the implementation of the Framework for Nature agreed in 2022 under the Montreal-Kunming agreement.

As with all multilateral action, commitments without resources lead to questions on the effectiveness of these global processes. The gap between global commitments and actual resource allocation hits African countries the hardest, as these countries often have limited capacity to generate those resources in the first place.

African negotiators have underscored the need for accountability in honouring multilateral commitments and will continue to maintain this stance at the upcoming climate negotiations.

Meanwhile, many African countries are actively seeking to unlock new funding streams for climate and environmental resilience through financial innovations such as debt swaps, green bonds, and blue bonds.

The Blue Economy has emerged as a key area of focus for Africa, and one of the priorities outlined in AU’s Agenda 2063. However, African countries continued to struggle in controlling and benefitting from their own resources.

A good example is the continuing deployment of harmful fisheries subsidies. The value of subsidies by distant fishing nations for their fleets operating in African waters representing on average twice the value of support that African nations are able to provide for their own fishing fleets.

This disparity undermines local economies and depletes Africa’s Ocean resources, further complicating efforts to build a sustainable and resilient blue economy.

The Great Blue Wall

African countries have sought to redefine the way in which they leverage their oceanic spaces to develop a ‘regenerative blue economy’. This implies re-investing in the ocean to create jobs that engage the community who are the stewards of oceans and coastal eco-systems.

This has been conceptualized through the Great Blue Wall initiative, an ambitious project that seeks to create a network of conserved and restored seascapes that benefit both the natural biodiversity and local communities’ livelihoods.

The initiative aims to protect 30% of the countries Exclusive Economic Zones by 2030 and produce a net gain in critical ecosystems like mangroves, corals and seagrasses. It is hoped that the initiative can contribute up to 70 million livelihoods in the region and up to 10 million blue jobs by 2030.

The Great Blue Wall initiative brings together 10 countries: Comoros, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mozambique, Seychelles, Somalia, South Africa, Tanzania, and France (through its overseas department of La Réunion). These countries are working together to enhance socio-ecological resilience, improve livelihoods, and strengthen climate change adaptation efforts.

Financing

Crucially, the initiative is seeking to raise financing towards a collective goal, while building on efforts being made by individual countries. This brings certain advantages, notably in creating economies of scale.

This common approach can also provide significant leverage in addressing issues such as fisheries management and moving away from the current extractive nature of fisheries subsidies to a community-led approach to the management of the resource.

Additionally, many other African countries are looking to tap into innovative climate finance opportunities to generate resources for investment in their blue economy.

For example, Cabo Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe have entered into agreements with Portugal to convert portions of their national debt into climate investments. For Cabo Verde, the agreement involves a debt swap of $12.9 million (€12 million), while São Tomé and Príncipe’s agreement covers $3.7 million (€3.5 million). These funds are redirected into climate investment projects rather than being paid directly to Portugal.

In Cabo Verde, the focus is on water, sanitation, and energy projects, including the expansion of a photovoltaic plant and the development of desalination and water treatment facilities. The initiative aims to use solar energy to produce desalinated water, addressing both energy and water needs.

São Tomé and Príncipe will similarly channel their debt repayments into a national climate fund, supporting various green investments and climate change adaptation projects.

This innovative approach ensures that the debt repayments contribute to sustainable development and environmental protection in these countries. While the amounts are relatively small, they can be catalysts for mobilizing larger funds.

It is with this in mind that Sao Tome and Principe have also announced the creation of a Conservation Trust Fund aimed at channeling resources into the preservation of their unique natural heritage and leveraging new associated economic opportunities such as eco-tourism.

All of these efforts to mobilize innovative climate financing are rooted in the needs of populations who are on the front line of climate change. This is perhaps the most meaningful part of these efforts, because it underscores the greatest challenge of multilateralism: ensuring that support is delivered to the most vulnerable in the community.

Investing in the nexus between climate, nature, and resilience is one of the most urgent and effective actions we can take. The right investments can help unlock the true value of Africa’s natural assets, estimated by the African Development Bank (AfDB) to be worth as much as USD $6.2 trillion.

We need global processes to deliver on the promise of predictable flows of finance at scale. However, equally important is the need to unlock African-driven initiatives that are built within communities. These innovations are helping to start that journey, paving the way for a meaningful change, empowering communities while addressing the challenges of climate change.

Jean-Paul Adam is the Director, Policy, Monitoring and Advocacy at the UN Office of the Special Adviser on Africa.

Source: Africa Renewal, United Nations

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

‘It’s Very Tough’: Turning Youth Employment Dreams Into Reality

Tue, 12/24/2024 - 07:33

Young Jordanians undertake soft skills training organized by local youth development organization, LOYAC Jordan. Credit: LOYAC Jordan

By Catherine Wilson
SKOPJE, North Macedonia , Dec 24 2024 (IPS)

It’s a bright winter day in Skopje, the capital of North Macedonia in the southern Balkans. By lunchtime, the cafes are full. The atmosphere is busy and social, and it is not difficult to see why the city, home to one-third of the country’s population of 2 million, is the focus of hope for young jobseekers. But, for many, it is not an easy road.

“It’s very tough to get employment. Young people here are waiting up to 18 months to find their first job,” 28-year-old Aleksandra Filipova told IPS. “But I am hopeful for the future,” she added. Filipova understands the challenges her generation faces and is determined to make hope a reality through her work with the National Youth Council of Macedonia, where she is Program Manager.

Last year, the global youth unemployment rate of 13 percent marked a significant decline in 15 years, reports the International Labour Organization (ILO). But the situation varies widely across regions. Large youth populations, uneven post-COVID-19 economic recovery, the Ukraine war and energy crisis, structural labour market issues, and socio-cultural expectations have contributed to above-average unemployment rates in parts of the Balkans, Middle East, and North Africa (MENA).

Skopje, the capital of North Macedonia, is home to one quarter of the country’s population and a focus for young jobseekers. Credit: Catherine Wilson/IPS

The Republic of North Macedonia is a landlocked nation located south of Serbia and north of Greece. It gained independence from the former Yugoslavia in 1991 and is planning accession to the European Union (EU). Economic growth has been slow in recent years. But a major obstacle in securing a job, even for the highly educated, is a mismatch between educational qualifications and skills required by employers. It’s a key factor in the youth unemployment rate of 28 percent, more than double the national rate of 13 percent.

“Our education system is based on theoretical knowledge and not on technical and vocational skills. Employers want to employ young people, but they need them to have other skills,” Filipova said. For the private sector, especially small and medium-sized businesses, “soft skills are missing, even just how to write an email or how to talk to people in a business environment. Entrepreneurial skills are needed. There is also a lack of people who speak foreign languages for global businesses,” she pointed out.

The National Youth Council of Macedonia has rolled out a paid internship program, in association with the government’s Youth Guarantee policy, which is generating employment success for the country’s youth. Credit: National Youth Council of Macedonia

The transition from education to work can be a disappointing experience for new jobseekers. And many, up to 45 percent of those employed, are turning to jobs unrelated to their education or informal work, such as market selling and seasonal hospitality work. Young women who face traditional social expectations are also highly represented in informal employment.

Long-term joblessness is a real risk. Last year, more than 73 percent of all unemployed people in the country had been out of work for more than a year, while one in five young people were not in employment or education, reports the ILO.

But, in 2018, the North Macedonian Government launched the Youth Guarantee policy—a pledge to respond to youth challenges. Four years later, aligned with the policy, the youth council launched a paid internship program, now hailed a major success. Today, 2,000 employers participate in offering two-month work placements.

“It works well for them [the employers] because they say that, after two months, they have long-term employees. During the internship, youths have learned the skills needed by the business,” Filipova said. “So they are investing in the long-term future of their business.” And 70 percent of young people who have taken a paid internship are now employed.

North Macedonia was the first Balkan country to implement the Youth Guarantee and demonstrate its success.

“About 60,000 young people have taken part in the Youth Guarantee program in North Macedonia so far. I’d like to point out that since 2019, statistics related to the labour market show significant and major improvement in relation to young people. The youth employment rate has increased by 3.5 percentage points compared to 2018,” North Macedonia’s Minister for Labour and Social Policy, Jagoda Shahpaska, told the media in 2021.

Youth employment is a significant focus of the UN’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development Goals, and other internationally agreed frameworks emphasize the importance of youth development and engagement, and youth are seen as key to achieving the SDGS.

