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Judicial systems are becoming key players in climate action. Credit: UNDP

By Kanni Wignaraja
UNITED NATIONS, Jan 13 2025 (IPS)

Nature is taking the stand as courtrooms worldwide become battlegrounds for Earth’s rights. The rise in climate litigation shows how the environment can take centre stage as a plaintiff, demanding justice and accountability, benefiting us all.

On 23 October 2024, India’s Supreme Court declared a pollution-free environment a fundamental right, underscoring the government’s duty to provide clean air and water. In April 2024, the European Court of Human Rights ruled against the Swiss State for inadequate climate action, affirming climate change as a human rights issue.

Since 2017, climate change court cases have surged, particularly in the US, but increasingly worldwide. Cases tripled from 884 in 2017 to 2,540 in 2023, with about 17 percent now occurring in developing countries, including small island developing states. The legal landscape is evolving, with significant rulings in Asia and the Pacific driving change. This is an area where UNDP is providing crucial support.

Kanni Wignaraja

Early and groundbreaking work

For an example of climate justice pioneering, we can turn to 2010 to India’s National Green Tribunal and the Philippines’ Writ of Kalikasan (Kalikasan means Nature in Filipino language). This unique legal instrument – whose design was supported by UNDP – enables citizens to protect environmental rights by filing swift, accessible court petitions addressing ecological damages affecting multiple regions.

It allows immediate judicial intervention to safeguard balanced and healthy ecosystems. For example, it has been used to close dumpsites and illegal landfills, prompt the rehabilitation of Manila Bay, and order the listing of non-environmentally friendly plastic products.

Similarly, courts in Pakistan have adopted a “climate justice” perspective, forming a climate change commission. A notable case involved seven-year-old Rabab Ali, who challenged plans to expand coal production in the Thar desert, focusing on intergenerational equity in climate actions. Pakistan was also one of the main proponents of the Loss and Damage concept, when it was first tabled.

What are the emerging trends in climate litigation we are seeing now?

Following the landmark Paris Agreement in 2015, activists and citizens worldwide are increasingly turning to courts for climate solutions, spurring innovative legal approaches and rethinking what climate justice means. Key trends include:

Human rights-related to environmental assets and protections: Courts are recognizing the connection between climate change and human rights, boosting protections and accountability. Many courts now interpret constitutional rights to include environmental protections.

Intergenerational equity: Cases by youth emphasize the unequal impact of climate change on future generations and how climate justice is one of the main advocacy issues for youth worldwide.

Corporate accountability: Courts extending climate obligations to businesses.

Innovative legal concepts: New principles like “water justice” and recognizing nature’s legal rights are gaining traction, for example trees as living beings.

“Activists and citizens worldwide are increasingly turning to courts for climate solutions, spurring innovative legal approaches and rethinking what climate justice means.”

Thanks to the leading role of the Pacific Island State of Vanuatu at the UN General Assembly, now the International Court of Justice is hearing a landmark case on climate justice – its largest case ever – to determine what countries and companies are obliged to do under international law to protect the climate and environment from human-caused greenhouse gas emissions; and to determine the legal consequences for governments, where their acts or lack of action have significantly harmed the climate and environment.

The court’s advisory opinion can be expected to influence climate-related legal action and policy for decades to come.  These legal advances compel the public and private sectors to consider and define more ambitious climate goals, offering citizens and activists new paths to enforce accountability.

What’s next for UNDP?

For UNDP, this is not only an area that requires urgent action but also a natural point of thematic convergence that brings together two of our areas of expertise: climate action and governance. UNDP is actively supporting courts in tackling these novel cases.

For example, our global strategy for environmental justice (2022) aims to increase accountability and protection of environmental rights for current and future generations, as well as promote environmental rule of law. The strategy is based on a three-pronged approach: establishing enabling legal frameworks: supporting people-centred, effective institutions; and increasing access to justice and legal empowerment.

UNDP’s Nature Pledge has a key target of strengthening environmental justice frameworks in 50 countries. This is yielding concrete results. For example, in Thailand, UNDP partnered with the Judicial Training Institute for Climate Justice training, equipping judges with climate impact insights.

By supporting innovative legal concepts, we help justice actors advocate for new legal principles like “water justice,” aiding courts in novel environmental cases. UNDP has also supported ASEAN countries with an Environmental Justice Needs Assessment.

Through its Justice Futures CoLab, UNDP advances the right to a healthy environment and addresses injustices, supporting courts in climate justice efforts. Judicial systems are becoming key players in climate action, with the potential to address issues of climate migration, Indigenous rights, financing and extreme weather liabilities.

Climate justice will also be a critical factor under the proposed loss and damage mechanism, where UNDP, with national and international partners, supports countries with taxonomy, valuation of natural assets, damage assessments and strengthen the capacities of the courts to hear and manage these cases. Social awareness and citizens’ participation on issues of climate justice is another line of engagement.

As our climate and nature related “events” intensify, so will this trend towards seeking justice, legal and financial recourse. Ensure the systems and people involved are well prepared and discerning in this relatively new arena will serve everyone, including the environment as plaintiff in the midst of it all.

Kanni Wignaraja is UN Assistant Secretary-General and UNDP Regional Director for Asia and the Pacific

Source UNDP

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Pop singer and education activist Shehzad Roy plays chess with Malala Yousafzai. Courtesy: Shehzad Roy

By Zofeen Ebrahim
KARACHI, Pakistan, Jan 13 2025 (IPS)

“She was at her brilliant best, speaking fearlessly and boldly about the treatment of women by the Afghan Taliban, robbing an entire generation of girls their future, and how they want to erase them from society,” said educationist and one of the speakers, Baela Raza Jamil, referring to the speech by Nobel Laureate and education activist Malala Yousafzai.

Jamil heads Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi, an organization promoting progressive education.

Malala addressed the second day of a two-day international conference organized by the Pakistan Ministry of Federal Education and Professional Training (MoFE&PT) on January 11 and 12, to discuss the challenges and opportunities for girls’ education in Muslim communities.

“They are violators of human rights, and no cultural or religious excuse can justify them,” said Malala. “Let’s not legitimize them.”

Pop singer and education activist Shehzad Roy was equally impressed.

Roy said, “When she speaks, she speaks from the heart.”

It has been a little over three years since the Taliban banned secondary education for girls in Afghanistan on September 17, shortly after their return to power in August 2021. In 2022, the Taliban put a ban on women studying in colleges, and then in December 2024, this was extended to include women studying nursing, midwifery and dentistry.

In October 2012, at 15, Malala survived a Taliban assassination attempt for advocating girls’ education in Mingora, Pakistan. She was flown to England for treatment and has since settled there with her family while facing continued Taliban threats.

Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy, a university professor and columnist, acknowledged that the treatment of girls and women in Afghanistan was essentially “primitive and barbaric,” but emphasized that “before the Pakistani government takes on the mantle of being their [Afghan women’s] liberator, there are laws relating to women (in Pakistan) that need to be changed and anti-women practices that need to be dismantled.”

Syani Saheliyan project, which helped nearly 50,000 adolescent girls by providing academic, life skills, vocational training, and technology-driven support to reintegrate Courtesy: Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi

Dismantling many of the colonial laws and legal systems that perpetuate gender inequality at both personal and societal levels was also pointed out by Jamil, who spoke about the important role women can play in peacebuilding. But that was only possible, she said, when society can promote education and lifelong learning without discrimination.

“In Malala, we have a living example of a contemporary young student’s lived experience of responding to deadly violence by becoming a unique peacebuilder,” said Jamil in her speech to the conference.

This high-profile conference deliberately kept low-key till the last minute for “security reasons gathered 150 delegates, including ministers, ambassadors, scholars, and representatives from 44 Muslim and allied countries, as well as international organizations like UNESCO, UNICEF, the World Bank, and the Saudi-funded Muslim World League.

Hoodbhoy, however, said the summit was “solely purposed to break Pakistan’s isolation with the rest of the world and shore up a wobbly government desperate for legitimacy.”

While some Indian organizations were represented, Afghanistan, despite being invited, was conspicuously absent.

This did not go unnoticed.

“The silence of the Taliban, the world’s worst offender when it comes to girls’ education, was deafening,” pointed out Michael Kugelman, director of the Washington D.C.-based Wilson Center’s South Asia Institute. Given the strained relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan, he said the former may have wanted this conference to bring attention to the Taliban’s horrific record on girls’ education.

“And it has succeeded, to a degree, especially with an iconic figure like Malala using the conference as a platform to condemn gender apartheid in Afghanistan under the Taliban.”

Yusafzai was glad that the conference was taking place in Pakistan. “Because there is still a tremendous amount of work that is ahead of us, so that every Pakistani girl can have access to her education,” she said, referring to the 12 million out-of-school girls.

Kugelman credited Pakistan as the host for not trying “to hide its own failures” on the education front. “It was important that Prime Minister Sharif acknowledged the abysmal state of girls’ education in Pakistan in his conference speech,” he said.

With 26 million out-of-school children in Pakistan, 53 percent of whom are girls, the summit seemed to be in line with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s declaration of an education emergency in Pakistan last year, vowing to “bring them [unschooled children] back to school.”

“The PM is rightly worried about out-of-school kids, but I’m more worried about those who complete ten years of education and fail to develop critical thinking,” said Roy, commenting on the summit. The pop singer has been a very vocal education activist for over two decades.

Hoodbhoy had similar thoughts. “Had there been serious intent to educate girl children, the more effective and far cheaper strategies would be to make coeducation compulsory at the primary and early secondary levels to increase school availability and design curriculum to educate and inform girls (and boys) rather than simply brainwash,” he said.

Pop singer and education activist Shehzad Roy is concerned with the quality of education. Courtesy: Shehzad Roy

Roy stated that Yousafzai has consistently emphasized the importance of quality education. With just 150 government training institutions in Pakistan, he said there was an urgent need for reform through public-private partnerships. He also noted that many private schools hire unqualified teachers and advocated for a teaching license, like medical licenses.

Since forming the Zindagi Trust in 2003, Roy has been advocating for better quality education in public schools. He has also adopted two government girl’s schools in Karachi and turned them around, providing meals to nursery children and teaching chess and musical instruments, both unheard of in public schools, especially for girls.

The Prime Minister acknowledged that enrolling 26 million students in school was a challenging task, with “inadequate infrastructure, safety concerns, as well as deeply entrenched societal norms” acting as barriers, and stated that the real challenge was the “will” to do it.

For 34 years, Jamil has raised questions about the design and process of education in Pakistan through annual reports. She believes that bringing 26 million children back to school is less challenging than ensuring “foundational learning” for those already enrolled. “Forty-five percent of children aged 5-16 fail in reading, comprehension, and arithmetic,” she told IPS. Along with improved funding and well-equipped school infrastructure, Jamil was also concerned about what she termed a runaway population.

Lamenting on a “lack of imagination to solve the education crisis” within the government, she said there was potential to achieve so much more. Jamil’s own organisation’s 2018 Syani Saheliyan project helped nearly 50,000 adolescent girls (ages 9-19) in South Punjab who had dropped out of school. It provided academics, life skills, vocational training, and technology-driven support to reintegrate them into education. The project was recognized by HundrEd Innovation in 2023.

Even Dr. Fozia Parveen, assistant professor at Aga Khan University’s Institute for Educational Development, would like the government to think outside the box and find a “middle ground” by including local wisdom in modern education.

“Instead of western-led education in an already colonial education system, perhaps a more grassroots approach using local methods of education can be looked into,” she suggested, adding: “There is so much local wisdom and knowledge that we will lose if we continue to be inspired by and adopt foreign systems. An education that is localized with all modern forms and technologies is necessary for keeping up with the world,” she said.

Further, Parveen, who looks at environmental and climate education, said “more skill-based learning would be needed in the times to come, which would require updated curriculum and teachers that are capacitated to foster those skills.”

The two-day International Conference on Girls’ Education in Muslim Communities ended with the signing of the Islamabad Declaration, recognizing education as a fundamental right protected by divine laws, Islamic teachings, international charters, and national constitutions. Muslim leaders pledged to ensure girls’ right to education, “without limitations” and “free from restrictive conditions,” in line with Sharia. The declaration highlighted girls’ education as a religious and societal necessity, key to empowerment, stable families, and global peace, while addressing extremism and violence.

It condemned extremist ideologies, fatwas, and cultural norms hindering girls’ education and perpetuating societal biases. Leaders committed to offering scholarships for girls affected by poverty and conflict and developing programs for those with special needs to ensure inclusivity.

The declaration concluded by affirming “it will not be a temporary appeal, an empty declaration, or simply a symbolic stance. Rather, it will represent a qualitative transformation in advocating for girls’ education—bringing prosperity to every deprived girl and to every community in dire need of the contributions of both
its sons and daughters equally”.

A permanent committee was urged to oversee the implementation of these outcomes.

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Woodlands in nearly every forested country face threats from climate-change-driven fires and deforestation pressures fueled by economic interests exploiting natural resources. Credit: Imran Schah/IPS

By Agus Justianto
BANTEN, Indonesia, Jan 10 2025 (IPS)

In Indonesia’s forests today, we can breathe a sigh of relief. At the conclusion of our dry season, during a time when climate change impacts are increasing in frequency and severity, there were no giant fires with plumes of smoke choking our region.