One of the challenges youth face in the transition from education to employment is a skills mismatch with what recruiters require. Credit: LOYAC Jordan

Across the Mediterranean in the Levant region, youth face a similar plight in Jordan, where 63 percent of the population of 11 million people are aged under 30 years. The Hashemite Kingdom, which has managed economic stability while hosting more than 3 million refugees fleeing from conflicts in neighbouring Syria and the occupied Palestinian Territories, has a youth unemployment rate of 40 percent. It’s a common challenge across the MENA region, where one in three young people are unemployed and where 33 million new jobs will need to emerge by 2030 to meet the demands of working-age populations, forecasts the United Nations.

Every year, 100,000 young Jordanians, many highly educated, strive to enter the workforce. Economic growth is not generating enough jobs, and even the large public sector is unable to absorb increasing jobseekers.

“Jordan is one of the few Arab countries outside of the Gulf that has continued to provide fairly large numbers of public sector jobs to new jobseekers as part of its social pact, but this is fiscally very costly and distorts labour market incentives,” Dr. Steffen Hertog, Associate Professor in Comparative Politics at the London School of Economics and Political Science, told IPS.

Amman, Jordan’s capital, a sprawling city on the edge of the Jordan Valley, is the administrative and commercial heartbeat of the country. Here, Ali Haddad, Executive Director of the Jordan Youth Innovation Forum, a national youth development organization, told IPS that many youths have “a strong preference for public sector jobs, as they are seen as more stable,” but growing the private sector was vital.

“Expanding businesses can absorb the increasing numbers of young jobseekers; private industries encourage skills development and innovation; and a robust private sector contributes to GDP growth, benefiting the economy and opening more opportunities for youth,” he said.

However, ensuring people can access opportunities is also essential. Ahmad Asfour, General Manager of LOYAC Jordan, a local social enterprise focused on youth skills development, said there were also rural-urban disparities in the country. “Employment opportunities are concentrated in urban areas, making it difficult for rural youth to access jobs,” while “women often face extra challenges such as societal norms, lack of childcare, and unequal pay.”

The skills mismatch with labour market expectations is a major hurdle too. Youths need communication, teamwork, and problem-solving skills, and an entrepreneurial mindset with critical thinking, innovation, digital, and business skills, Asfour said. LOYAC has also found success in bridging the gap with a national internship program. “We annually train 1,200 students and match 850 with internships on a national level, providing many with the skills, confidence, and connections necessary to secure employment,” Asfour said.

Empowering the younger generation is part of the Jordan Government’s 10-year development and modernization strategy, announced in 2021. It is committed “to provide a stimulating environment that enables young people to unleash their creative energies and contribute effectively to economic and social development,” Eng. Yazan Al-Shdeifat, Jordan’s Minister for Youth, said in a statement on 24 November.

And there have been entrepreneurial successes, Haddad emphasised, such as Arab Therapy, an online service that offers expert mental health support by Arab-speaking professionals to people worldwide. And Mawdoo3, founded by young Jordanian entrepreneurs, Mohammad Jaber and Rami Al Qawasmi, is now the world’s largest Arabic content platform and, in 2021, was listed by Forbes as one of the most visited websites in the Middle East.

Beyond the unemployment statistics, there are increasing numbers of youth finding employment success through dedicated initiatives in both regions. There is still a long way to go. But growing the successes is crucial for the generation that will determine future sustainable economic and national development in their countries and beyond.

Note: This article is brought to you by IPS Noram in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with ECOSOC.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

U.S. Wins Controversial Ruling in GM Corn Dispute with Mexico

Mon, 12/23/2024 - 20:28

Credit: Christian Valero Rebolledo/Cafe Words

By Timothy A. Wise
CAMBRIDGE, MA., Dec 23 2024 (IPS)

A tribunal of trade arbitrators has ruled in favor of the United States in its complaint that Mexico’s restrictions on genetically modified corn violate the terms of the U.S.-Mexico-Canada trade agreement (USMCA). The long-awaited ruling in the 16-month trade dispute is unlikely to settle the questions raised by Mexico about the safety of consuming GM corn and its associated herbicide.

Indeed, the pro-U.S. ruling raises questions about the fairness of the USMCA itself, which has now legitimized the use of the agreement’s dispute process to challenge a domestic policy that barely affected trade. U.S. president-elect Donald Trump is now openly threatening Mexico with 25% tariffs on all Mexican exports, a blatant violation of the USMCA that Trump himself renegotiated and signed in 2018. Yet the treaty appears impotent to challenge such unilateral U.S. trade measures just as its tribunal slaps Mexico’s hand for its public health policies.

According to the U.S. government, the final report from the tribunal, announced December 20, ruled that “Mexico’s measures are not based on science and undermine the market access that Mexico agreed to provide in the USMCA.” In fact, the trade panel’s ruling was more limited, demanding that Mexico comply with the trade agreement’s procedures for carrying out risk assessments based on “relevant international scientific principles.”

The Mexican government defended its position but vowed to comply with the ruling. “The Government of Mexico does not share the Panel’s determination, as it considers that the measures in question are in line with the principles of protection of public health and the rights of indigenous peoples, established in national legislation and in the international treaties to which it is a party,” read a statement following the ruling.

The ruling will not settle the debate over the health and environmental risks of GM corn and its associated herbicides, In the course of the dispute, Mexico produced extensive peer-reviewed scientific evidence that showed ample cause for precaution given the risks associated with both GM corn and its associated herbicide glyphosate. Recent studies have shown negative health impacts to the gastrointestinal tract and potential damage to the liver, kidneys, and other organs.

“[We] did an exhaustive review of the scientific literature,” explained María Elena Àlvarez-Buylla, the molecular geneticist who led Mexico’s national science agency, CONAHCYT, until October. “We concluded that the evidence was more than sufficient to restrict, out of precaution, the use of GM corn and its associated agro-chemical, glyphosate, in the country’s food supply chains.”

That evidence was presented in great detail to the tribunal in Mexico’s formal filings during the process, and it has now been published as a “Science Dossier.” It represents one of the most comprehensive reviews of the scientific evidence of the risks of GM corn and glyphosate to public health and the environment.

For its part, the U.S. government declined to present evidence that its GM corn with glyphosate residues is safe to eat in Mexico, where corn is consumed at more than ten times the levels as in the United States and in minimally processed forms such as tortillas, not in processed foods.

“The research on the part of the U.S. was quite poor,” says Dr. Álvarez-Buylla, noting that U.S. research was outdated, ignored many recent studies, and depended on science that is “full of conflicts of interest.”

The U.S. government also failed to produce any evidence that Mexico’s February 2023 presidential decree had any meaningful impacts on U.S. exporters. U.S. corn exports have increased since the decree was enacted, not shrunk. The measures restricted only GM white corn use in tortillas, less than 1% of the U.S. corn exported to Mexico.

Early on in the dispute, Mexican Economy Minister Raquel Buenrostro stated that the U.S. needed to show “quantitatively, with numbers, something that has not occurred: that the corn decree has commercially affected” U.S. exporters. The U.S. has yet to produce any such evidence.

Meanwhile, president-elect Trump’s threatened tariffs are blatantly illegal under the USMCA and promise to inflict massive economic harm on Mexican exporters, and on U.S.-based firms that produce in Mexico.

The pro-U.S., pro-agrochemical industry ruling will ripple far beyond this dispute. Mexico’s documentation of the evidence of risk from GM corn and glyphosate should prompt consumers and governments the world over to take a closer look at these controversial products, and at the lax U.S. regulatory processes exposed by Mexico.

Countries considering entering into trade agreements with the United States may now be more reluctant to do so if their domestic policies can be challenged in a trade court. Kenya has been negotiating a trade agreement with the United States. Kenyans are already concerned the agreement will open Kenya to GM animal feeds, says Anne Maina of the Kenya Biodiversity and Biosafety Association. If the agreement can be used to challenge domestic policies, she says, it will be even less palatable.

It remains to be seen how the Mexican government will comply with the ruling. It has 45 days to respond. Already, President Claudia Sheinbaum has reiterated her support for a constitutional amendment to enshrine a ban on GM corn cultivation and consumption in tortillas. A “Right to Food” law passed last year mandates labeling of foods containing GMOs. No tortilla seller wants such a label on its products, because Mexican consumers are clear that they do not want GM corn in their tortillas.

The tribunal’s ruling will not undo the fact that Mexico’s precautionary policies are indeed justified by well scientific evidence. By allowing the trade agreement to undermine a domestic policy that barely affects trade, it will further tarnish the legitimacy of an agreement already seen as favoring multinational corporations over public health and the environment.

Timothy A. Wise is a senior research fellow at Tufts University’s Global Development and Environment Institute.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Maya Train: Still Waiting to Become Promised Engine of Development – VIDEO

Mon, 12/23/2024 - 18:15

By Emilio Godoy
MERIDA, Mexico, Dec 23 2024 (IPS)

When he promoted the Maya Train (TM) in 2019, then-President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who ruled Mexico between 2018 and October this year, stated that the railway line would be an engine of development for the southeastern Yucatan peninsula.

The three states of the peninsula – Campeche, Quintana Roo and Yucatan – were offered spaces for craftspeople and ecotourism in the stations, as well as the transfer of thousands of tourists, the promotion of alternative tourism and the creation of jobs.

But one year after three of the five established routes began operating, there is little evidence of the promised benefits.

It is true that more international tourists have arrived at airports in Merida, the capital of the southeastern state of Yucatan, or tourist destinations such as Cozumel in neighbouring Quintana Roo, between January and September, compared to the same period in 2023.

However, in Cancun, the peninsula’s tourist hotspot, with one station, those arrivals fell 1.5%, making it difficult for experts to attribute the higher overall tourist arrivals to the TM.

Between December 2023 and last August, the TM carried 340,622 passengers, at a rate of 1,425 per day, according to official figures. Cancun, Merida, Playa del Carmen, Valladolid and Palenque, which has an archaeological site, account for 80% of the passengers.

Mayan craftsperson Alicia Pech does not know the railway, says she has no money to travel, that more people have not arrived and that sales are low.

The train, intended for tourists, curious users and the local population, among whom it arouses little enthusiasm, is empty at the larger stations, Merida or Cancun, and fares are low at the smaller ones.

As in other stations, Maxcanu, part of section 3 that runs between Calkini (Campeche) and Izamal (Yucatan) has eight empty shops with signs such as ‘Food’, ‘Community Tourism’ and ‘Mayan Handicrafts’.

The same thing happens in Valladolid, part of section 4 that connects Izamal with Cancun, and in the Merida-Teya station, also on route 3, there are two food shops, one that offers TM souvenirs, a car rental place, and another one that advertises a future bakery.

José Rodríguez, originally from Cancn, was disappointed because the difference in cost compared to land transport is low and because of a one-hour delay he had on his commute to Merida.

Of the 34 planned stations, only 26 are operating, as Sedena is still tending the last two sections between Felipe Carrillo Puerto, in Quintana Roo, and Centenario, in Campeche.

To increase revenues and minimise losses, President Claudia Sheinbaum, who took office on 1 October, plans to expand it to Puerto Progreso, on the Yucatan coast north of Merida, to move cargo.

The Mexican government has known since 2022 that the mega-project would increase the budget. The Cost-Benefit Analysis Update, prepared that year by a private Mexican consulting firm, concluded that the cost would go from two to four times its original cost.

But the TM will continue to consume money, as the 2025 budget proposal includes a budget of US$2,173 million, added to the delay of the project and a total cost overrun that already exceeds US$15 billion.

Categories: Africa

‘The Election Is Just Another Tool to Keep Lukashenko in Power for as Long as Possible’

Mon, 12/23/2024 - 13:31

By CIVICUS
Dec 23 2024 (IPS)

CIVICUS discusses the ongoing crackdown on civil society in Belarus with Natallia Satsunkevich, human rights defender and interim board member of the Viasna Human Rights Centre.

Belarusian authorities have stepped up arrests in a bid to stifle any remaining opposition to President Alexander Lukashenko, who is seeking a seventh term in the January 2025 presidential election. Over 1,200 people have been detained since the end of September, many for participating in online chats that have been used to organise protests since the 2020 election. The authorities describe these as part of an extremist network. Some of those arrested have been charged with conspiracy to seize power, carrying a potential prison sentence of up to 15 years. Around 1,300 political prisoners are currently being held in overcrowded prisons, while opposition leader Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya remains in exile.

Natallia Satsunkevich

How has the political atmosphere changed in the run-up to the presidential election?

As the presidential election approaches, the authorities have intensified their crackdown on civil society and political opposition. This isn’t new – repression has been escalating since the protests following the 2020 stolen election – but in recent months it has taken an even darker turn.

One of the regime’s main tools is the criminalisation of independent organisations and media. Viasna, for example, has been declared an ‘extremist formation’. This means anyone who interacts with us – whether by sharing information, giving an interview or offering support – risks being arrested and prosecuted. This level of repression has created a climate of fear where people are too afraid to speak out about human rights abuses or take part in activism.

There has also been an increase in arrests, house searches and interrogations. Many of those arrested during the 2020 protests are still in prison and new arrests are taking place almost every day. The political opposition inside the country has been effectively silenced, with most of its leaders imprisoned or driven into exile. It’s clear that Lukashenko’s authoritarian regime is determined to hold onto power at all costs.

Is there any question of the outcome being at stake?

Unfortunately, no. Elections in Belarus are so heavily manipulated that they’re little more than formalities to legitimise Lukashenko’s rule. We’ve been monitoring and campaigning for free and fair elections for years, along with groups like the Belarusian Helsinki Committee, but at the moment those conditions simply don’t exist.

The opposition has been completely sidelined. Many of its leaders are either in prison or have fled the country. Alternative candidates aren’t allowed to run, and any form of opposition campaigning is banned. The state-controlled media is completely one-sided, constantly pushing the narrative that Lukashenko has overwhelming public support, while silencing anyone who disagrees.

With no transparency or accountability, the outcome is already decided. This election is just another tool to keep Lukashenko in power for as long as possible.

What are the likely post-election scenarios?

After the election, things are likely to stay much the same. The regime is likely to continue its authoritarian rule and we have little hope for immediate change.

For Belarus to move towards democracy, the first step would be to release all political prisoners. Almost 1,300 people, including opposition leaders, activists and journalists, are currently behind bars on politically motivated charges. They should be allowed to participate in the political process.

The government must also end its campaign of repression. Widespread arrests, searches, interrogations and torture have created an atmosphere of fear that stifles any form of dissent. Reform of the police and judicial systems is essential to address this.

Belarus also needs genuinely free and fair elections. This means opposition candidates should be able to campaign openly and people must be able to vote without fear of retribution.

Finally, accountability for human rights abuses is crucial. Those responsible for torture, unlawful detention and silencing dissent must be held accountable. This is vital for restoring trust and building a democratic future.

How can the international community support democratic transition?

The international community has been a lifeline for the Belarusian people, and this support must continue. Financial aid and solidarity from democratic states, particularly the European Union and the USA, have enabled many activists, including myself and others who’ve had to leave Belarus for our own safety, to continue our work.

Public condemnation of the regime’s actions also helps. Even if it doesn’t lead to immediate change, it shows Belarusian people and the government that the world is watching and reminds the authorities that actions have consequences.

It is also important to seek accountability through international legal mechanisms. Since we can’t hold perpetrators to account inside Belarus, it is essential to seek justice outside the country. States such as Lithuania and Poland have already begun investigating crimes committed by the regime and have referred cases to the International Criminal Court. These efforts show that there is a global determination to hold those in power to account.

The crisis in Belarus must be recognised as an international issue and kept on the international agenda. The United Nations has described the regime’s actions as crimes against humanity, making it clear this is not just a domestic matter: it’s an international crisis that demands international attention and action.

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Belarus: ‘Despite the repression, we haven’t halted our work for a single day’ Interview with Marina Kostylianchenko 16.Dec.2023
Belarus: ‘There is a pro-democracy civil society that opposes the war and advocates for democratic reforms’ Interview with Anastasiya Vasilchuk 22.Mar.2023
Belarus: a prison state in Europe CIVICUS Lens 15.Mar.2023

Categories: Africa

Trapped on a Runaway Train: Looking Back on 2024

Mon, 12/23/2024 - 12:32

By Farhana Haque Rahman
TORONTO, Canada, Dec 23 2024 (IPS)

Do you sometimes feel like a hamster on its wheel, or perhaps stuck on a runaway train hurtling towards the abyss? Whatever metaphor one might choose for our world looking back on 2024, rainbows don’t easily spring to mind.

Farhana Haque Rahman

Wars and conflicts already in full spate a year ago got even worse, with horrific violence inflicted on civilians, especially women and children, and millions displaced. Gaza, Sudan, Ukraine, Myanmar, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Sahel, Haiti. A long list getting longer.

The COP29 talks in Baku, Azerbaijan, were ostensibly about trying to find agreements on how to tackle the global climate crisis. Two weeks of negotiations, covered in detail by IPS, came close to collapse, ending just short of total failure.