Tragically, forest fires have been burning elsewhere with increasing intensity, in the Amazon and even in New York City, as unprecedented droughts plague forests across the globe.

Indonesia was the first tropical forest nation to launch its tracking system, and only Ghana tracks its timber at a similar scale. It is one of the first steps required of countries that export timber to UK and EU markets, and ensures that our timber products, including furniture and paper, have been sustainably sourced and comply with all our legal requirements

The rise in global deforestation continues to be a focus of attention. But in Indonesia, which contains the third largest extant of tropical rainforest, the deforestation rates are still below the peak rates from 8-10 years ago despite climate impacts like El Nino systems and the continuing threat of large fires.

The importance of Indonesia’s progress is diminished if it remains unique. Woodlands in most every forested country remain vulnerable, to both climate-change-fueled fires as well as deforestation pressures from economic interests seeking to exploit the natural resources that forest lands contain.

Scientists have calculated that almost one half of all emissions from burning fossil fuels were absorbed by the world’s forests over the past three decades. The world is getting a better understanding of just how important forests are in the global fight against climate change.

Our experience starts with something that, though it may seem basic, too many countries suffer from: the need to stop criminal enterprises from decimating forests. Globally, illegal logging and other forest crimes generate an estimated US$100 billion annually—almost as much as governments provide for development assistance every year.

In 2011, about 80% of Indonesia’s timber exports were considered illegal, produced in violation of Indonesia’s own laws. That was a watershed moment, one that launched us on a path to manage our forests more sustainably.

We started first by instituting a temporary moratorium on new logging concessions in 2011 that became permanent in 2019. We then implemented a new system (called SVLK) that traces the route taken by every timber product for export, back to the forest where it was initially harvested.

Today, 80% of the production from primary productive forests are now certified for sustainability and all timber exports come from independently audited factories and forests, even those meant for markets beyond the UK and the EU which do not require such a system.

Indonesia was the first tropical forest nation to launch its tracking system, and only Ghana tracks its timber at a similar scale. It is one of the first steps required of countries that export timber to UK and EU markets, and ensures that our timber products, including furniture and paper, have been sustainably sourced and comply with all our legal requirements.

Strong forest governance has increased the value of national timber exports, and revenues are no longer lost to black market operations. Indonesia has seen a 19% increase in the value of timber exports to the EU, to about USD 1.4 billion, since the tracking system came online and exports to UK and EU began in 2016.

Access to UK and EU markets would not be possible without programs that work with Indigenous Peoples and respect their rights to manage their forests.

Our tracking system provides reports showing that the production of each shipment of timber for export complies with respect for their rights. Our support and collaboration with small- and medium-sized enterprises has increased business and trade with forest-dependent communities, providing markets for their bamboo, timber, wild foods, essential oil and spices.

This embrace of sustainability and respect for Indigenous rights, along with the rejection of criminal enterprises, can be embraced in any forest around the world.

The UK government in particular has been instrumental in supporting the implementation of these safeguards; its long-term support over the past two decades to forestry stakeholders in Indonesia through the Forest Governance, Markets and Climate programme helped put in place the new national system, enabling local communities to monitor against forest crime and strengthen management practices.

We look and see similar efforts growing in Liberia and Cameroon in particular as being worthy of continued support; they have made tremendous strides in combatting illegal enterprises and recognizing community rights. The many steps needed to meet the requirements of UK and EU markets are important but also require consistent funding and resources that can be difficult to locate during economic downturns in particular.

Effective management of the forestry sector requires an embrace of partnerships—with every community and entity participating in the supply chain as well as every market and each requirement for sustainability and transparency.

We appreciate our new ten-year partnership with the UK that was just finalized and hope that the UK can establish new partnerships with other nations. If you build these partnerships, the benefits extend beyond profitability; society receives greater stability, greater trade, and positive benefits for the climate.

Agus Justianto, PhD, is Vice Chairman of Indonesia FOLU Net Sink 2030 and Chairman of International Peatland Center.

Oliver Chinganya, Director, Africa Center for Statistics. Credit: Busani Bafana/IPS

By Busani Bafana
ADDIS ABABA, Jan 10 2025 (IPS)

That one in three Africans will not be counted as countries failing to meet census deadlines is a huge setback for development planning.

With the 2030 deadline for achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) looming, research reveals that Africa lags behind in meeting the crucial goals. A further challenge is that many African countries do not have accurate information about the socio-economic needs of their populations to better plan for development programs.

But there’s a way forward: investing in robust data and statistical systems, says Oliver Chinganya, Director of the Africa Center for Statistics (ACS) and Chief Statistician of the UN Economic Commission for Africa.

African governments speak of the importance of data, yet the investment often falls short, Chinganya tells IPS. He underscores the urgency, pointing to Africa’s uneven participation in the UN-led census rounds since 1990. He warned that 376 million people risked not being counted if more countries did not participate in the census.

“Accurate and credible statistics are the ‘new oil’ that will boost national economic growth by helping governments to improve on their SDG targets as they can plan better in allocating development spending while keeping track of what they have achieved,” Chinganya told IPS.

Without accurate data and statistics, development planning is difficult for many African countries, who are forced to rely on statistics not generated from and by the continent, he said.

At the SDGs Summit in 2023, the UN launched The Power of Data to unlock the Data Dividend as one of the 12 high-impact initiatives to help scale up the SDGs. African governments committed to investing 0.15 percent of their national budgets in the statistics sector but few countries have followed this through.

IPS spoke with Chinganya, following the 11th meeting of the Forum on African Statistical Development (FASDEV), an initiative of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), which fosters connections among countries, partners and institutions that support statistical development.

Excerpts:

IPS: What are we really talking about when we mention data and statistics and why are they important in Africa’s development?

Oliver Chinganya: Data and statistics are very important; they are used for planning at different levels. It is not just the government that requires data these days but everyone. Before you go to the market to buy whatever you want, you always need data first of all for you to make decisions before buying—how much they cost and what you would require for these things to be brought home.

At the government level, similar decisions that you make at the household level are being made where the government is asking questions about what we need to plan for us to be able to develop. For instance, how many schools do we need, and what kind of curriculum do we need to put in place? What kind of roads do we need? What kind of production systems are required in the country? Different data and statistics are required to be able to inform decisions.

Statistics provide evidence for policies. They help establish goals, identify needs, and monitor progress. It is impossible to learn from mistakes and hold policymakers accountable without good statistics.

Good statistics are crucial for managing the delivery of basic services efficiently and effectively, and they play a crucial role in improving transparency and accountability. Statistics contribute to development progress, not just as a monitoring tool but also as a tool for driving the outcomes measured by the statistics. In terms of national development, statistics play a very important role.

IPS: How would you describe the state of statistics in Africa?

Chinganya: When one asks about the status of statistics on the continent, it’s a mixed bag, given that some countries are really making very good progress and some are not. For instance, in the 2020 round of population census, 39 African countries conducted their censuses. The rest of them were not able to conduct their censuses and by December 2024, one in three people had still not been counted on the continent. This is unfortunate and it has implications for service delivery and development.

At present, we have countries that have not been able to modernize their statistical systems. One of our main focuses right now is to see how we can help countries modernize and transform their national statistical systems. This means moving away from the traditional way of collecting data using paper-based systems to modernizing data collection using gadgets like tablets and mobile phones. We are helping countries to modernize and transform their national statistical systems. But even with that, a number of countries are experiencing challenges moving towards the process of establishing and using modernized systems. The biggest challenge is access to technology. Technology is driven by energy. Without energy, you cannot have efficient, technologically driven systems in a country. Having access to efficient Internet services allows countries to collect information using gadgets.

IPS: What achievements have been made and what challenges have been encountered?

Chinganya: African countries have made some really good progress in undertaking population censuses. In past census rounds, countries were taking two to five years to collect and disseminate the data, but with modernised systems, this has been reduced to 45 days in some of the countries. This is a big milestone.

ECA has introduced a statistical leadership program, which has led to changes across the continent. In this program, statisticians are kept abreast and introduced to ways of managing statistical systems, thus building their capacities across the board.

The outbreak of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) exposed the vulnerability of African national statistical systems both in their routine operations and, more particularly, in their data collection activities in the field. To respond to these challenges, ECA has enhanced the capacity of and has provided technical support to the Member States in producing and disseminating harmonized and comparable economic statistics and national accounts, following the international statistical standards.

IPS: What needs to be done to help those countries that have failed to conduct censuses, which you say will impact the SDGs?

Chinganya: For countries that have progressed toward the SDGs, they need support to accelerate their progress so that by 2030 they can attain those SDGs.

Governments must invest a little more in data and statistics. They should not wait for others, including development partners, to do it for them. This is their data. All governments acknowledge the importance of data. But if it is important, then they must put value on that which is important. What is required are resources, prioritizing, and ensuring that data and statistics are part of the national development processes by developing a national strategy for statistics.

IPS: The ECA has developed a roadmap for the transformation and modernization of official statistics in Africa for the period 2023 to 2030. What progress has been made in implementing this?

Chinganya: We have made a lot of progress. For instance, during the 2020 census round, countries used tablets to collect the data. That is modernizing. In other words, moving away from traditional ways of collecting data.

In addition, through the Consumer Price Index, data collectors can go online and look at the prices of consumer goods or go to supermarkets and scan the data. That is part of the modernization. Furthermore, countries are now using what we call administrative data. That is part of modernizing systems. The records at health centers or in hospitals are now being transformed into digital forms so that they can be collected digitally.

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Press Briefing on Launch of 2025 World Economic Situation and Prospects Report at the United Nations Headquarters. Credit: UN Photo/Loey Felipe

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Jan 10 2025 (IPS)

In the past few years, the world economy has made significant strides in mitigating inflation, unemployment, and poverty. Despite this, global growth has yet to regain its pace from before the pandemic.

This can be attributed to a host of issues that are plaguing the world, including climate shocks, armed conflicts and rising geopolitical tensions. These issues have disproportionately adverse effects on developing nations. It is imperative to come up with a solution that advances economic growth for all in order to get back on track with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

“Several structural factors, including high depth burdens, limited fiscal space, weak investments, and low productivity growth, continue to hinder the economic prospects for developing countries. Climate change and the geopolitical tensions pose additional risks,” said Under-Secretary-General for Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) Li Junhua.

On January 9, the United Nations (UN) released a report titled World Economic Prospects 2025 that detailed the global economic situation as well as measures that can be taken to alleviate economic distress. According to the report, the world economy has remained relatively “resilient” over the course of 2024, despite extensive occurrences of climate-driven disasters and armed conflicts. Economic development is predicted to increase by 2.9 percent in 2025, which is virtually unchanged from 2024’s rate. This is still far below the rate of average economic growth recorded prior to 2020.

Major world economies, such as the United States, the European Union, and Japan, have experienced gradual economic recoveries in the past year. On the contrary, developing nations continue to struggle with high rates of youth unemployment, poverty, and inflation, all contributing to lower rates of economic growth.

Demographic pressures and increasingly high labour market demands have created bouts of unemployment among younger generations in developing nations. According to figures from the report, rates of youth unemployment remain a pressing concern in Western Asia, North Africa, South Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean.

Approximately 20 percent of young people in these areas are unemployed. High numbers of these populations rely on informal employment, which often yields low pay and few to no benefits. Due to limited fiscal space in these national economies, there have been lower rates of job creation and young people struggle to enter labour markets.

Most young workers still lack social protection and remain in temporary jobs that make it hard for them to get ahead as independent adults. Decent work is a ticket to a better future for young people. And a passport for social justice, inclusion and peace. The time to create the opportunities for a brighter future is now,” said Sara Elder, the International Labour Organization’s (ILO) Head of Employment Analyses and Public Policies.

ILO Director-General Gilbert Houngbo adds that “none of us can look forward to a stable future when millions of young people around the world do not have decent work and, as a result, are feeling insecure and unable to build a better life for themselves and their families.”

Although global rates of inflation have trended downward in recent years, developing countries continue to face high levels of inflation in their economies. According to the Director of Economic Analysis and Policy Division at the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Shantanu Mukherjee, the global rates of inflation were estimated to be six percent in 2024 and projected at 5.4 percent in 2025. These numbers are 1.5 times those for developing nations.

“That’s a sign of how severe the cost of living crisis is for most of us outside of this room. In 2024, if you look at the amount of public money that was used to service debt, the median country allocated 11.1 percent of its revenue. That’s more than 4 times the amount for the median developing country. Even among developing countries, there are variations with the least developing countries tending to be systematically worse in relative terms,” said Mukherjee.

Additionally, although global rates of poverty have declined significantly, extreme levels persist in Africa. Climate shocks, armed conflict, and the COVID-19 pandemic have all caused widespread economic issues around the world, with Africa bearing the worst impacts. According to figures from the report, numbers of Africans living below the poverty line have trended upward in recent years.

Furthermore, in the world’s most conflict-affected states, such as the Gaza Strip, economies have seen considerable declines, with widespread poverty, unemployment, food insecurity, and limited access to basic services becoming increasingly regular. According to the UN Development Programme (UNDP), due to extensive warfare and damage to critical infrastructures in Gaza, the local economy has been decimated and approximately 69 years of economic progress have been erased.