As 2024 raced towards a place in the record books as the planet’s hottest year on record, a meaningful Baku accord on climate finance for poorer nations was once again stymied by powerful nations and their geopolitical rivalries, squabbling about accountability against a backdrop of already rising debts.

In the words of Mohamed Adow, director of climate and energy think tank Power Shift Africa, the rich world staged “a great escape in Baku with no real money on the table and vague and unaccountable promises of funds to be mobilised.” (One might also add that major emitting countries like China and India, which project power and wealth but refuse to be defined as ‘rich’, also got off lightly in Baku).

Disputes over finance for a new fund also sank the COP16 biodiversity summit held in Cali, Colombia, where exhausted delegates failed to reach consensus.

In a blow for those seeking to prevent mass species extinction, countries also failed to agree on a new framework for monitoring progress on tackling biodiversity loss.

A landmark new report by the Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) warns that deep, fundamental shifts in how people view and interact with the natural world are urgently needed to halt and reverse biodiversity loss and safeguard life on Earth.

The IPBES Assessment Report on the Underlying Causes of Biodiversity Loss and the Determinants of Transformative Change and Options for Achieving the 2050 Vision for Biodiversity – also known as the Transformative Change Report – builds on the 2019 IPBES Global Assessment Report, which found that the only way to achieve global development goals is through transformative change, and on the 2022 IPBES Values Assessment Report.

Critical in terms of their contributions to humanity, but confined to the sidelines in these big power orchestrations, organizations like OCHA, the IOM and WHO act both as harbingers of doom while attempting to carry out essential repair and maintenance work amidst the wreckage.

Greg Puley, head of the Climate Team at the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) issued a clarion call for an ambitious and fair global climate finance goal at COP29. “This year alone we witnessed devastating floods in the Sahel, extreme heatwaves in Asia and Latin America, and drought in Southern Africa,” he told IPS.

Also going unheeded was an appeal to Israel in November to halt its assault on North Gaza. Fifteen UN and other humanitarian organizations described the crisis there as “apocalyptic”. In that context the World Health Organization said its second round of polio vaccinations in the Gaza Strip had been partially successful.

Analysis by the UN Human Rights Office showed that nearly 70 percent of those killed in the war in Gaza were women and children.

“Gaza is becoming a graveyard for children,” UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres said on November 6. “More journalists have reportedly been killed over a four-week period than in any conflict in at least three decades. More United Nations aid workers have been killed than in any comparable period in the history of our organization,” he added.

Over 10 million people have been displaced by conflict inside Sudan while an additional 2.2 million have fled the country. Warring parties regularly attack civilians, inflicting terrible violence against women. Madiha Abdalla, an activist journalist forced to flee Sudan, wrote for IPS describing how women human rights defenders have been targeted.

Despite the scale of the suffering in Sudan, international attention is waning and aid has been blocked. Russia vetoed a UN Security Council ceasefire resolution.

As the world observed the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women on November 25, UN Women data showed almost one in three women around the world have been subjected to physical and/or sexual violence at least once in their life.

Individual activists like Abdalla are particularly vulnerable with little or no backup during conflicts. But 2024 has also seen entire organizations up sticks and leave. Haiti is an example. More than 700,000 people have been displaced there as gang violence has escalated, particularly since deployment of the underfunded Multinational Security Support mission.

Doctors Without Borders, active in Haiti for over 30 years, said it was suspending critical care in the capital Port-au-Prince following repeated threats from local law enforcement towards staff and patients. The UN also ordered the evacuation of its staff from the capital in what it somewhat euphemistically called a temporary reduction of its “footprint” in Port-au-Prince. UNICEF said an unprecedented number of children had been recruited by gangs.

Refugees from Haiti even became a weapon in Donald Trump’s US election campaign when he accused Haitian immigrants of eating the cats and dogs of residents in Springfield, Ohio. Trump’s false claim – widely debunked – apparently did nothing to derail his ultimately successful campaign in which the former president repeatedly proclaimed his intention to carry out mass deportations of undocumented migrants if elected president.

Paradoxically, his deportation plans might be spurred on further by the International Organization’s World Migration Report 2024 detailing unprecedented numbers of international migrants worldwide – estimated at 281 million. In turn this has led to a spike in remittances to their home countries worth hundreds of billions of dollars, making up a “significant” chunk of the GDP of developing countries.

Trump’s disdain for international organisations and binding commitments involved in membership makes it likely that he will repeat the drastic steps taken in his 2016-21 term in office, such as the US withdrawal from the Paris climate agreement and freezing of contributions to the WHO.

As 2024 draws to a close with the ominous spread of renewed war in Syria, a more isolationist US under Trump reminds us of the value of those lesser known organisations slipping under the radar, such as the Sasakawa Foundation campaigning to end leprosy and its stigma; IITA/CGIAR and their commitment to small farms and transforming food systems in Africa; the scientists developing a new vaccine to boost immunity to malaria.

A long and positive list this time. Even on the climate front, progress should also be recognized and nurtured, even if coming too late and too slowly, such as the expectation that the world might see a peak in annual greenhouse gas emissions in 2024, thanks in part to giant leaps in solar and wind capacity.

People do have the powers to make a difference too, whether to elect a Trump or oust a corrupt would-be autocrat, as 2024 demonstrated.

Dr Muhammad Yunus, 84-year-old Chief Advisor of Bangladesh’s interim government and Nobel peace prize laureate, spoke in his first address to the United Nations of the “power of the ordinary people”, especially the young, to forge a “new Bangladesh” after mass protests against government corruption and violence ousted then prime minister Sheikh Hasina in August.

We might be on that train heading to the abyss but we do possess the knowledge and tools to apply the brakes. If only we could learn the lessons.

Farhana Haque Rahman is Senior Vice President of IPS Inter Press Service and Executive Director IPS Noram; she served as the elected Director General of IPS from 2015-2019. A journalist and communications expert, she is a former senior official of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization and the International Fund for Agricultural Development.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Water Deprivation Looms in Gaza

Mon, 12/23/2024 - 12:09

Thirteen generators were distributed from the UNICEF warehouse in Deir Al Balah, to be used to operate critical water, sanitation, and hygiene facilities in south Gaza. Credit: UNICEF/Mohammed Nateel

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 23 2024 (IPS)

As talks of a ceasefire between Israel and Palestine intensify, bombardments in Gaza continue, raising the number of civilian casualties and internal displacements. A December 19 report from Human Rights Watch (HRW) condemned Israeli authorities for committing acts of genocide upon the people in the Gaza Strip, including the deprivation of water and the destruction of critical water sanitation infrastructures.

According to estimates from the World Health Organization (WHO), a person needs between 50 to 100 liters of water on a daily basis in order to ensure that “basic needs are met.” In emergency situations, it is estimated that people can survive off of 15 liters per day. Officials from HRW estimate that Gazans only have access to approximately 2 to 9 liters of water per day, which is inadequate for drinking, cooking, and washing.

“Water is essential for human life, yet for over a year the Israeli government has deliberately denied Palestinians in Gaza the bare minimum they need to survive. This isn’t just negligence; it is a calculated policy of deprivation that has led to the deaths of thousands from dehydration and disease that is nothing short of the crime against humanity of extermination, and an act of genocide,” said HRW Executive-Director Tirana Hasan.

On January 26 this year, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued provisional measures mandating that Israel prevent genocide in Gaza by enabling the delivery of humanitarian assistance and basic services. However, numerous violations were recorded throughout the year.

An Oxfam International analysis estimates that approximately 47,634 cubic meters of water are produced in Gaza every day. However, roughly 80 percent of this water supply is lost in leakages due to the damage of water filtration systems caused by Israeli airstrikes. Only about 10,714 cubic meters reach the Gazan population on a daily basis. This is entirely avoidable as the minimum water quantity required by the population is approximately 33,900 cubic meters.

Satellite photos and videos obtained by HRW showed extensive damage to water sanitation infrastructures from Israeli bombardments. It has also been reported that Israeli authorities have cut off electricity in the enclave, which essentially renders critical infrastructures such as water pumps, desalination plants, and generators ineffective.

Additionally, HRW has documented instances of Israeli bombardments that have killed water utility workers, destroyed water equipment warehouses, and impeded the delivery of water-related aid from the United Nations (UN) and other humanitarian organizations. HRW also states that Israeli authorities had also “deliberately” restricted the delivery of fuel in Gaza, which has essentially choked civilians off from rescue efforts, healthcare services, hygienic resources, and bakery operations.