To effectively foster global economic growth, it is crucial to tackle the climate crisis. According to the World Economic Forum, it is estimated that greenhouse gas emissions and extreme weather events will cut average global incomes by 20 percent. Additionally, according to the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP), if yearly emissions stay the same, countries will need to spend at least 387 billion a year by 2030 to combat climate-related damages.

Global cooperation is also essential in boosting global economic growth, especially for developing nations. To build a more sustainable future with lower carbon emissions, technologies must be set in place that foster the use of renewable energy sources. In the UN DESA report, it is stated that a new commitment was created by a group of developed countries to mobilize a fund of 300 billion dollars annually by 2035 to support the implementation of renewable energy infrastructures.

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Credit: United Nations

By Shibu Thomas
NEW JERSEY, USA , Jan 10 2025 (IPS)

India has surged forward as the world’s fifth-largest economy and has now surpassed China to claim the title of the most populous nation. However, this rapid ascent is not without its challenges; rising unemployment and inflation loom large, threatening demographic dividend and its ambitious goal of sustaining a 7 to 8% GDP growth.

Projections indicate a staggering population of 1.7 billion by 2050, intensifying issues like employment elasticity, soaring poverty rates, urban congestion, environmental pollution, and the depletion of natural resources. These escalating challenges risk irreversible ecological damage, threaten the delicate balance of species and habitats and post serious ramifications for public health and sustainability.

Confronting sustainable development in this context, especially amidst the aspirations of a vibrant youth bulge, is an urgent and formidable task. A powerful and cost-effective solution lies in consciously reducing our human footprint. We must urgently integrate population planning into climate change initiatives and sustainable development goals to forge long-term policies that protect our planet.

This calls for incorporating population discussions into broader environmental strategies, empowering women through education and access to reproductive health services, and launching targeted initiatives in high-fertility districts by building collaborative networks among governments, NGOs, and local communities.

The demographic landscape of India is currently at a critical juncture, presenting significant challenges in managing its rapidly growing population. Over the past 50 years, India’s population has nearly tripled, raising serious concerns about the future. With 18% of the world’s population concentrated on just 2.4% of the land area, accommodating further growth is an urgent and unmistakable challenge.

This issue has sparked contrasting viewpoints within the country, with some unequivocally regarding the expanding working-age population as a demographic dividend, while others firmly perceive it as a potential crisis that demands immediate attention.

The current demographic trends in India paint a picture of urgency, demanding immediate action to address job creation. The unemployment rate is 8.5%, and 14.9% (MPI) are impoverished. There is a significant wealth disparity, with the top 10% holding more than 60% of total wealth, while the bottom 50% has experienced a decline in wealth.

The education system is under strain, with over 1.2 million children out of school in 2022-23, struggling to accommodate the expanding population. Urbanization is further burdening infrastructure and essential services. Public healthcare expenditure remains low at 2.1% of the GDP, highlighting the need for universal health coverage. The growing population places immense pressure on arable land, exacerbating land degradation and impacting the resource base.

Furthermore, the expanding population and increased affluence have led to a rapid surge in energy production and consumption, contributing to air pollution and global warming. These environmental challenges are significantly impacting public health and hindering sustainable development.

Despite advancements in agricultural productivity with the Green Revolution, a significant proportion of the population still grapples with inadequate access to proper nutrition, highlighting the urgent need to address food sustainability. The increasing population will continue to strain damaged ecosystems, reducing their resilience and elevating the risk of epidemics, soil desertification, and biodiversity loss.

India’s current demographic landscape is marked by a burgeoning working-age population 500 million, offering significant development potential in contrast to China’s diminishing population. However, India’s population growth may present challenges due to its relatively smaller land area and lower GDP than China.

While China’s one-child policy facilitated rapid economic growth, there are varying perspectives on India’s fertility rate, which has reportedly dropped below the replacement level of 2.1. Some advocate for population policies, while others question the necessity of such measures, citing historical resistance to India’s coercive population policies in the 1980s.

Despite a 7.2% growth rate in 2022-23, resulting in six million jobs, the working population increased by 10 million, leading to “jobless growth.” Although the fertility rate is declining, scientific models project that India’s population may not necessarily decrease due to “population momentum.”

Historical efforts in the 1970s and 80s aimed at promoting family planning through diverse media and public outreach initially showed promise. However, the efficacy of these initiatives has waned over time, leaving the challenge of unchecked population growth as a critical issue that remains to be effectively addressed.

The reluctance to address this matter is deeply rooted in political, religious, and cultural concerns. Rapid economic growth and advancements in science and technology have intensified human activity, making it challenging to control. Regulating human population growth is crucial for sustainable development, and historical evidence from the 1960s indicates that uncontrolled population growth leads to resource scarcity.

Failure to manage human populations may undermine afforestation and infrastructure development efforts. Additionally, unchecked unemployment, particularly among well-educated young men facing limited opportunities, has been linked to increased political violence.

India has established an ambitious objective to attain net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2070, notwithstanding projections indicating a population surge of 2 billion. A 2024 UNDP survey reveals that 77% of Indian citizens advocate for more robust governmental climate action.

The I=PAT framework emphasizes that environmental impact (I) is influenced by population size (P), level of affluence (A), and technology (T). India’s middle class currently accounts for 31% of the population and is expected to grow to 38% by 2031 and 60% by 2047, increasing per capita consumption. It is important to note that the only variable that can be directly managed is human footprints (P).

Given the complex nature of the issue and the underlying social frameworks, concentrating solely on persuading individuals to adopt less environmentally detrimental behaviors is ineffective and potentially counterproductive. It is imperative to destigmatize and integrate population growth discussions into environmental dialogues.

Government, communities, and individuals advocating proactive measures should collectively shoulder this responsibility. Our focus should pivot towards modifying systems and structures to incentivize communities to voluntarily refrain from procreation for a year, thereby driving significant behavioral shifts on a large scale.

The government should prioritize high-fertility districts in overpopulated states, particularly in northern India, and urgently improve access to contraceptives and family planning services in these areas.

The state of Kerala exemplifies that birth rates are lower where women have access to education, healthcare, and the ability to control the number of children. Better-educated women tend to have fewer children, which also signals increased gender equality. Empowering women and their active participation in decision-making can significantly reduce population growth, offering hope for a more sustainable future.

In conclusion, the interplay between India’s population growth, environmental sustainability, and public health presents a complex challenge that requires immediate and strategic action. To address this issue effectively:

1). Integrate population discussions: Establish forums and partnerships that unite policymakers, environmentalists, and community leaders to incorporate population growth into broader environmental strategies.

2). Empower women: Invest in educational programs and enhance access to reproductive health services, particularly in high fertility districts, to enable women to make informed choices about their families.

3). Implement targeted initiatives: Develop and support government initiatives focused on reducing birth rates in overpopulated areas while promoting sustainable practices at the community level.

4). Foster collaboration: Encourage partnerships among governments, NGOs, and local communities to promote conscientious living and embrace eco-friendly practices.

The time is now to act with purpose. Collective decisions made today will determine the quality of life for generations to come. By adopting these recommendations, the nation can forge a legacy that ensures not just prosperity but also the well-being of every citizen.

Dr. Shibu Thomas; M.D.S, M.S. is an Independent Global Health and International Security Analyst based in New Jersey, U.S.A; an Alumnus of the School of Diplomacy and International Relations at Seton Hall University and Former Assistant Professor at Ajman University, U.A.E.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Credit: Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development (APMDD)

By Ben Phillips
BANGKOK, Thailand, Jan 9 2025 (IPS)

The debt disaster is back. Indeed, the aid agency Cafod reports that developing countries today face “the most acute debt crisis in history”.

At least 54 countries are in a debt crisis – more than double the number in 2010. A further 57 countries are at risk of debt crisis. In the past decade, interest payments for developing countries overall have risen by 64%, and for Africa by 132%.

African countries are paying over 100 billion dollars a year to creditors. The share of African countries’ budgets going on debt payments is four times higher than in 2010.

Net finance flows to developing countries are now negative – that is, debt service repayments are now higher than inflows to governments.

“It’s time to face the reality,” says World Bank Chief Economist Indermit Gill. “The poorest countries facing debt distress need debt relief if they are to have a shot at lasting prosperity. Private creditors ought to bear a fair share of the cost when the bet goes bad.”

“Debt is choking the countries of the Global South,” says the Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town Thabo Makgoba, “denying us what we need for health and education. Please, let us breathe!”

The scale of the crisis has not shocked world leaders into action, however. So far, the G20 debt restructuring mechanisms have come nowhere close to what is needed.

The recurrence of the debt crisis is even cynically held up as a reason not to resolve it. “They got debt forgiven in 2000,” goes the mantra, “now they are back, which means it failed and there is no helping them.”

It’s a false narrative that deliberately ignores two key points: first, that the debt cancellation secured by the broad Jubilee 2000 movement saved and transformed millions of lives, including affected countries switching from most children not completing primary school to most children completing; secondly, that the reforms needed to prevent a recurrence of catastrophic debt payment levels have been held up by creditors.

But being untrue hasn’t taken away the power of the “debt cancellation failed” story for excusing and enabling inaction.

Debt restructuring has continued to be a painfully slow, ad hoc process, dominated by rich countries and dependent on persuading creditors. That’s not a bug, it’s feature. It’s not surprising that private lenders, who today make up the largest share of creditors of affected countries’ debt, have obstructed efforts to resolve the crisis: without sufficient compulsion that is what they will continue to do.

It seems almost unnecessary to add that we have now entered an era where anything requiring multilateral cooperation has gotten even harder. And yet, 2025 also brings two powerful reasons for hope.

First, the moment.

As the first ever African chair of the G20, South Africa has seized the opportunity to lead an intergovernmental push for action on debt, successfully bringing it to the core of global economic diplomacy. The South African G20 presidency has set out a bold agenda that prioritises tackling what they name in frank terms as the “crippling sovereign debt levels that force many countries to sacrifice their developmental obligations to service unmanageable debts”.

South Africa has set out what would be transformative frame for G20 delivery: “We must take action to ensure debt sustainability for low-income countries. A key obstacle to inclusive growth in developing economies is an unsustainable level of debt which limits their ability to invest in infrastructure, healthcare, education and other development needs”.

“South Africa will seek to advance sustainable solutions to tackle high structural deficits and liquidity challenges and extend debt relief to developing economies. South Africa will also seek to ensure that the sovereign credit ratings are fair and transparent and to address high risk premiums for developing economies. Key to addressing the debt question is dealing with the Cost of Capital.”

Second, the movement.

Intergovernmental diplomacy alone, however well played, can never break through the power imbalances of global finance. The resolution of the debt crisis needs a determined and organized mass movement of people. This movement is rising.

Amongst those who are coming together in the broad Jubilee 2025 movement are civil society organisations from climate justice marchers to human rights activists, trade unions from every sector and every part of the world, and artists raising their voices to demand the breaking of the chokehold of debt.

At the heart of the Jubilee 2025 movement are the faith communities, who were also at the heart of Jubilee 2000. As the Jubilee name signifies, debt cancellation is not a mere technical economic issue, it is a moral one, with deep roots in biblical traditions and in ethical understandings of the common good.

“We urgently need a new debt Jubilee,” leaders of diverse faiths from across Africa declared in their joint call to action, “to bring hope to humankind, and bring the planet back from the brink.” Faith communities combine deep local organising and wide global networking, mobilise in the Global South and Global North amongst the most excluded and amongst the better off, and have proven to be especially hard for decision-makers to ignore.

A moment of hope, powered by a movement of hope. Debt distress need not be destiny. This is not a prediction that the campaign on debt will succeed, but rather an assessment that it has a fighting chance. “More than a question of generosity,” Pope Francis declared in his Papal Bull for 2025, debt cancellation is “a matter of justice.”

Notably, he titled the document Spes non confundit – “Hope does not disappoint.”

Ben Phillips is the author of How to Fight Inequality.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Protests erupted over the hazardous waste disposal from the Bhopal gas tragedy. Credit: Sameer Khan/IPS

By Shuriah Niazi
PITHAMPUR, India, Jan 9 2025 (IPS)

An eerie calm prevails over Pithampur, a town 250 km (155 miles) away from Bhopal, the capital of the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh. This town witnessed widespread protests for three days last week following the transportation of large quantities of toxic waste from the site of one of the world’s worst industrial disasters in Bhopal.

On Wednesday, December 1, about 337 metric tonnes of toxic waste were transported to Pithampur in 12 containers amid tight security from Bhopal. This hazardous waste originated from the now-defunct Union Carbide Factory in Bhopal, where it had been stored for the past 40 years. The site is infamous for the tragic gas leak that occurred on the night of December 2-3, 1984, which resulted in the instant deaths of 3,500 people and thousands of others over the years.

The toxic waste from Bhopal was intended to be incinerated at Ramky Enviro Industries; however, protests escalated last week and two people even attempted self-immolation. Both are currently hospitalized. In response, the government halted the incineration process.

On Monday, the Madhya Pradesh High Court gave a six-month deadline to the government to dispose of the waste. The government told the court that it would first work to gain the trust of the residents of Pithampur and the surrounding areas before proceeding with the incineration.

In 2015, the Supreme Court had ordered a trial for the disposal of 10 metric tonnes of waste. Following this, incineration was carried out at Ramky Enviro Engineers. However, residents in the vicinity have reported concerns about negative impacts on their health and the local environment.

Crop Yield Declines

A resident from Silotiya village, situated near the factory, complained about the impact on farming.

“Earlier, this area used to produce excellent crops, but after the trial was conducted here 10 years ago and the waste was spread, our farming has suffered greatly,” Nageshwar Chaudhary told IPS. “The water in the entire region has become contaminated, and people are experiencing poor crop yields. This is why the community protested when the decision to incinerate the waste was made and the toxic waste reached here to be burnt.”

Chaudhary further said that the administration had assured locals before the trial runs in 2015 that there would be no adverse effects.

“But now the lands have become so infertile that even if we wish to sell them, no one is ready to buy,” Chaudhary claimed.

Atma Raghuvanshi from Bagdari, another village close to the Ramky Enviro Industries, said that the factory’s waste has led to the contamination of water and it is a major problem.

“People are selling their land and moving away. We’re not receiving fair prices for our land due to the pollution. The pollution has worsened because of the poisonous waste,” said Raghuvanshi.

Officials Attempt to Allay People’s Apprehension

On the other hand, the officials maintain that the incineration of toxic waste will not cause any harm.

“The disposal of this waste will not harm anyone. In 2015, we conducted a trial run where 10 tonnes of waste were incinerated, and the results were positive. Therefore, it would be wrong to claim that it will cause harm,” Swatantra Kumar Singh, Director of the Bhopal Gas Tragedy Relief and Rehabilitation Department, said.

Singh also emphasized that the waste will continue to be disposed of in an environmentally safe manner.

The administration has said that special precautions were taken during the transportation of toxic waste from Bhopal and the contaminated soil from the storage area has also been brought to Pithampur.

Over 50 workers equipped with personal protective equipment (PPE) were assigned to load the waste into the containers, with teams rotating every 30 minutes.

Based on a trial run conducted in 2015, it was determined that 90 kg of waste can be incinerated per hour. At that rate, the incineration of 337 tonnes of waste could take more than five months.

“The waste from Union Carbide was transported to Pithampur following the highest safety protocols in the movement and transport of industrial waste in the country,” Singh remarked.

Various Organizations ‘Involved’ in Disposal Process

Regarding the removal of toxic waste, Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Mohan Yadav informed reporters that various Government of India organizations are involved in the disposal process.

“For the past 40 years, the people of Bhopal have been living with this waste. The transportation of this toxic waste has not impacted the environment in any way. The entire process was carried out safely. We also aim to ensure that this issue remains free from political controversy,” added Yadav.

The Supreme Court had mandated the removal of toxic waste in 2014, and recently, in December last year, the Madhya Pradesh High Court directed the state government to complete the removal within four weeks. Now it has issued a six-month deadline to dispose of the waste.

In August 2004, Alok Pratap Singh, a Bhopal resident, filed a petition in the Madhya Pradesh High Court requesting the removal of toxic waste from the Union Carbide premises. He also sought compensation for the environmental damage caused. Alok Pratap Singh has since passed away.

Only a Symbolic Gesture: Activist

Rachna Dhingra, from the International Campaign for Justice in Bhopal, has expressed concerns that the waste transported to Pithampur represents only a small fraction of the total 1.1 million metric tonnes of toxic waste.

Dhingra slammed the government’s action as a mere “symbolic gesture” rather than a meaningful step toward addressing the larger issue.

In 2010, under the directive of the High Court, the Madhya Pradesh government commissioned the National Environmental Engineering Institute (NEERI) from Nagpur and the National Geophysical Research Institute (NGRI) from Hyderabad to study the issue of toxic waste and its associated pollution.

The NEERI report revealed the presence of hazardous chemicals such as aldicarb, carbaryl, A-naphthol, dichlorobenzene, and mercury in the soil of the affected area. It also indicated that approximately 1.1 million metric tonnes of contaminated soil remained, which has adversely affected the health of people living around the closed Union Carbide factory in Bhopal and damaged the environment over the years.

“The quantity of waste that the government has moved from Bhopal to Pithampur constitutes less than one percent of the total hazardous waste,” Dhingra said.

According to her, the NEERI report said there are numerous dumping and landfill sites surrounding the Union Carbide factory where waste was irresponsibly disposed of.

Dhingra emphasized that hazardous substances from these chemical waste ponds have infiltrated the ground, contaminating local water sources and soil. She urged the government to address this ongoing issue, warning that neglecting it will perpetuate suffering among the community.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Excerpt:

The local community of Pithampur, India, says the incineration of Bhopal gas tragedy waste is unsafe for their health and environment.

Credit: Fundación Plan/Instagram

By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Jan 8 2025 (IPS)

Colombia has just marked a historic milestone in the global campaign against child marriage, with the Senate passing one of Latin America and the Caribbean’s most comprehensive bans on child marriage and early unions. In a country where one in five girls under 18 and one in 10 under 14 are married or live in marriage-like conditions, the new law raises the minimum age to 18 with no exceptions, eliminating a 137-year-old Civil Code provision that allowed children over 14 to marry with parental consent. This achievement aligns with goal 5 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which has a target of eliminating harmful practices like child marriage by 2030. The new law now awaits the signature of President Gustavo Petro to come into effect.

The breakthrough

Child marriage disproportionately affects Colombia’s most vulnerable communities, with rates of between 40 and 65 per cent among rural, Indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations. In some communities, girls as young as 10 are married off. These early unions expose girls to unequal power relations, deny them education, limit their bodily and economic autonomy and lead to higher rates of gender-based violence and health issues linked to early pregnancy.

The passage of the #SonNiñasNoEsposas (‘They are girls, not wives’) bill reflected the power of persistent civil society advocacy. After several failed attempts since 2007, the bill, authored by two congresswomen, passed with unanimous support. This success was driven by a coalition of Colombian civil society organisations as part of the Girls Not Brides global network, including the Foundation for Gender and Family Development, Fundación Plan and Profamilia, working alongside international partners such as Equality Now and Plan International, with Girls Not Brides directly supporting legislative advocacy and media campaigns.

Beyond raising the marriage age, the new law establishes the National Comprehensive Programme for Life Projects for Children and Adolescents. This preventive initiative targets the structural causes of early unions – poverty and lack of education – particularly in remote rural areas. The programme includes the participation of Indigenous communities through their own governance structures, recognising the importance of cultural sensitivity in implementation.

The global landscape

Colombia is by no means alone in having a child marriage problem. Around the world, some 12 million girls are married each year, two million before the age of 15. While child marriage can affect boys as well, girls are six times more likely to be married as children than boys.

According to the Child Marriage Monitoring Mechanism, a collaborative initiative to generate evidence to support efforts to end child marriage, one in five young women worldwide are married before their 18th birthday, with rates highest in sub-Saharan Africa.

To tackle this problem, The Elders, a group of senior public figures, launched the global Girls Not Brides partnership in 2011. With over 1,400 member organisations in more than 100 countries, Girls Not Brides works to prevent under-age marriage, recognising it as both a human rights violation and an obstacle to development. It identifies four main drivers of child marriage: poverty, limited educational and economic opportunities, gender inequality and insecurity in conflict or disaster situations. It tackles the problem with awareness-raising campaigns, national and international policy advocacy and community engagement to challenge social norms that perpetuate child marriage.

Since then, efforts have multiplied. In 2016, the United Nations Population Fund and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) launched the Global Programme to End Child Marriage. Now in its third phase, set to run until 2030, the programme operates in 12 high-prevalence countries in Africa, the Middle East and South Asia. Working directly with governments, it has reached millions of adolescent girls, focusing on education, healthcare and economic opportunities.

Regional-level initiatives include the South Asian Initiative to End Violence Against Children, which works in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, and the African Union’s Campaign to End Child Marriage in Africa, launched in 2014 in 10 high-prevalence countries and later expanded to 30.

Many more initiatives work at national and local levels. They combine multiple responses, including working with religious and community leaders to change social norms, supporting girls’ education and economic empowerment, engaging with men and boys on gender equality, advocating for stronger laws and their enforcement, providing support services to girls at risk of child marriage, using media and technology to raise awareness and change attitudes and building networks of young advocates and change-makers.

Progress and challenges

These efforts have contributed to a global decline in child marriage rates. According to UNICEF, the proportion of young women married as children has decreased from 25 per cent to 21 per cent over the past decade, meaning that 25 million child marriages have been prevented. However, the global number of child brides is still estimated at 650 million, including girls under 18 who have already married and adult women who married as children.

The average annual rate of reduction has been 0.7 per cent over the past 25 years and 1.9 per cent over the past decade, showing the impact of recent initiatives. But at this rate, the SDG target of eliminating the practice by 2030 won’t be achieved.

Setbacks have been caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, climate change, conflict and economic instability. Wherever insecurity rises, so does child marriage, as parents see early marriage of daughters as a financial and security solution. During Syria’s conflict, for example, the rate of child marriages shot up among refugees in countries such as Jordan and Lebanon.

Looking ahead

Colombia’s new law marks significant progress, but it’s just the beginning, as evidenced by the fact that many of the early marriages that take place in Colombia would have been illegal under the old law.

The real work of implementation begins now. Colombia’s efforts over the next few years will be crucial in demonstrating how legislative change can translate into real protection for vulnerable girls. For Latin America and the Caribbean, it should open up opportunities for strengthened cross-border cooperation and similar legislative reforms.

Colombia’s comprehensive approach could serve as a model for change in a region where many countries still have legal exceptions that allow child marriage under some circumstances, while others have strong laws that aren’t adequately implemented.

While the declining trend in global child marriage rates offers hope, the current pace of change remains far too slow. Colombia’s example shows that significant progress is possible through sustained, multi-stakeholder commitment and comprehensive approaches that change laws but also address underlying social dynamics. The international community must build on this momentum. This means scaling up successful initiatives, increasing funding for civil society organisations and maintaining political pressure.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Senior Research Specialist, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org.

 

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Siddipet cotton fabric being woven. Credit: Rina Mukherji/IPS

By Rina Mukherji
SIDDIPET, POCHAMPALLY & KOYALAGUDDEM, India, Jan 8 2025 (IPS)

The southern Indian state of Telangana has always been home to exquisite cotton and silk weaves. But in recent years, lack of market access, expensive inputs, and government apathy have taken their toll on the weaving community. As a result, the younger generation is refraining from pursuing this traditional occupation and opting for more lucrative pursuits.

This is evident when one visits the weaving towns of the state. Take Siddipet, which is about 100 km from the metropolitan city of Hyderabad. Siddipet has always been known for its exquisite cotton saris and stoles. But today, only about a hundred wizened individuals, spread over seven handloom cooperatives, still weave.

Srivikailasam is a renowned middle-aged weaver who was honoured by the Chief Minister with the Konda Laxman Bapuji Award. His saris, dupattas and stoles are prized items in the export market. Yet none of his children—a son and two daughters—want to inherit his craft.

Another weaver, known as Ilaiyah, has been weaving for the past 60 years, since he turned 15. Yet his children have turned their backs to weaving.

Yadagiri has also been weaving for the past 60 years, like his fellow weavers. But neither his son nor daughter are interested in learning to weave.

Master weaver Mallikarjun Siddi, who also owns a marketing outlet in Siddipet, followed his father, renowned weaver Buchaiah Siddi, into the profession. But his children have opted out of this traditional occupation.

However, Siddi defends the youngsters.

“Why would youngsters want to adopt a profession that pays so little? A weaver earns Rs 1000 (USD 11.82) a day here, and it takes three full days to weave a sari. A job in the IT hub of HiTech City in Hyderabad fetches a lot more.”

Worse, the Telangana government does not subsidize electricity; this has resulted in the Siddipet weavers continuing to use handlooms instead of switching to powerlooms, making their work even more tedious and hard. Electricity is Rs 10 (USD 0.12) a unit. If subsidized, the cost comes down to Rs 1 (US$ 0.012) per unit. Power loom machinery is expensive, ranging from Rs 1.5 lakh to 6 lakh (USD 1773.5 to USD 7101). With electricity subsidy, a weaver can bear the burden. Otherwise, it is not possible. Hence, even today, you see only handlooms here,” explains Siddi.

Master weaver Laxman Tadaka prepares his materials. Credit: Rina Mukherji/IPS

Marketing the product is also tough. The government buys the product at higher rates but does so lackadaisically. “Their representatives come only once a year, and although the payment is higher, it is not immediate. Private parties come regularly, and often, pay immediately,” say weavers.

The story is hardly any different in Pochampally, world-renowned for its ikat silk weaves. Ikat here can be either single ikat or double ikat, with the second being even more expensive. The yarn has to be initially soaked and then dyed before weaving. Since ikat weaves require every thread of the yarn to be dyed separately, a power loom can never be used. Thus, ikat weaves, whether cotton or silk, must be woven on a handloom, as master weaver Laxman Tadaka points out. The silk yarn comes from Bengaluru and is priced at Rs 4500 (USD 53.20) per kilogram. A weaver needs an average of 6 kg of yarn to weave seven saris a month. To bear the cost of inputs and the effort, a weaver must make enough sales. “The 15 percent subsidy extended by the government can hardly suffice,” Tadaka points out.