According to a statement from the Union of Gaza Strip Municipalities, the depletion of water services has resulted in “solid waste accumulation, and wastewater leakage onto streets and residential areas.” A spokesperson from WHO informed HRW that “damaged water and sanitation systems, and dwindling cleaning supplies have made it almost impossible to maintain basic infection prevention and control measures (in healthcare facilities).”

This has led to the rampant development of disease among millions of displaced Gazans. WHO reports that there have been 132,000 cases of jaundice, a symptom of hepatitis A. 225,000 cases of skin infections have also been recorded, which have largely been attributed to the spread of over 1 million cases of acute respiratory diseases.

According to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), documented cases of diarrhea among children under age five has risen from 48,000 to 71,0000. This marks a 2000 percent increase since October 7, 2023. Doctors in Gaza have told HRW personnel that dehydration and malnutrition are so severe that it is almost impossible to treat patients that are struggling with disease, as their immune systems have been severely weakened.

In early December, talks of a ceasefire between Israel and Palestine were reported in the media, with authorities from both parties expressing satisfaction at the possibility of an imminent agreement. Humanitarian organizations including the UN have also expressed optimism.

Georgios Petropoulos, the Head of OCHA’s (Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs) sub-office in Gaza, informed reporters on December 20 that there would likely be a loosening of restrictions imposed by Israeli authorities, resulting in increased security for the people of Gaza and more effective deliveries of humanitarian aid. Petropoulos also predicted that people would begin returning home, rubble would begin to be cleared, and basic services would begin running again.

Despite this, Israel continues to coordinate hostilities within the enclave, threatening the lives of thousands on a daily basis. The Palestinian Health Ministry confirmed that a series of airstrikes took place on December 19 in Jabalia, Tuffah, Gaza City, and Beit Lahiya, killing a total of 41 civilians.

A recent report from the humanitarian and medical aid organization, Doctors Without Borders (MSF), states that the repeated airstrikes, enforced mass displacements, and sustained blockages of humanitarian aid constitute “ethnic cleansing”.

“People in Gaza are struggling to survive apocalyptic conditions, but nowhere is safe, no one is spared, and there is no exit from this shattered enclave,” said MSF Secretary-General Christopher Lockwood. “The recent military offensive in the north is a stark illustration of the brutal war the Israeli forces are waging on Gaza, and we are seeing clear signs of ethnic cleansing as Palestinians are forcibly displaced, trapped, and bombed.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Food Crises Intensify in Winter Ravaged War Zones

Mon, 12/23/2024 - 09:39

The Government of Romania, a Balkan state to the south of Ukraine, and its humanitarian partners have offered extensive support to Ukrainians fleeing the escalation of the conflict with Russia since 2022. Beneficiaries receive food and humanitarian provisions from the Romania Red Cross. Credit: Filip Scarlat/Romanian Red Cross

By Catherine Wilson
BUCHAREST, Romania , Dec 23 2024 (IPS)

The days are short with bitterly cold rain in Bucharest, the capital of Romania, the largest Balkan country located south of the Ukraine. Over the border, temperatures in Kyiv will plummet to a daily average of zero in December as the Ukraine war grinds on.

Wars are bringing suffering and heightened insecurity to millions around the world, and food is not only a casualty of bombing and devastation but also being used as a weapon against civilians by warring parties.

Conflict is now the greatest driver of major food crises in the world, says the World Food Programme, and the situation is acute in the Ukraine, which continues to defend itself against Russian invasion, and Gaza, still under siege by Israel. And the threat of severe hunger for civilians caught in hostilities will only rise as winter sets in during the coming months.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, an escalation of tensions since Russia annexed Crimea in 2014, triggered massive human displacement, with many fleeing into neighbouring countries. By 2023, Romania, with a population of 19 million, had witnessed more than 3 million Ukrainians arrive at its border, the vast majority being women and children.

“The bombs fell down near my house. I woke up; my 13-year-old daughter woke up. I got up my son and said, ‘You have five minutes; grab your things, and we are going to the metro station.’ We found a car to pick us up with the children and to the house of my sister, her newborn baby, and two more children of her husband. It was crazy. Everywhere there were queues. You couldn’t get money from the ATM, you couldn’t get fuel—nothing.” Iryna Sobol, a 45-year-old Ukrainian who fled her Kyiv home in 2022 and now resides in Bucharest, recounted to IPS. And, as the conflict spread, food prices rose.

As with other basic needs, food systems face collapse when military attacks destroy agricultural land and crops, forcing farmers to flee and damaging the critical infrastructure for transporting, storing, and selling food. Since 2022, the agricultural industry in the Ukraine has been hit with losses of USD 80 billion. And as people under siege face increasingly scarce food supplies, prices rise for what is available, making basic sustenance an even greater struggle for those who have lost their income.

Since mid-year, Russian forces have made aggressive advances into the east and Donetsk region of Ukraine, where more than 137,000 people have been forced to flee since August.

Ukraine refugees receive food provisions from the Romania Red Cross in Bucharest. Credit: Filip Scarlat/Romanian Red Cross

“The humanitarian situation is further exacerbated now that winter has set in. Russia’s targeted destruction of critical energy infrastructure has led to massive losses in Ukraine’s energy generation capacity, and the attacks continue, disrupting electricity, heating, and water supply and already affecting millions of households,” Elisabeth Haslund, spokesperson for the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in the Ukraine, told IPS. Food is also a critical need, with 7.3 million Ukrainians, or 20 percent of the population, facing food insecurity this year, reports the United Nations.

In Bucharest, Andrei Scarlat, Manager of the Romanian Red Cross Humanity Concept Store, said he had witnessed a recent increase of newly arrived Ukrainian refugees registering for humanitarian supplies, such as flour, sugar, rice, canned foods, and hygiene products.

The Romanian Red Cross, which has assisted more than 1.3 million displaced Ukrainians with food, water, shelter, and health, is one of many humanitarian organizations that are partnered with the Romanian government in its acclaimed state response to the Ukraine refugee crisis. Within days of its neighbour coming under attack, the Balkan state coordinated an emergency operation at border crossings with the provision of shelter, food, and medical care to those fleeing. And it offers temporary protection to refugees with access to services such as health, education, housing, and employment.

An Action Against Hunger aid worker measures a baby girl’s arm using a MUAC band to assess nutritional health in Gaza, August 2024. Credit: Action Against Hunger

But, more than 2,000 kilometres to the southeast, conflict in the besieged Palestinian enclave of Gaza has already brought it to the brink of famine. In the tiny 365-square-kilometer territory, sandwiched between the Mediterranean Sea to the east and Israel to the west, 2.23 million Palestinians have endured years of suffering under an Israeli blockade. Now the military onslaught by the Israeli Defence Force in retaliation for a Hamas-led attack inside Israeli territory on 7 October last year, which left 1,200 Israelis dead, has killed more than 44,000 Palestinians.

And the destruction of basic infrastructure for habitation, including water, sanitation, health and medical facilities, and food systems, with the elimination of 70 percent of Gaza’s crops, has created unbearable living conditions for the more than 90 percent of Gazans who are displaced. In October, the World Food Programme warned that famine was imminent.

“The Gaza Strip is currently in a human-made famine. We are long past the point of ‘imminent famine.’ The first child was killed by Israeli-imposed famine many months ago and many more since,” Yasmeen El-Hasan of the Palestinian Union of Agricultural Work Committees in Ramallah, Palestine, told IPS. “The use of food and essential resources as weapons of war is a hallmark of Israeli systematic violence against Palestinians… aimed at starving Palestinians into elimination.”

In Northern Gaza, the focus of Israeli air and ground assaults over the past two months, more than 65,000 people are barely surviving in overcrowded tent shelters with no water and sanitation. The dire lack of food is causing severe malnutrition, especially in mothers and children.

And since October, Israeli border authorities have blocked and delayed food and humanitarian deliveries into the territory through the Kerem Shalom crossing. Consequently, in October only 5,000 metric tons of food succeeded in reaching Gaza, or one fifth of what was required, claims the World Food Programme.

“There has been no significant easing of restrictions on the entry of food and humanitarian aid into Gaza… and we were only able to deliver aid to half as many distribution points in North Gaza over the past month,” the spokesperson for Action Against Hunger, a humanitarian organization addressing hunger and malnutrition around the world, told IPS.

El-Hasan added that “the minimal food that is available is not accessible. The food consumer price index has increased 312 percent; aid that does enter is concentrated in small areas, and the Israeli occupation forces often attack Palestinians as they seek aid.”

A child in northern Gaza drinks water provided by Action Against Hunger to support displaced communities, October 2024. Credit: Action Against Hunger

A scene of destruction in northern Gaza shows demolished buildings and scattered debris, with a lone tree standing amidst the ruins, October 2024. Credit: Action Against Hunger

As the winter months unfold, the people of Gaza will face catastrophic conditions, with 90 percent of Gazans likely to experience severe hunger. “Cold and rainy weather is already affecting those in makeshift shelters, which are often constructed from tarpaulins, blankets, and cardboard, offering little protection. Children and the elderly are particularly at risk,” said Action Against Hunger.

On 12 December, the UN General Assembly voted for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza. But the survival of Gazans during the coming months will depend on the untrammelled passage of humanitarian aid. “There must be an immediate reopening of all border crossings, a substantial increase in the influx of aid into Gaza, and a guarantee of safe, unobstructed access for humanitarian organizations to deliver aid to all areas,” the spokesperson for Action Against Hunger continued. El-Hasan added that “the international community must also abide by their legal obligations and hold Israel accountable for its violations of international law, including the use of starvation as a weapon of war.”

In the Ukraine, the UNHCR and its humanitarian partners are responding to those who continue to flee fighting and need support as weather conditions deteriorate. But, as in Gaza, only an end to the conflict will provide the conditions for reconstructing Ukraine’s agricultural industry and food production, a goal that will take years and an investment of at least USD 56 billion.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Japanese Bank Criticized for Financing Mozambique LNG Project Blamed for Displacement

Mon, 12/23/2024 - 08:27

A village in the Afungi Peninsula in Palma District, Cabo Delgado Province. Credit: Justiça Ambiental

By Maina Waruru
NAIROBI, Dec 23 2024 (IPS)

Climate and environmental activists from Japan have criticized the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC) for financing the controversial Mozambique Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) project to the tune of USD 3 billion in a loan signed in July.

The project has been associated with the displacement of thousands of people and is in violation of Japan’s G7 commitment to end direct public support for overseas fossil fuel projects.

The bank’s action is also projected to have far-reaching effects on climate and the environment, further negatively impacting the livelihoods of communities in the restive Cabo Delgado province in the north of the county, a report says.

Conflict in the region has been linked to insurgency and human rights abuses by the country’s security forces.

In the report “Faces of Impact: How JBIC and Japan’s LNG Financing Harm Communities and the Planet” by Friends of Earth (FOE), Japan activists find that in Mozambique, at least 550 families were displaced for the Rovuma LNG project, exposing them to risk as it is situated in a conflict-torn region and has been linked to human rights abuses of civilians.

The project is further backed by the Japanese bank through a loan of U$536 million to Mitsui, a Japanese corporate group, also one of the owners of the project, and which describes the project as “one of the largest natural gas reserves discovered anywhere in the world in recent years.”

The money will finance the development and production of LNG in a region where thousands of civilians have been displaced by both violence and the gas development activities since 2012, some without compensation for their land.

The LNG project intends to extract 65 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, which will be done offshore in the Rovuma Basin and piped to an onshore LNG processing plant on the Afungi Peninsula.

“The project began its onshore construction activities in 2019 but was suspended in 2021 as a result of violent conflict. It has not officially resumed, but some of its activities have been restarted since 2023,” the report explains. The insurgency remains active, and human rights infringements resulting from the project activities remain unresolved, it further cautions.

“The Mozambique LNG project is linked to violent conflict, has resulted in social injustices on Mozambican citizens, and is a potential source of massive carbon emissions. It has already cost the country productive lands, local economies, and valuable natural areas,” it warns.

Should the project proceed as planned and despite becoming the biggest gas project in Africa, it will deliver low revenues to the host country and place the country at risk of liability if it fails, the report opines.

Owned by a consortium of seven companies, including the Mozambique state company Empresa Nacional de Hidrocarbonetos (ENH). All except ENH control their shares through offshore companies, with TotalEnergies being the majority owner and operator.

It finds that there is a “pattern of harm and destruction” in JBIC-financed gas projects, and communities have conveyed to the bank that it is violating its own “Guidelines for Confirmation of Environmental and Social Considerations.”

According to Kete Fumo of the advocacy group Justiça Ambiental and Friends of Earth Mozambique, the project is indirectly contributing to the insurgency that has plagued the region for years.

“People in at least 17 districts are exposed to terrorist attacks. Some families in Palma district, for example, have been displaced but have not been offered any compensation yet. They had lots of extensive land, but not anymore; they have lost their only source of sustenance,” she said during a webinar to launch the report hosted by FOE Japan.

By 2018, when the census of affected communities in Palma was updated, some 616 families were identified, and another 1,847 families were found to be “economically affected” by the loss of their farmland handed over to the project, added Fumo.

“The environmental issues surrounding the project are already very visible, with accentuated erosion, increased weather events, and the fact that it is considered one of the six carbon bombs in the world, with Mozambique being one of the African countries most vulnerable to climate change,” she told IPS in an interview.

Failure to comply with compensation agreements entered between the affected and TotalEnergies posed a big problem for communities that, due to the lack of land for cultivation, now produce much less food than they did before the project arrived.

This has left them exposed to food insecurity, with fishing communities lacking access to fishing areas contributing to hunger in the villages.

“The insecurity scenario in Palma also makes accessibility to the district deficient, which makes the price of basic necessities more expensive in a community where families’ sources of income have been cut off by the project. People need to reinvent themselves to be able to support their families, but this is a scenario where not everyone has the capacity or conditions to do so,” the activist added.

She called for the abandonment of the project, saying that “not implementing the project and leaving people living in their homes with their livelihoods, culture, and traditions has been the call made by Justica Ambiental since the beginning of this process.”

“In the history of Mozambique and in our experience with mega projects, no resettlement has had positive results. The call continues to be that this project should not be implemented, since even before a drop of gas had been exploited, the impacts were already negatively affecting the communities,” Fumo appealed.

In one of the affected villages of Macala, 50 kilometres off the Indian Ocean coastline, residents claimed they had lost not less than 7,000 hectares of land alienated for LNG exploration and development, with no compensation so far.

One of the victims, Omar Amise, said, “We have received no compensation so far, and our lands have been destroyed by new infrastructure, including roads. Our children are starving because our lands have been taken by roads.”

According to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), by January 2024, over 582,000 were still displaced in Cabo Delgado province, due to recurring attacks on civilians and governmental forces by “Non-State Armed Groups” since 2017. The numbers grew to over one million at the height of the conflict in 2021 and 2022, adds the UN agency.

From the end of December 2023, over 8,000 people have also been newly displaced as a result of attacks by insurgents in the province’s Macomia, Mecufi, Metuge, Mocímboa da Praia, Muidumbe, and Quissanga districts, adds the UNHCR.

An article published in September 2024 by the magazine Politico alleged that a Mozambican army unit operating near the Mozambique LNG project site carried out a series of atrocities, including rape, torture, and the murder or disappearance of at least 97 people.

It claimed that TotalEnergies was aware of the atrocities by the army in the wider area, while it paid a Joint Task Force made up of army soldiers, commandos, and paramilitary police for its LNG site protection.

Back to the FOE report, it claims that since 2016, JBIC has provided a staggering UD18.6 billion to fossil gas expansion—four times more than Japan’s contribution to the Green Climate Fund.

The bank is also blamed for supporting similar fossils energy projects amounting to USD18.5 billion in the Philippines, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Thailand, Australia, Vietnam, and the United States

Our enquiries on the claims made by FOE were answered by either the French Energy multinational or JBIC.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Targeting Transformative Disaster Risk Reduction in Asia-Pacific Subregions

Mon, 12/23/2024 - 08:21

A volcano in Vanuatu was active in 2023. The county was affected by a 6.6 M earthquake in March 2023 and 7.4 M earthquake in December 2024. Credit: Unsplash/Sebastian Lio

By Madhurima Sarkar-Swaisgood and Sanjay Srivastava
BANGKOK, Thailand, Dec 23 2024 (IPS)

In December 2024, Vanuatu experienced yet another harrowing reminder of its vulnerability to disasters—a powerful 7.4 magnitude earthquake struck the Pacific nation’s capital, Port Vila, leaving 14 dead, over 200 injured, and thousands more affected.

The devastating earthquake, compounded by overnight aftershocks and disrupted essential services, highlights the precarious situation faced by countries already grappling with the impacts of climate change and natural disasters.