Rudra Anjanelu, manager of the Pochampally Handloom Weavers Cooperative Society, says they are dependent on subsidies.

“Our silk saris are expensive. But we cannot afford to give discounts unless the government supports us. A major problem is the 5 percent Goods and Services Tax (GST) that has now been imposed by the central government. It makes saris and other silk products even more expensive.”

In the past, the state government used to render marketing support through its outlets, offering the products to customers at discounted prices, especially during the festive season, while subsidizing weavers. This is not forthcoming anymore, making it tough for weavers.

Most weavers have to rely on the Telangana State Handloom Weavers Cooperative Society Limited (TSCO), their apex cooperative, to sell their product.

“We had suggested a method to jack up our sales. The Telangana government has a Kalyanalakshmi scheme, wherein parents of girls are given Rs 1 lakh (USD 1182.32) for their daughter’s wedding. Along with the money, the government could easily provide a sari worth Rs 10,000 (USD 118.23) for the bride. This will help us weavers too, while helping the parents with the bridal trousseau,” Anjanelu says.

Besides, most weavers are not happy with the quality of the subsidized yarn provided by the government through the National Handloom Development Corporation.

Muralikrishnan, a weaver from Koyalaguddem, a village renowned for its cotton ikat, laments, “The yarn provided by the government is of inferior quality and this, in turn, can affect the quality of our end product. It is unlike what we get from private traders.”

Moreover, as Anjanelu points out, “Yarn has to be paid for. When sales are down, how can weavers buy any yarn?”

A big challenge for handloom weavers remains the flooding of markets by printed duplicates, which sell at a fraction of the price of handloom fabric.

On hindsight, though, it is not as if nothing was done for weavers by the Telangana government. However, if weavers have not experienced long-term benefits, could this be attributed to the outcome of the ballot?

The previous Chandrashekhar Reddy (state) government, for instance, introduced a 36-month savings-cum-insurance scheme for weavers termed the Thrift Scheme, wherein the government contributed an amount matching the investment made by an individual.

In Pochampally, land was also sanctioned for a handloom institute, and a handloom park was set up on the outskirts of the town. However, with a new Chief Minister getting elected, the plans came to naught. The Handloom Park too suffered from bad planning. Weavers who had set up shop at the park now have to market their products from their homes.

It is ironical that the weavers of Pochampally, Koyalaguddem and Siddipet find it tough to sell their exquisite weaves, despite being located in the vicinity of metropolitan Hyderabad, which boasts of an upwardly mobile population with high disposable income.

Notwithstanding the problems faced, there are a few who have found a solution. Dudyala Shankar and Muralikrishnan of Koyalaguddem have diversified their range of products to include ikat fabric and bedsheets, alongside traditional saris, dupattas, and stoles. Muralikrishnan has been accessing markets all over India through the internet, from his dusty little village.

“It is the only way out,” he tells me.

Indeed, the World Wide Web can certainly fill in where humans cannot. Product diversification and market access translating into sales may ultimately wean back the younger generation to keep the weaving tradition alive in Telangana and prevent it from dying out.

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The United Nations Security Council Meets on Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict in Sudan. Credit: UN Photo/Manuel Elías

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Jan 8 2025 (IPS)

As the Civil War rages on in Sudan, the nationwide humanitarian crisis continues to worsen. Armed conflict has caused an escalation in civilian casualties and displacement in the past few months. Additionally, famine looms in the nation’s most conflict-impacted areas, which is exacerbated by tightened restrictions that impede humanitarian aid deliveries. Despite numerous calls for a cessation of hostilities by the international community, relief efforts are severely underfunded.

In 2025, humanitarian organizations seek to assist approximately 21 million people in Sudan, which is roughly half of the country’s population. However, this number is projected to increase following the escalation of armed hostilities recorded in December of 2024. According to a report from the UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR), the ongoing siege in El Fasher, the capital city of Sudan, left at least 782 dead and 1,143 injured from May 2024 to December 2024.

According to Edem Wosornu, the Director of Operations and Advocacy for the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), the Zamzam refugee camp, the nation’s largest refuge for internally displaced persons, has faced severe shelling in the final weeks of 2024. Approximately 80 people were killed and 400 were injured as a result of artillery shelling in western Darfur. Civilians and humanitarian aid groups, including Doctors Without Borders (MSF), have attributed these casualties to hostilities perpetrated by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

Nathaniel Raymond, the executive director of Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab, described the current situation in the Zamzam camp as a “kill box”. The escalation of warfare has forced Sudanese refugees to move toward dangerous RSF territories or toward the barren deserts where they face the risk of starvation. “We can see from space people camping under trees, on the side of the road. They’re going out of the frying pan and into the fire,” said Raymond, adding that many of these people have been severely injured or immunocompromised.

On January 6 2025, the United Nations (UN) Security Council warned that famine conditions are projected to spread throughout Sudan if humanitarian organizations do not effectively intervene soon. According to Wosornu, famine is present in five areas, including the Zamzam, Al Salam, and Abu Shouk camps, as well as regions in the western Nuba Mountains.

The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) states that five additional regions, including Um Kadada and El Fasher, as well as 17 other high-risk areas, could face severe famine-like conditions by mid-2025. Women, children, and the elderly are predicted to be disproportionately affected.

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Deputy Director Beth Bechdol, the vast scale of famine is a direct result of extended warfare, displacement, and restricted humanitarian access. Additionally, the IPC report states that “only an immediate cessation of hostilities can prevent the crisis from worsening.”

It is crucial for humanitarian organizations to have unimpeded access to critically endangered areas in Sudan. The Adre border crossing, which provides direct passage from Chad to some of Sudan’s most affected areas, has seen numerous delays and blockages of aid. According to Wosornu, “key areas in South Kordofan are effectively cut off from external assistance,” while “visas for humanitarian personnel are not being granted swiftly enough”.

The start of 2025 is a major tipping point for the Sudan crisis as action must be taken now to ensure stability for millions of Sudanese people. Bechdol states that “immediate and unimpeded” humanitarian access is urgent at this time for humanitarian organizations to be able to deliver “multi-sectoral humanitarian assistance”.

The 2025 Humanitarian Needs Response Plan seeks approximately 4.2 billion dollars to provide life-saving assistance to 21 million Sudanese civilians that are struggling to stay alive. The funding from this plan would help to restore basic services such as access to food, water, and shelter, as well as protection services. “The risk of famine and its spread has been on our collective conscience since August, and now it is here, not only with people dying from hunger, but also with a breakdown of health systems, livelihoods and social structures,” warns Bechdol.

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In the Pacific, Investing in Coral Reefs and the Blue Economy programme will channel finance towards the protection of Fijian coral reefs and communities. Credit: UNDP

By David Smith and Neisha Manickchand
KINGSTON, Jamaica, Jan 8 2025 (IPS)

Climate change is one of the most serious global threats to the future of the world’s population. Its impact extends far and wide, from the economy to governance to the very health and well-being of society.

The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that between 2030 and 2050, some 250,000 extra deaths per year will occur because of the climate crisis’ impacts on nutrition and health. Extreme weather events directly affect food and water security and quality of life, resulting in an increase in malaria, diarrhoeal diseases, respiratory illnesses, and heat stroke, among other illnesses and stressors.

And they will reach every country, city, and municipality, in every corner of the world — but some areas are more vulnerable than others. Some of the most vulnerable? Small Island Developing States (SIDS).

https://www.un.org/ohrlls/content/list-sids

SIDS health systems are rarely built or have the resources to withstand the ever-growing, ever-changing impacts of the climate crisis. In the Caribbean Islands, for example, drought and excess rainfall have caused outbreaks of diseases transmitted by insect vectors. Dengue Fever — perhaps the most well known — has surged in recent years, nearly reaching 57,000 in 2024, a 469% increase over the same period in 2023.

The surge was likely fueled by El Niño and unplanned urban growth. The Caribbean Public Health Agency (CARPHA) has also reported increased hospitalisations and deaths due to Dengue and other vector-borne diseases like Zika and Chikungunya.

Beyond vector-borne diseases, climate change also affects non-communicable diseases (NCDs) and other health-related issues. Trinidad, a Caribbean island, saw increased hospital admissions for asthma due to high temperatures, and Belize, a country in Central America, reported that increased heat resulting from climate change is impacting schoolchildren and other vulnerable persons.

In the Pacific Island Countries and Territories (PICT), overall population health status has also deteriorated with increasing climate change-induced health risks. According to an internal report, surveys carried out by Fiji National University note that increased rainfall and flooding have caused crop insecurity, leading to changes in diet and water-borne illnesses.

The frequency of extreme weather events in SIDS is not expected to slow down. Major hurricanes in the Caribbean are projected to increase, and tropical cyclones are expected to carry more and more rain.

The first Category 5 hurricane, “Beryl”— the highest category on the Saffir–Simpson Hurricane Wind Scale — of 2024 was uncharacteristically early, badly damaging Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Grenada, and parts of Jamaica. Beryl’s destruction is telling of future weather patterns and of small island nations’ vulnerability.

As this haunting trend progresses, climate experts, policymakers, and the global community are gathering the research to establish innovative and necessary solutions. The University of the West Indies (UWI) in the Caribbean, for example, is collaborating with other SIDS researchers to understand the impacts of climate on health which is demonstrated in the 2024 Small Island Developing States report of the Lancet Countdown on Health and Climate Change.

The report notes that addressing heat through adaptation efforts would be an extremely effective and life-saving intervention in SIDS. Establishing more urban green spaces, for example, can provide local cooling benefits and alleviate heat exposure in cities.

Furthermore, UWI and Fiji National University recently presented new research on the impacts of climate change on community health and wellbeing at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Samoa.

And at the COP29 in Azerbaijan, participants developed a Special Report on Climate Change and Health, outlining priority recommendations from the global health community for governments, policymakers, and other sectors to place health at the heart of climate solutions.

Yet, for SIDS to truly adapt or combat the effects of climate change, increased access to financing is also crucial.

The research is evident and the urgency has been established. For SIDS, adhering to these recommendations and other global commitments is vital. The health impacts of climate change will continue to persist unless the necessary actions are taken.

Dr. David Smith is a Coordinator of the Institute for Sustainable Development at the University of the West Indies and Chair of the SDSN Caribbean Network. Neisha Manickchand is a Project and Resource Mobilisation Officer for the Institute for Sustainable Development at the University of the West Indies and Network Manager of the SDSN Caribbean Network.

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Displaced Palestinians walk through the Nour Shams camp in the West Bank. Credit: UNRWA/Mohammed Alsharif

By Norman Solomon
SAN FRANCISCO, USA, Jan 7 2025 (IPS)

When news broke over the weekend that President Biden just approved an $8 billion deal for shipping weapons to Israel, a nameless official vowed that “we will continue to provide the capabilities necessary for Israel’s defense.” Following the reports last month from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch concluding that Israeli actions in Gaza are genocide, Biden’s decision was a new low for his presidency.

It’s logical to focus on Biden as an individual. His choices to keep sending huge quantities of weaponry to Israel have been pivotal and calamitous. But the presidential genocide and the active acquiescence of the vast majority of Congress are matched by the dominant media and overall politics of the United States.

Forty days after the Gaza war began, Anne Boyer announced her resignation as poetry editor of the New York Times Magazine. More than a year later, her statement illuminates why the moral credibility of so many liberal institutions have collapsed in the wake of Gaza’s destruction.

While Boyer denounced “the Israeli state’s U.S.-backed war against the people of Gaza,” she emphatically chose to disassociate herself from the nation’s leading liberal news organization: “I can’t write about poetry amidst the ‘reasonable’ tones of those who aim to acclimatize us to this unreasonable suffering. No more ghoulish euphemisms. No more verbally sanitized hellscapes. No more warmongering lies.”

The acclimatizing process soon became routine. It was most crucially abetted by President Biden and his loyalists, who were especially motivated to pretend that he wasn’t really doing what he was really doing.

For mainline journalists, the process required the willing suspension of belief in a consistent standard of language and humanity. When Boyer acutely grasped the dire significance of its Gaza coverage, she withdrew from “the newspaper of record.”

Content analysis of the war’s first six weeks found that coverage by the New York Times, Washington Post and Los Angeles Times had a steeply dehumanizing slant toward Palestinians. The three papers “disproportionately emphasized Israeli deaths in the conflict” and “used emotive language to describe the killings of Israelis, but not Palestinians,” a study by The Intercept showed.

“The term ‘slaughter’ was used by editors and reporters to describe the killing of Israelis versus Palestinians 60 to 1, and ‘massacre’ was used to describe the killing of Israelis versus Palestinians 125 to 2. ‘Horrific’ was used to describe the killing of Israelis versus Palestinians 36 to 4.”

After a year of the Gaza war, Arab-American historian Rashid Khalidi said: “My objection to organs of opinion like the New York Times is that they see absolutely everything from an Israeli perspective. ‘How does it affect Israel, and how do the Israelis see it?’ Israel is at the center of their worldview, and that’s true of our elites generally, all over the West. The Israelis have very shrewdly, by preventing direct reportage from Gaza, further enabled that Israelocentric perspective.”

Khalidi summed up: “The mainstream media is as blind as it ever was, as willing to shill for any monstrous Israeli lie, to act as stenographers for power, repeating what is said in Washington.”

The conformist media climate smoothed the way for Biden and his prominent rationalizers to slide off the hook and shape the narrative, disguising complicity as evenhanded policy. Meanwhile, mighty boosts of Israel’s weapons and ammunition were coming from the United States. Nearly half of the Palestinians they killed were children.

For those children and their families, the road to hell was paved with good doublethink. So, for instance, while the Gaza horrors went on, no journalist would confront Biden with what he’d said at the time of the widely decried school shooting in Uvalde, Texas, when the president had quickly gone on live television.

“There are parents who will never see their child again,” he said, adding: “To lose a child is like having a piece of your soul ripped away. . . . It’s a feeling shared by the siblings, and the grandparents, and their family members, and the community that’s left behind.” And he asked plaintively, “Why are we willing to live with this carnage? Why do we keep letting this happen?”

The massacre in Uvalde killed 19 children. The daily massacre in Gaza has taken the lives of that many Palestinian kids in a matter of hours.

While Biden refused to acknowledge the ethnic cleansing and mass murder that he kept making possible, Democrats in his orbit cooperated with silence or other types of evasion. A longstanding maneuver amounts to checking the box for a requisite platitude by affirming support for a “two-state solution.”

Dominating Capitol Hill, an unspoken precept has held that Palestinian people are expendable as a practical political matter. Party leaders like Senator Chuck Schumer and Representative Hakeem Jeffries did virtually nothing to indicate otherwise.

Nor did they exert themselves to defend incumbent House Democrats Jamaal Bowman and Cori Bush, defeated in summer primaries with an unprecedented deluge of multimillion-dollar ad campaigns funded by AIPAC and Republican donors.

The overall media environment was a bit more varied but no less lethal for Palestinian civilians. During its first several months, the Gaza war received huge quantities of mainstream media coverage, which thinned over time; the effects were largely to normalize the continual slaughter. Some exceptional reporting existed about the suffering, but the journalism gradually took on a media ambience akin to background noise, while credulously hyping Biden’s weak ceasefire efforts as determined quests.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu came in for increasing amounts of criticism. But the prevalent U.S. media coverage and political rhetoric — unwilling to expose the Israeli mission to destroy Palestinians en masse — rarely went beyond portraying Israel’s leaders as insufficiently concerned with protecting Palestinian civilians.

Instead of candor about horrific truths, the usual tales of U.S. media and politics have offered euphemisms and evasions.

When she resigned as the New York Times Magazine poetry editor in mid-November 2023, Anne Boyer condemned what she called “an ongoing war against the people of Palestine, people who have resisted through decades of occupation, forced dislocation, deprivation, surveillance, siege, imprisonment, and torture.” Another poet, William Stafford, wrote decades ago:

I call it cruel and maybe the root of all cruelty
to know what occurs but not recognize the fact.

Norman Solomon is the national director of RootsAction.org and executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. His latest book, War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine, was published in paperback this fall with a new afterword about the Gaza war.

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The face of Bangladesh’s founding father, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, will soon be erased from the country’s currency. Credit: Kumkum Chadha/IPS

By Kumkum Chadha
DELHI, Jan 7 2025 (IPS)

History seems to be chasing Bangladesh even while the interim government is grappling with real issues of administering a country thrown into chaos.

In July last year, this south Asian country faced an upheaval when a students’ movement drove out Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina from office.

Protestors took to the streets over a quota system for government jobs. Their angst—disproportionate benefits to descendants of freedom fighters.

Once political parties and fundamentalists jumped in, the focus shifted, with protestors demanding Hasina’s resignation.

Hasina was forced to leave the country she had ruled for 15 years. She landed in India for what was then flagged as a temporary refuge: “For the moment only,” as India’s Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar had then told the Indian Parliament.

Back home in Bangladesh, an interim government headed by Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus took charge of governing a country clearly at a crossroads—in other words, a toss-up between Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s legacy or charting a new course without the baggage of history.

It is against this backdrop that one must examine the new narrative of the interim government to reprint Bangladesh’s currency notes.

Initiated by the Central Bank of Bangladesh, the new notes will no longer carry the customary picture of Bangabandhu as Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, as the former leader who led the country to independence is known. In common parlance, Bangabandhu means Friend of Bangla people.

“Phasing out” is how officials from Bangladesh Bank explained the move, while 70-year-old Alamgir, a witness to the War of Liberation, called it “an altered history,” in other words, pressing a delete button on Bangabandhu’s legacy.

To say that the sins of a daughter have adversely impacted her father’s legacy may be a bit of a stretch because even on his own, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was a controversial figure.

A folk hero turned dictator, he failed to address the real issues of Bangladesh. Instead, he became authoritarian and suspended rights. As Prime Minister, his daughter Hasina followed in her father’s footsteps.

Hence the anger of the people that spilled to the streets last year took a toll both on Sheikh Hasina and the legacy.

For starters, the current generation, many in the forefront of the students’ protest in Bangladesh, resent the undue space accorded to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman through the years, particularly when Hasina ruled. Not only do they want to erase his imprint, but they also intend to rewrite and, if possible, clean up the bloody chapters of history.

In this context, is the currency note redesign the first substantive step taken by the interim government headed by Yunus?

Fazal Kamal, former editor of The Independent and Bangladesh Times, does not think so.
“It is not the government that has taken the initiative. It is an intense reaction from among the people of Bangladesh to Hasina’s insistence on ensuring Mujib’s seal on everything. It is this overkill that Bangladeshis want to end. The interim government is only going along,” he told IPS.

Given the hullabaloo, it must be pointed out that this is not the first time that Mujibur Rahman’s mugshot, if one may be allowed to use the term, has been taken off currency notes.

In 1976, a year after Bangabandhu and some of his family members were assassinated, the series of notes that were introduced did not have his image. It was only in 1998 that he made a comeback on the taka and has remained since. A taka is a basic monetary unit in Bangladesh.

Therefore, when Farid Hossain, who has served as Minister at the Bangladesh High Commission in New Delhi, calls the currency issue “much ado about nothing,” he is not off the mark.

“On ground, people want governance—they want law and order and currency, which can buy more rather than which image it carries,” Hossain said, adding that the move is indicative of the interim government “giving in to pressure” from the radicals.

To many, Hasina’s ouster is nothing short of a “second independence.” Yet there is a large segment that is against what Hossain has termed “wholesale erosion” of history and legacy: “Today Bangladesh faces an ideological divide and the narrative that was buried years ago seems to have resurfaced.”

In other words, today’s generation in Bangladesh wants to resurrect the real face of Mujibur Rahman and strip him of the legacy draped in grandeur. And in this, the interim government has been an active player.

“The intention of the interim administration is to take the country away from its historical legacy. The current regime has pandered to its unruly student followers who have been crushing every symbol of history,” says political analyst Syed Badrul Ahsan.

As for succumbing to pressure, the interim government is in the eye of a storm on another issue—the tricky and sensitive issue of Hasina’s extradition.

Bangladesh has sent a note verbale to the Indian government saying that it wants Hasina back for a judicial process. A note verbale is a diplomatic communication from one government to another.

There has been a persistent demand, as Kamal points out, for leaders of the previous regime to be brought back and tried. Call it vendetta politics if you will but the popular sentiment seems to be that Hasina should be sent to the gallows.

Though India and Bangladesh have an extradition treaty in place, it exempts political vendetta.

Article 6 of the treaty states that extradition may be denied if the alleged offence is of a political nature. That Hasina is being tried for her political offences is a given: “A note verbale is not enough. The interim government does not have a mandate. It is there to administer and steer reforms and not indulge in politicking. But it seems to be taking up the side issue of radicals and seems to be giving in,” Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty, former Indian High Commissioner to Bangladesh, told IPS.

Dismissing the extradition request as “mere rhetoric resulting from domestic pulls and pressures,” the former ambassador says India is unlikely to accommodate its neighbor on this issue.

He also did not rule out Yunus using this as a “pressure tactic” to tell India to restrain Sheikh Hasina from making political statements from Indian soil.

For record, in a virtual address last month, Hasina stated that Yunus was running a “fascist regime” that encouraged terrorists and fundamentalists. Interestingly, the extradition request had followed soon after.

Both issues seem to be hanging in the air—the new currency notes are yet to be printed and on Hasina’s extradition, the Indian government is silent.

As for Mujib’s legacy, his statue can be vandalized, his images defaced and his daughter’s sins denigrate his legacy, but Bangabandhu’s footprint from history, however controversial, cannot be erased.

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By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Jan 7 2025 (IPS)

The forthcoming fourth United Nations Financing for Development conference must address developing countries’ major financial challenges. Recent setbacks to sustainable development and climate action make FfD4 all the more critical.

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

FfD4
The FfD4 conference, months away, will mainly be due to efforts led by the G77, the caucus of developing countries in the UN system. The G77 started with 77 UN member states and has since expanded to over 130.

The 1944 Bretton Woods conference outcome was primarily a compromise between the US and the UK. In 1971, when its Bretton Woods obligations threatened to undermine its privileges, President Richard Nixon refused to honour the US pledge to deliver an ounce of gold for US$35.

Over two decades later, President Bill Clinton promised a new international financial architecture. It rejected Professor Robert Triffin’s characterisation of international monetary arrangements after the early 1970s as an incoherent ‘non-system’.

Foreign aid
Several issues are emerging as G77 priorities for FfD4. In 1970, wealthy nations at the UN agreed to provide 0.7% of their national income annually as official development assistance (ODA).

This was much lower than the 2% initially proposed by the World Council of Churches and others. Only 0.3% has been delivered in recent years, or less than half the promise.

Most ODA conditions reflect the priorities of donors, not recipient countries. New aid definitions, conditions, and practices undermine ‘aid effectiveness’, reducing what developing nations receive.

Despite breaking its ODA promises, the new European Parliament voted overwhelmingly to contribute 0.25% of national income to Ukraine. By early December 2024, Europe had provided well over half the USD260 billion in aid to Ukraine!

Some European nations now insist that only mitigation qualifies as climate finance. Although most developing countries are tropical and struggling to cope with planetary heating, little assistance is available for adaptation.

Debt
More recently, developing countries’ new debt has been more commercial and conditional but less concessional. With the transition to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, the World Bank encouraged much more commercial borrowing with its new slogan, ‘from billions to trillions’.

Following the 2008 global financial crisis, Western countries adopted unconventional monetary policies, eschewing fiscal efforts. Quantitative easing enabled much more borrowing, which grew until 2022.

However, most Western governments did not borrow much. Some private interests borrowed heavily, often for unproductive purposes, with some using cheap funds to finance shareholder buyouts to get more wealth.

Meanwhile, many developing countries went on borrowing binges as creditors pushed debt in developing countries in various ways. Rapidly mounting government debt would soon become problematic.

From early 2022 until mid-2024, interest rates rose sharply, ostensibly to counter inflation. The US Fed and European Central Bank raised interest rates in concert, triggering massive capital outflows from developing countries with the poorest worst affected.

Institutional reform
A third priority is reforming multilateral financial institutions. While these institutions have changed much over time, they remain dominated by the Global North, especially the West.

Most countries at the 1944 Bretton Woods conference were from Latin America. Initially, 47% of voting rights were the standard ‘basic votes’ for all members. By 2008, Global South membership had increased severalfold as its votes fell to 11%.

The West, especially Europe, still dominates the International Monetary Fund. Many alternative governance arrangements have been proposed. Consideration of alternative regional monetary arrangements grew after the 1997-98 Asian financial crises.

The Chiang Mai Initiative (Multilateralisation) is now a multilateral currency swap arrangement among the finance ministries and central banks of ASEAN+3 countries when liquidity is needed. The Latin American Reserve Fund (FLAR) was created later in 2014.

Taxation
The Global South has long wanted the UN to lead negotiations on international taxation arrangements to provide more financial resources for development. However, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) rich nations’ club has long undermined developing countries’ interests.

The OECD achieved this by misleading finance ministries in developing countries. It bypassed foreign ministries that had long worked well together on contentious Global South issues. With the OECD making up new rules for the world, developing country finance ministries signed on to a biased tax proposal on which they were nominally consulted.

At the FfD3 conference in mid-2015, the OECD blocked Global South efforts to advance international tax cooperation. An independent international commission proposed a minimum international corporate income tax rate of 25%.

Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen counter-proposed a 21% rate, the US minimum rate. However, at the G7 meeting he was hosting, Boris Johnson pushed this down to 15% while adding exemptions, reducing likely revenue.

Instead of distributing revenue as with a corporate income tax on profits from production, the OECD proposed revenue sharing according to consumption spending, much like a sales tax.

Poor countries would receive little as their population can afford to spend much less, even if they produce much at low wages. Rather than progressively redistribute, OECD international corporate income tax revenue distribution would be regressive.

Dollar
The US dollar remains the world’s principal currency for international transactions. US Treasury bond sales enable this, subsidising the world’s largest economy. Trump recently threatened the BRICS and others considering de-dollarization.

The leading BRICS proponents of de-dollarisation, Brazil and South Africa, have failed to persuade the other BRICS to de-dollarize. Instead, China’s central bank has issued dollar-denominated bonds for Saudi Arabia.

Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) should be issued regularly to augment discretionary IMF financial resources. This can be done without Congressional approval, as happened after the 2008 global financial crisis and the COVID-19 outbreak. Such resources can be committed to the SDGs and climate finance.

But this cannot happen without collective action by the Global South seriously mobilising behind pacifist, developmental non-alignment. Inclusive and sustainable development is impossible in a world at war.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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By Jan Lundius
STOCKHOLM, Sweden, Jan 6 2025 (IPS)

In 2021, the Senegalese novelist Mohamed Mbougar Sarr became the first writer from sub-Saharan Africa to be awarded the Prix Goncourt, France’s oldest and most prestigious literary prize.

Literature

His novel, La plus secrète mémoire des hommes, The most Secret Memory of Men, tells the story of a young Senegalese writer living in Paris, who by chance stumbles across a novel published in 1938 by an elusive Senegalese author named T.C. Elimane. This author had once been hailed by an ecstatic Paris press, but had then disappeared from view. Elimane had before every trace of him had vanished, been accused of plagiarism. After losing a legal process connected with the plagiarism charge, Elimane’s publisher had been forced to withdraw and destroy all available copies of The Labyrinth of Inhumanity. However, a few extremely rare copies of the novel remained, profoundly affecting anyone who happened to read them. The novel’s main protagonist (there are several others) eventually became involved in a desperate search for the illusive Elimane, who had left some rare imprints in France, Senegal and Argentina.

A reader of Sarr’s multifaceted, exquisitely written novel is confronted with a choir of different voices mixing, harmonizing and/or contradicting each other. The story turns into a labyrinth, where boundaries between fiction and reality become blurred and lose ends remain unravelled. Sarr moves in an ocean of world literature. It seems as if he has read everything worth reading and allusions are either in plain sight, or remain invisible. Ultimately, the novel investigates the limits between myth and reality, memory and presence, and above all the question – what is storytelling? What is literature? Does it concern the “truth”, or is it constructing a parallel version of reality?

A disturbing issue shimmers below the surface of the intriguing story. Why were two excellent West-African authors before Sarr severely scrutinized and condemned for plagiarism? Why were they accused of not being “African” enough? Are African writers doomed to linger within a shadowy existence as exotic curiosities, judged from the outside by a prejudiced literary establishment, which persistently consider African authors, except white Nobel laureates like Gordimer and Coetze, either as being exotic natives, or epigons of European literature?

The most Secret Memory of Men has a disturbing prehistory, echoing real-life experiences of the Guinean writer Camara Laye and the likewise unfortunate Malian Yambo Ouologuem.

At the age of 15, Camara Laye came to Conakry, the French colonial capital of Guinea, to attended vocational studies in motor mechanics. In 1947, he travelled to Paris to continue his studies in mechanics. In 1956, Camara Laye returned to Africa, first to Dahomey, then to the Gold Coast and finally to newly independent Guinea, where he held several government posts. In 1965, after being subject to political persecution, he left Guinea for Senegal and never returned to his home country.

In 1954, Camara Laye’s novel Le regard de Roi, The Radiance of the King, was published in Paris and at the time described as “one of the finest works of fiction to come out of Africa”. The novel was quite odd, and remains so, particular since its main protagonist is a white man and the story develops from his point of view. Clarence has, after in his home country having failed at most things, recently arrived in Africa to seek his fortune there. After gambling all his money away, he is thrown out of his hotel and in desperation decides to pursue a legend stating that somewhere in the inner depths of Africa a wealthy king can be found. Clarence hopes that this king might provide for him, maybe give him a job, and a purpose in life.

Laye’s novel becomes an allegory for man’s search for God. Clarence’s journey develops into a road to self-realisation and he obtains wisdom through a series of dreamlike and humiliating experiences; often harrowing, sometimes lunatically nightmarish, though the story is occasionally lightened by an absurd and alluring humour.

However, some critics asked if this really was an African novel. The language was beguilingly simple, but the allegorical mode of telling the story made critics assume that it was tinged with Christianity, that the African lore was “superficial”, and the narrative style “kafkaesque”. Even African authors considered that Laye “mimicked” European literary role models. The Nigerian author Wole Soyinka characterized Le regard de Roi as a feeble imitation of Kafka’s novel The Castle, implanted on African soil and within France suspicions soon arose that a young African car mechanic could not have been able to write such a strange and multifaceted novel as Le regard de Roi.

This unkind and even mean criticism became increasingly vociferous, deprecating what was actually an intriguing work of genius. The harassment continued until a final blow was delivered by an American professor. Adele King’s comprehensive study The Writing of Camara Laye did in 1981 “prove” that Le regard de Roi actually had been written by Francis Soulé, a renegade Belgian intellectual who in Brussels had been involved in Nazi- and Anti-Semitic propaganda and after World War II had been forced to establish himself in France. According to Adele King, Soulé had together with Robert Poulet, editor at Plon, the publisher that issued Le regard de Roi, concocted a story that his novel actually had been written by a young African, thus securing its success. To support her theory, Adele King presented an exhaustive account of Camara Laye’s life in France, tracing his various acquaintances and coming to the conclusion that Laye had been paid by Plon to act as the author of Le regard de Roi.

Among other observations Adele King stated that Laye’s novel was of an “un-African nature, with a European sense of literary form”, thus indicating Francis Soulé’s handiwork. This in spite of Soulé’s very meagre literary output (King mentions that he had in his ”youth dabbled in exotic writing”) and the fact that Laye wrote several other, very good novels.

Among other indications that Laye could not have written Le regard de Roi, King argued that the novel’s “Messianic message” sounded false, originating as it did from an African Muslim. She thus ignored that Laye came from a Sufi tradition where similar notions abounded and when it came to the “kafkaesque” flavour of the novel, which is far from being overwhelming – why could not a young African author living in France, like so many others, have been inspired by Franz Kafka’s writing?

Notwithstanding, through these and many other shaky assumptions King concluded that Le regard de Roi had been written by the otherwise almost unknown Francis Soulé and her verdict became almost unanimously accepted. It did for example in 2018 prominently appear in Christoffer Miller’s popular and otherwise quiet good book Impostors: Literary Hoaxes and Cultural Authenticity.

Another resounding condemnation of an excellent West-African author occurred in 1968 when the groundbreaking and original novel Le devoir de violence, Bound to Violence, after a short time of praise was smashed due to accusations of plagiarism. Le devoir de violence dealt with seven centuries of violent history of an African, fictious kingdom (actually quite akin to present-day Mali). In a feverish first-rate, free flowing language the novel does not shy away from depicting extreme violence, royal oppression, religious superstition, murder, corruption, slavery, female genital mutilation, rape, misogyny, and abuse of power. All intermingled with episodes of real love and harmony, but there is no doubt about Yambo Ouologuem’s opinion that a powerful, age-old and corrupt African elite enriched itself and prospered through its collaboration with an equally corrupt and brutal colonial power, all done for their respective gain.

Quite expectedly, Ouologuem arose violent reactions from authors adhering to the concept of négritude, denoting a framework of critique and literary theory developed by francophone intellectuals, who stressed the strength of African solidarity and notions about a unique African culture. Ouologuem provided the négritude movement with his own denigrating term – negraille, accusing négritude authors of ingraining servility and an inferiority complex in Africa’s black population. He accused such authors of depicting Africa as a ridiculous Paradise, when the continent in fact had been, and was, just as corrupt and violent as its European counterpart. Ouologuem also wondered why an African writer could not be allowed to be as critical, outspoken and politically improper as, for example, the French authors Rimbaud and Céline.

The final judgment that befell Ouologuem was delivered by the generally admired Graham Greene, who launched a lawsuit against Ouologuem’s publisher accusing the African author of plagiarizing parts of Greene’s novel It’s a Battlefield. Greene won the lawsuit and Ouologuem’s novel was banned in France and the publisher had to see to the destruction of all available copies of it. Ouologuem did not write another novel, he returned to Mali where he in a small town directed a youth centre, until he withdrew in a secluded Muslim life as a marabout (spiritual advisor).

Considering the framework of Ouologuem’s entire and quite mindboggling novel, Graham Greene’s reaction appears to be petty, if not outright ridiculous. The plagiarism was limited to a few sentences describing a French mansion, which in itself was quite absurd within its African setting, and the description is clearly quoted with a satirical intention (in his novel Greene described a slightly ridiculously decorated apartment of an English communist).

The condemnation of Laye’s, and in particular Ouologuem’s novels may be discerned as an inspiration to Mohamed Sarr’s novel. Sarr writes about a young African author finding himself in a limbo between two very different worlds, Senegal and France, while he has found home and solace in literature, a world within which he has discovered a real gem, his talisman – Elimane’s novel. However, the bewildered young man’s pursuit of the man behind the book turns out to be in vain, and so is probably also his search for himself in this labyrinth that constitutes our life and the world we live in.

Sarr’s novel reminds us of the fate of two other West-African authors before him, who were accused of not being “genuine”, of being “plagiarists”, thus Sarr also succeeds in asking us what is genuine in a floating globalized world?

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Big families are promoted on billboards in Russia. Credit: Sky News screengrab

By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, Jan 6 2025 (IPS)

“A lot of people are very scared,” says Zalina Marshenkulova. “This is obviously another tool of repression. The state is waging war on the remnants of free-thinking people in Russia and trying to suppress all dissent and freedom,” the Russian feminist activist tells IPS.

The warning from Marshenkulova, who left Russia soon after the country’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and now lives in Germany, comes just days after new legislation came into force in her home country banning “child-free propaganda.”

Under the law, any person, organisation or government official deemed to be promoting a “child-free” lifestyle or encouraging people, either in person or online, not to have children can face huge fines and, in some cases, may be deported.

While MPs have stressed the legislation would not infringe on the right of individuals not to have children, critics fear it will be used in what some have described as an ongoing “crusade” by the Kremlin to promote a deeply conservative ideology centred around ‘traditional values’ and rejecting decadent Western ways of life—even at the expense of women’s reproductive rights.

“Women are already buying up all sorts of contraceptive pills [fearing they may not be able to get them in the future]. Abortions are already hard to get and that’s only going to get even harder now,” says Marshenkulova.

The legislation, which came into effect on December 4, introduces fines for individuals spreading “child-free propaganda” in broadcast media or online of up to 400,000 rubles (€3,840), while companies doing so can be fined up to 5 million rubles (€48,000) for the same offence. Foreign citizens who fall foul of the legislation will face deportation.

Its supporters have said the legislation is essential to protect Russia against a harmful Western ideology that could have devastating consequences for a country struggling with worrying negative demographic trends.

“We are talking about protecting citizens, primarily the younger generation, from information disseminated in the media space that has a negative impact on the formation of people’s personalities,” Vyacheslav Volodin, chairman of the lower house of parliament, said ahead of the vote. “Everything must be done to ensure that new generations of our citizens grow up centred on traditional family values.”

But human rights groups and activists say they have grave concerns about it. They point out that it has similarly vague language to other repressive laws passed in Russia in recent years that have been used to persecute minorities, such as LGBT+ people, and government critics, including civil society groups, as well as opponents of the invasion of Ukraine.

The relative novelty of the legislation means it is hard to gauge how strictly it will be implemented and what exactly authorities will see as ‘childfree propaganda’.

But it has already had some effect.

“The law is vague and broadly formulated so we can’t predict what things will be considered punishable—no one knows,” Anastasiia Zakharova, a lawyer at the Memorial Human Rights Defence Centre, told IPS.

“For example, a situation where women share publicly things like how hard it can be as a mother, how difficult it can be raising kids—will that be considered childfree propaganda? We have already seen that groups on social media where women talk about how hard it is raising children and being a mother have closed down to avoid potentially being fined. This law will have a chilling effect on what people will say,” she added.

Others say experience with Russian laws such as those introduced in the last decade banning “LGBT+ propaganda” provides a guide for how this legislation could impact women’s lives.

“This is another part of the Kremlin’s harmful ‘traditional values’ crusade. It will limit women’s freedom, their reproductive freedoms, and will stifle freedom generally,” Tanya Lokshina, Europe and Central Asia associate director at Human Rights Watch (HRW), told IPS.

“We can predict what the effects of this law will be because it is similar to the anti-LGBT+ propaganda law in Russia and we have seen the effects of that. It’s not so much that this kind of law targets individuals; it’s about purging the cultural arena of anything that could be even vaguely interpreted as propaganda,” she added.

She said while this could see a vast amount of films, shows and books disappearing from shop shelves, TV schedules, and online streaming services—”for example, a ‘romcom’ film in which you see a woman in her thirties with no children pursuing her career—anything like that is going to be outlawed. Can you imagine how many films, TV shows, books, etc. might have to be banned because of that? It’s mind-boggling,” she said—it could also significantly impact reproductive health.

“Will children be able to get information about abortion and birth control? We saw what happened with the anti-LGBT+ law when teachers and others who should have been helping them could not, or would not, talk about [LGBT+ sexual health issues]. If children needed help, they couldn’t get it,” she said.

Other rights activists agreed.