Vanuatu is emblematic of the cascading disasters that Pacific Island nations increasingly endure, where frequent earthquakes intersect with the escalating impacts of climate-induced hazards such as cyclones, rising sea levels, and coastal erosion accompanied by staggering loss and damage experienced by vulnerable populations and ecosystems.

With every fraction of a degree of warming, the region’s diverse subregions—from the icy peaks of the Third Pole to the low-lying islands of the Pacific—are encountering unparalleled climate risks.

Recognizing these unique challenges, ESCAP launched the 2024 Asia-Pacific Subregional Disaster Reports to customize the insights and recommendations from the flagship Asia-Pacific Disaster Report 2023 to the distinct vulnerabilities and opportunities within each subregion.

Transformative insights: Shaping climate resilient futures

The 2024 subregional reports reveal escalating disaster risks across Asia and the Pacific, stressing that incremental actions are insufficient against intensifying climate impacts. East and North-East Asia has faced $2 trillion in economic losses and nearly half a million fatalities over five decades, with 2°C warming expected to exacerbate droughts, heatwaves, and floods in China, Mongolia and Korea, threatening urban centers and critical systems.

North and Central Asia faces growing multi-hazard risks in the Aral Sea Basin, where droughts, heatwaves, and floods will endanger agriculture and energy systems. In South-East Asia, nearly 100 per cent of the population is at risk of floods under 2°C warming, with the Mekong River Basin emerging as a persistent multi-hazard hotspot.

Pacific island nations face rising seas and stronger cyclones that erode coastlines, threaten biodiversity, and force communities to relocate, while South and South-West Asia grapples with glacial melt from the Third Pole, jeopardizing water security for 1.3 billion people.

Economic and social costs are mounting, with average annual losses (AAL) projected to rise under warming scenarios. East and North-East Asia’s AAL of $510 billion could increase further under 2°C warming, while the Pacific’s AAL exceeds $20 billion, with small island developing states like Vanuatu and Tonga suffering losses of over 21 per cent of GDP.

Despite these dire projections, the reports emphasize that investments in transformative adaptation—such as early warning systems, resilient infrastructure, and integrated climate policies—can mitigate risks and protect livelihoods across the region.

Early warning systems: A lifeline for resilience

A critical takeaway from the subregional reports is the transformative role of early warning systems (EWS) in disaster risk reduction. By providing timely and actionable information, these systems save lives and reduce economic losses. In South-East Asia, effective EWS could prevent $8.7 billion to $13.1 billion annually, while in the Pacific, they could avert $4 billion to $6 billion in damages each year.

EWS are especially vital in regions with complex multi-hazard risks, such as the Pacific small island developing States, where cyclones, floods, and sea-level rise intersect, and in South-East Asia, where urban flood risks are rapidly escalating.

For EWS to be fully effective, they must encompass four key pillars: risk knowledge, detection and monitoring, dissemination of warnings, and preparedness. Investments in these areas, combined with robust regional cooperation, can ensure that warnings reach the most vulnerable populations in time to act.

The reports highlight examples like impact-based forecasting in South and Southwest Asia and AI-powered risk assessments in China and Japan as transformative advancements in EWS implementation. These systems not only save lives but also help governments and communities reduce disaster recovery costs and safeguard economic stability.

Transboundary solutions: Collaborative action for shared risks

Transboundary risks like ocean-based hazards, inland water stress, and desertification demand collaborative solutions across regions.

1. Ocean-Based Climate Action:

Rising sea levels, intensified cyclones, and coastal erosion require collective efforts such as mangrove restoration and integrated coastal management. In the Pacific SIDS, ASEAN, and South-West Asia, platforms like the Pacific Resilience Partnership and Mekong Basin initiatives foster nature-based solutions to protect ecosystems and livelihoods.

2. Inland Water Systems:

The drying of the Aral Sea Basin in North and Central Asia highlights the importance of transboundary water-sharing agreements to combat drought and degradation. For Third Pole glacial melt, collaboration through the Third Pole Climate Forum is vital to safeguard water security for 1.3 billion people in South, South-West, and East Asia.

3. Desertification and Sand and Dust Storms:

Desertification and sand and dust storms (SDS) are accelerating across Asia. Countries like China, Mongolia, and Iran are advancing afforestation and land restoration, while regional frameworks promote sustainable land management to mitigate downstream impacts.

By prioritizing transboundary cooperation, countries can tackle shared risks, protect vulnerable communities, and build scalable solutions for resilience.

A call for transformative change

The 2024 subregional reports make it unequivocally clear: transformative, not incremental, adaptation is needed to combat the growing threats of climate change and disasters. This means embedding climate resilience in every sector—agriculture, energy, urban planning, and biodiversity conservation—while fostering regional cooperation to address transboundary risks.

By aligning local action with global frameworks like the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction and the Paris Agreement, the Asia-Pacific region has an opportunity to lead the way in building a sustainable and resilient future. As ESCAP’s subregional reports demonstrate, the tools and knowledge are at hand. The time to act is now—before the risks become irreversible and the costs unmanageable.

Madhurima Sarkar-Swaisgood is Economic Affairs Officer, ESCAP & Sanjay Srivastava is Chief of Disaster Risk Reduction Section, ESCAP. Other co-authors include Leila Salarpour Goodarzi, Associate Economic Affairs Officer, ESCAP, Rusali Agrawal, Consultant, ESCAP, Naina Tanwar, Consultant, ESCAP, Madhurima Sarkar-Swaisgood, Economic Affairs Officer, ESCAP and Sanjay Srivastava, Chief of Disaster Risk Reduction Section, ESCAP.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

US & Western Allies Provide a Hefty 260 Billion Dollars in Military Aid to Ukraine

Mon, 12/23/2024 - 07:58

Credit: US Department of Defense (DoD)

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 23 2024 (IPS)

The United States and Western allies have jointly provided a staggering $260 billion in aid, mostly weapons and military assistance, to Ukraine as the long-drawn-out conflict continues following Russia’s invasion in February 2022.

Speaking to reporters at NATO headquarters in Brussels early December, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said: “All told, the United States has provided $102 billion in assistance to Ukraine, and our allies and partners, $158 billion”.

“And as I said many times before, this may be the best example of burden-sharing that I’ve seen in the 32 years that I’ve been doing this”, he said.

Last week, the New York Times reported the Pentagon will be sending an additional $725 million in arms from its stockpiles, “amid deep concerns in Ukraine that the incoming Trump administration might cut off military aid to the country”.

Meanwhile, as the UN continues its losing battle against world poverty, the UN University’s World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER), says to end extreme poverty and absolute monetary poverty worldwide by 2030, it would cost about $70 and $325 billion per year.

Dr. Natalie Goldring, who represents the Acronym Institute at the United Nations on conventional weapons and arms trade issues, told IPS as outgoing US President Joe Biden approaches the end of his presidency in mid-January, “he continues to keep the arms transfer spigot to Ukraine wide open”.

Credit: US Department of Defense (DoD)

In early December 2024, she quoted Blinken as saying, “The United States has been surging our own resources and security assistance to continue to help build up Ukraine’s air defenses, its artillery, its armored vehicles.”

“We are determined – and it’s fully my intent and the President’s intent – to spend every cent that we have available from the $61 billion that were authorized by Congress in the supplemental appropriation.”

“The current situation in Ukraine is fraught and filled with uncertainty. There are many potential risks, including the risk of a broader war in Europe if this conflict continues, and the risk of Russia claiming more and more Ukrainian territory, either through conflict or as a result of negotiations to end the war,” said Dr Goldring.

“The continued flows of weapons from the United States also risk diversion to terrorists and combatants far outside the region. This, in turn, increases the likelihood that US military service members could face our own weapons in conflict. This suggests — yet again — that US arms transfer policy lacks appropriate focus on the potential long-term negative effects of these transfers,” she pointed out.

In his interview with Time magazine, which voted him “Person of the Year” last week, President-elect Trump said: ”I disagree vehemently with sending missiles hundreds of miles to Russia. Why are we doing that? We are just escalating this war and making it worse.”

Trump also said he would use US support for Ukraine as leverage against Russia in negotiating an end to the war.

Dr Goldring said perhaps the most dangerous action the outgoing Biden Administration has taken, with respect to Ukraine, is its decision to transfer antipersonnel land mines to Ukraine in November and December 2024.

This decision, she said, reverses the Obama and Biden Administrations’ commitments not to deploy antipersonnel landmines anywhere other than the Korean peninsula.

This decision also endangers civilians, will make post-war recovery massively more difficult, and stands in stark opposition to the 164 countries that have committed not to produce, sell, or stockpile antipersonnel landmines under the Mine Ban Treaty.

“During his most recent presidential campaign, Donald Trump repeatedly claimed that he would end the war in Ukraine within 24 hours of his inauguration. In all likelihood, this is yet another example of his consistent practice of vastly overestimating his capacity to achieve change unilaterally and making exaggerated claims that aren’t backed up by analysis or implementable policies.”

But it does raise the question of what he might be willing to give up to Russian President Putin in order to move toward that possibility, she said.

At his press briefing, Blinken also said the United States has been “surging our own resources and security assistance to continue to help build up Ukraine’s air defenses, its artillery, its armored vehicles. We are determined – and it’s fully my intent and the President’s intent – to spend every cent that we have available from the $61 billion that were authorized by Congress in the supplemental appropriation.”

With the G7, we’re finalizing moving out the door $50 billion secured by frozen Russian assets. At the same time, NATO Allies and partners of NATO are sharing the burden and shouldering even more of the responsibility. Germany, for example, just made a pledge of $680 million in new military aid. Bulgaria, Czechia, Sweden, others providing personnel to this new NATO command.

According to the US State Department’s Bureau of Political-Military Affairs, the heavy flow of US arms to Ukraine include:

• Three Patriot air defense batteries and munitions; • 12 National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile Systems (NASAMS) and munitions; • HAWK air defense systems and munitions; • AIM-7, RIM-7, and AIM-9M missiles for air defense;

• More than 3,000 Stinger anti-aircraft missiles; • Avenger air defense systems; • VAMPIRE counter-Unmanned Aerial Systems (c-UAS) and munitions; • c-UAS gun trucks and ammunition; • Mobile c-UAS laser-guided rocket systems;

• 20 Mi-17 helicopters; • 31 Abrams tanks; • 45 T-72B tanks; • 109 Bradley infantry fighting vehicles; • Over 1,700 High Mobility Multipurpose Wheeled Vehicles (HMMWVs);

• Anti-aircraft guns and ammunition; • Air defense systems components; • Equipment to integrate Western launchers, missiles, and radars with Ukraine’s systems; • Equipment to support and sustain Ukraine’s existing air defense capabilities; and • 21 air surveillance radars.

Over 8,000 Javelin anti-armor systems; Over 52,000 other anti-armor systems and munitions; • Over 700 Switchblade Tactical Unmanned Aerial Systems; • 160 155mm Howitzers and over 1,000,000 155mm artillery rounds; • Over 6,000 precision-guided 155mm artillery rounds;

• Over 10,000 155mm rounds of Remote Anti-Armor Mine (RAAM) Systems; • 100,000 rounds of 125mm tank ammunition; • 45,000 152mm artillery rounds; • 20,000 122mm artillery rounds; • 50,000 122mm GRAD rockets; • 72 105mm Howitzers and 370,000 105mm artillery rounds; • 298 Tactical Vehicles to tow weapons;

• 34 Tactical Vehicles to recover equipment; • 30 ammunition support vehicles; • 38 High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems and ammunition; • 30 120mm mortar systems and over 175,000 120mm mortar rounds; • 10 82mm mortar systems; • 10 60mm mortar systems; •

And much more.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

South Korea’s Democracy Defended

Fri, 12/20/2024 - 14:49

Credit: Daniel Ceng/Anadolu via Getty Images

By Andrew Firmin
LONDON, Dec 20 2024 (IPS)

Democracy is alive and well in South Korea. When President Yoon Suk Yeol tried to impose martial law, the public and parliamentarians united to defend it. Now Yoon must face justice for his power grab.

President under pressure

Yoon narrowly won the presidency in an incredibly tight contest in March 2022, beating rival candidate Lee Jae-myung by a 0.73 per cent margin. That marked a political comeback for one of South Korea’s two main political parties, the rebranded centre-right People Power Party, and a defeat for the other, the more progressive Democratic Party.

In a divisive campaign, Yoon capitalised on and helped inflame a backlash among many young men against the country’s emerging feminist movement.

South Korea had a MeToo moment in 2018, as women started to speak out following high-profile sexual harassment revelations. South Korea is one of the worst performing members on gender equality of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development: it ranks third lowest for women’s political representation and last for its gender pay gap.

Some modest steps forward in women’s rights brought a disproportionate backlash. Groups styling themselves as defending men’s rights sprang up, their members claiming they were discriminated against in the job market. Yoon played squarely to this crowd, pledging to abolish the gender equality ministry. Exit polls showed that over half of young male voters backed him.

Human rights conditions then worsened under Yoon’s rule. His administration was responsible for an array of civic space restrictions. These included harassment and criminalisation of journalists, raids on trade union offices and arrests of their leaders, and protest bans. Media freedoms deteriorated, with lawsuits and criminal defamation laws having a chilling effect.

But the balance of power shifted after the 2024 parliamentary election, when the People Power Party suffered a heavy defeat. Although the Democratic Party and its allies fell short of the two-thirds majority required to impeach Yoon, the result left him a lame-duck president. The opposition-dominated parliament blocked key budget proposals and filed 22 impeachment motions against government officials.

Yoon’s popularity plummeted amid ongoing economic woes and allegations of corruption – sadly nothing new for a South Korean leader. The First Lady, Kim Keon Hee, was accused of accepting a Dior bag as a gift and of manipulating stock prices. It seems clear that Yoon, backed into a corner, lashed out and took an incredible gamble – one that South Korean people didn’t accept.

Yoon’s decision

Yoon made his extraordinary announcement on state TV on the evening of 3 December. Shamefully, he claimed the move was necessary to combat ‘pro-North Korean anti-state forces’, smearing those trying to hold him to account as supporters of the totalitarian regime across the border. Yoon ordered the army to arrest key political figures, including the leader of his party, Han Dong Hoon, Democratic Party leader Lee and National Assembly Speaker Woo Won Shik.

The declaration of martial law gives the South Korean president sweeping powers. The military can arrest, detain and punish people without a warrant, the media are placed under strict controls, all political activity is suspended and protests are widely banned.

The problem was that Yoon had clearly exceeded his powers and acted unconstitutionally. Martial law can only be declared when there are extraordinary threats to the nation’s survival, such as invasion or armed rebellion. A series of political disputes that put the president under uncomfortable scrutiny clearly didn’t fit the bill. And the National Assembly was supposed to remain in session, but Yoon tried to shut it down, deploying armed forces to try to stop representatives gathering to vote.

But Yoon hadn’t reckoned with many people’s determination not to return to the dark days of dictatorship before multiparty democracy was established in 1987. People also had recent experience of forcing out an evidently corrupt president. In the Candlelight Revolution of 2016 and 2017, mass weekly protests built pressure on President Park Guen-hye, who was impeached, removed from office and jailed for corruption and abuse of power.

People massed outside the National Assembly in protest. As the army blocked the building’s main gates, politicians climbed over the fences. Protesters and parliamentary staff faced off against heavily armed troops with fire extinguishers, forming a chain around the building so lawmakers could vote. Some 190 made it in, and they unanimously repealed Yoon’s decision.

Time for justice

Now Yoon must face justice. Protesters will continue to urge him to quit, and a criminal investigation into the decision to declare martial law has been launched.

The first attempt to impeach Yoon was thwarted by political manoeuvring. People Power politicians walked out to prevent a vote on 7 December, apparently hoping Yoon would resign instead. But he showed no sign of stepping down, and a second vote on 14 December decisively backed impeachment, with 12 People Power Party members supporting the move. The vote was greeted with scenes of jubilation from the tens of thousands of protesters massed in freezing conditions outside the National Assembly.

Yoon is now suspended, with Prime Minister Han Duck-soo the interim president. The Constitutional Court has six months to hold an impeachment process. Polls show most South Koreans back impeachment, although Yoon still claims his move was necessary.

Democracy defended

South Korea’s representative democracy, like most, has its flaws. People may not always be happy with election results. Presidents may find it hard to work with a parliament that opposes them. But imperfect though it may be, South Koreans have shown they value their democracy and will defend it from the threat of authoritarian rule – and can be expected to keep mobilising if Yoon evades justice.

Thankfully, Yoon’s attacks on civic space hadn’t got to the stage where civil society’s ability to mobilise and people’s capacity to defend democracy had been broken down. Recent events and South Korea’s uncertain future make it all the more important that the civic space restrictions imposed by Yoon’s administration are reversed as quickly as possible. To defend against backsliding and deepen democracy, it’s vital to expand civic space and invest in civil society.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

Categories: Africa

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