“There will be problems for women to get information about abortions, contraception, and other reproductive health matters and it will be particularly difficult for young people who already might already be struggling with getting hold of information on these things and now won’t have any way at all to access it,” Natalia Morozova, Head of the Eastern Europe/Central Asia Desk at the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), told IPS.

This comes at a time when women’s access to abortion is already being curtailed.

Elective abortion is legal in Russia up to the 12th week of pregnancy, and in some exceptional cases, such as rape, up to the 22nd week. However, in recent years there have been moves to limit access to the procedure.

Laws have been introduced in some regions outlawing “coercing” women—the legislation defines this as persuading, bribing, or deceiving a woman into undergoing the procedure—to have an abortion, while hundreds of private clinics across the country have followed a ‘voluntarily initiative’ supported by the Health Ministry and have stopped offering abortions.

The state has also introduced guidelines for doctors to encourage female patients to have children, but also to dissuade them from abortions.

“Already in state clinics in Russia, doctors put pressure on women to have children. There are women who have gone to a clinic and been questioned by doctors on why they have no children and why they don’t want to have them yet,” said Lokshina.

Health experts have already pointed to the dangers of restricting abortions, with World Health Organisation (WHO) officials previously warning that bans on private clinics performing abortions would force more women in Russia into having surgical abortions rather than medical abortions. Private clinics mainly offer medical abortions, whereas state hospitals perform surgical abortions, which carry higher risks of complications, side effects and injuries.

The WHO also raised concerns that tightening access to legal abortions could lead to a spike in dangerous illegal procedures.

This tightening of access to abortion and the passing of the ‘childfree propaganda’ law come as the Kremlin battles a demographic crisis amid rising mortality as Russia’s brutal war in Ukraine grinds on and the country’s birth rate falls.

Data from statistics service Rosstat showed 599,600 children were born in Russia in the first half of 2024, which is 16,000 fewer births year-on-year and the lowest figure since 1999. Meanwhile, the number of newborns fell 6 percent in June to 98,600, which is the first time the number fell below 100,000. There were 325,100 deaths recorded between January and June, which is 49,000 more than in the same period of 2023.

The Kremlin has called the demographic situation a “catastrophe” for the nation and lawmakers who backed the ‘childfree propaganda’ legislation see it as a way to help halt population decline.

But Morozova said the Kremlin’s main motive was bolstering its armed forces to continue fighting in Ukraine.

“They want a population that produces soldiers, women that produce soldiers. The only goal of this regime is to produce as many soldiers as possible,” she said.

According to Lokshina, the law will also give the Kremlin an extra tool in its fight against a group that many experts see as potentially the biggest threat to President Putin’s hold on power.

“The most notable protests [against the Russian regime] since the start of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine have been women’s protests. The Kremlin sees women as being problematic and wants to silence them,” she said.

While it remains to be seen how the law will be implemented and interpreted by authorities in the future, some activists have already left the country in response to its passage, fearing it could be used against them.

But there are doubts the legislation will have any effect on the birth rate.

Some Russian women who spoke to western media ahead of the legislation’s approval said women’s decisions on whether to have children or not are largely rooted in financial concerns at a time when the economy is struggling, rather than anyone else’s opinion on their right to have children or not.

And research carried out by the All-Russian Public Opinion Research Center (VTsIOM) in October showed that 66 percent of Russians doubted fines for promoting childfree ideology would be effective.

“The law has no potential to influence the birth rate,” said Lokshina. “It is aimed at stifling dissent—in this case, the rejection of so-called traditional family values.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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The Separation Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and behind it an Israeli settlement. Credit: Ryan Rodrick Beiler

By Alon Ben-Meir
NEW YORK, Jan 6 2025 (IPS)

Trump, who wants an end to the Israeli-Hamas war even before he reassumes the Presidency, must know that denying the Palestinian right to statehood and conceding further Palestinian land to Israel is a recipe for the next horrific inferno that will overshadow even the present calamitous Israel-Hamas war.

Hamas’ horrific October 7 attack and Israel’s massive retaliatory war have fundamentally changed the dynamic of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. New political, psychological, and factual regional conditions have been created since October 7 that cannot be ignored, as they directly impacted not only Israeli-Palestinian relations for a generation but also regional stability.

Trump will have to choose between paving the way toward the establishment of a Palestinian state or setting the stage for the next catastrophic conflagration that will dwarf the current war.
Trump should carefully consider the following five crucial changes in regional dynamics if he wants to revive “the deal of the century,” however remote it may seem at this particular juncture.

Hamas’ Massacre and its Psychological Implications

It is hard to overestimate the psychological ramifications of Hamas’ October 7 attack on Israelis as it brought to life images from the Holocaust. In many ways, it reaffirmed Netanyahu’s tragically misleading two-decades-long public narrative and reinforced the pervasive public mindset that the Palestinians posed a perpetual existential threat to Israel.

Thus, any effort that could lead to a two-state solution will face vehement Israeli resistance, which can be mitigated once Israelis come to terms with the fact that their ultimate national security rests on the establishment of a Palestinian state. This must be firmly tied to comprehensive security arrangements to allay the Israelis’ psychologically ingrained national security concerns.

Mutual Realization that Neither can Destroy the Other

After 14 months of brutal war, both sides have failed to achieve their stated objective. Even if Israel captures or kills every Hamas combatant, it cannot liquidate it as a national movement and as an idea. Hamas will survive any losses and terrorize Israel for as long as it takes, albeit knowing that Israel is a formidable military power, far beyond their capacity to destroy.

This mutual realization has changed the dynamic. Though nearly decimated, Hamas largely achieved its goal. It has fundamentally shaken the status quo, making it unequivocally clear that the Palestinian cause will no longer be ignored.

Saudi Arabia’s role

Before October 7, the US had been negotiating Israeli-Saudi normalization. At the time, the Saudis were willing to settle for a vague commitment by Israel ‘to make major progress toward a solution to the Palestinian conflict.’ But as the horror of the war in Gaza unfolded, the Saudis changed their position, mainly due to the public’s outcry about what the Palestinians have tragically endured.

Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) publicly stated, “The Kingdom will not cease its tireless efforts to establish an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, and we affirm that the kingdom will not establish diplomatic relations with Israel without one” [emphasis added]. It should be noted that this statement is not political posturing. Saudi Arabia will no longer settle for a vague reference to the Palestinians’ right to statehood, but MBS can pressure the Palestinians to moderate their position.

Jordan’s Growing Trepidation

Jordan faces significant challenges in maintaining internal stability amid rising public anger towards Israel. It must balance its historical commitments to the Palestinian cause and its peace treaty with Israel, while managing complex regional dynamics. There are also fears of a spillover of Palestinian refugees into Jordan, which can destabilize Jordan, especially if Israel annexes further Palestinian territories in the West Bank. Recently, Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich declared that “2025 is the year of sovereignty in Judea and Samaria,” which terrifies the Kingdom.

The ongoing conflicts could also increase militant activity and exacerbate existing vulnerabilities, particularly among Jordanian youth. Moreover, other regional dynamics further complicate Jordan’s position, compelling it to navigate threats from Iranian proxies while managing its relationships with Israel, Western allies, and neighboring Arab states. The creation of a Palestinian state will prevent instability in Jordan, which is critical to Israel’s national security.

International Recognition of a Palestinian State

One hundred forty-six countries have recognized the Palestinian state, which is a significant step because it legitimizes the Palestinians’ right to statehood and places Palestine on equal footing with other states. Three Western European countries, Ireland, Norway, and Spain, have recognized Palestine this year, which may encourage others to follow suit. Unquestionably, the Palestinians have made significant international inroads in support of a Palestinian state.

Trump Faces a Historic Opportunity

Trump may well be in the best position to start a genuine peace process that will eventually lead to Palestinian statehood. Given his commitment to Israel’s security, he must not allow Israel to annex any more territory in the West Bank or resettle in Gaza, as this will only set the stage for the next horrific conflagration and throw the entire region into unprecedented turmoil. Due to the affinity that most Israelis hold towards Trump, he is in a much stronger position than many of his predecessors, not only to call for a two-state solution but act on it.

Working toward Palestinian statehood would dramatically allay Jordan’s deep anxiety about the country’s stability, meet the Saudis’ demand to establish a Palestinian state as a prerequisite to normalizing relations with Israel, give hope to the Palestinians that the day of their salvation is near, and temper extremism and anti-Israeli sentiments. The collapse of the Assad regime in Syria and the dramatic weakening of Iran and Hezbollah will deprive them of exploiting the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to advance their regional agendas.

The biggest obstacle Trump will face is the current Israeli government, which has sworn to block the creation of a Palestinian state. This government has learned nothing from decades of occupation. It wants now to annex much of the West Bank, resettle Gaza, and plunge Israel into interminable violence and destruction. There is nothing more ominous for Israel if, indeed, the government implements such a plan. It will shatter the Palestinians’ final glimmer of hope as it will lead to horrific consequences unless Trump prevents it from happening.

For Trump to revive the “deal of the century,” he will have to go over Netanyahu’s head and address the Israeli public directly, pointing out the stark reality that the Israelis continue to be oblivious to. He should emphasize that:

After 57 years of occupation, it has become abundantly clear: the occupation is not sustainable, evidenced by the fact that Israeli-Palestinian relations are worse today than ever before. The situation is bound to explode time and again with ever-increasing death and destruction.

Nearly seven million Palestinians are living in the West Bank, Gaza, and Israel proper, equal to the number of Jews living in the same area. By what means and for how much longer, he must ask, can Israel oppress the Palestinians of an equivalent population with no endgame in sight?

Ninety percent of all Palestinians were born under occupation; they will deprive Israel of peace until they free themselves from the shackles of the occupation that has dehumanized them and robbed them of their dignity.

Coexistence is not one of many options; it is the only option. The Israelis must choose to live in peace or maintain a state of constant hostilities while poisoning one generation after another against the Palestinians.

Conclusion

Trump faces a historic opportunity. He can lay the foundation for a Palestinian state or set the stage for the next catastrophic war. His appointment of an extraordinarily supportive team of Israel gives him the latitude and credibility to persuade the Israelis that only a two-state solution offers them peace and security, and his “Deal of the Century” provides the framework to that en

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center fo Global Affairs at NYU. He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.
alon@alonben-meir.com Web: www.alonben-meir.com

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Credit: White House

By James E. Jennings
ATLANTA, Georgia, Jan 3 2025 (IPS)

The fireplace in the State Dining Room of the White House that says, “May none but honest and wise men ever rule under this roof.” President John Adams wrote that in a letter to his wife Abigail in 1800.

Jimmy Carter was by all accounts a wise, just, and decent man—a man of deep religious faith, who was also circumspect—some may say old fashioned—about his rhetoric.

He was refreshingly candid in using the country-boy phrase “I’ll whip his ass!” against Democratic primary opponent Sen. Edward Kennedy. Most reporters in that era considered it too harsh or nearly obscene, so instead, they wrote, “I’ll whip his donkey!”

Carter was honest. When asked by a reporter amid stories of the Kennedy brothers’ sexual indulgences, if he had ever had lust in his heart, he responded straightforwardly, “Yes.” That’s something no other politician would ever do. But it was easy for Carter to admit because he followed the Christian and Calvinist doctrine that “We are all sinners.”

Historians view his administration as a watershed in the civil rights struggle, especially in the South. As president he negotiated the first ever peace agreement between Israel and the Arabs. In his post-presidential years, he made a worldwide impact as a humanitarian.

Civic virtue must be faithful to the original concept of American nationhood—favoring citizens ahead of government. Liberty and justice are the watchwords of democracy, not blind obedience to politicians.

George Washington said, “There exists an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness.” Lincoln advised “Malice toward none…charity for all…firmness in the right.” Carter followed these sentiments at his inauguration with a pledge from the Biblical Prophet Micah: “Do justly, love mercy, walk humbly.”

There are two ways of recognizing people as honest and wise—by their words and by their deeds. Carter told the truth straight out—even if it was inconvenient or might hurt him. His policies were based on simple fairness, especially in his efforts to overcome the endemic racism of the Old South.

By contrast, President-elect Trump is famous for the lies and invective-filled slander constantly dripping from his lips: “When somebody hurts you, just go after them as viciously and as violently as you can…. When somebody screws you, screw them back in spades.” Trump’s brand, he said, means, “Power is the only true value.”

We teach our kids differently. “Be nice,” we always say. Sesame Street TV and First Grade teachers call out children for “Courtesy Lacking.” Why can’t we demand as much from our leaders?

Trump is a symptom of the ills of our society, not the cause. Today most of us tolerate curses and obscenities that would have scandalized our grandmothers. Trump is simply riding the crest of a flood of indecency that already exists among the public.

Let’s bring back civic virtue. Jimmy Carter may be the best example of personal rectitude among US leaders in our lifetimes. Let him be your model—not the empty, sleazy suit that is soon to be the next occupant of the White House.

James E. Jennings PhD is President of Conscience International.

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The recent collapse of a high-rise building in Dar es Salaam, killing 16 people and injuring more than 80, has reignited concerns about the city’s disaster preparedness. Credit: Kizito Makoye Shigela/IPS

By Kizito Makoye
DAR ES SALAAM, Jan 3 2025 (IPS)

As the dust settled over Kariakoo’s bustling streets, Halima Abdallah’s voice trembled through the cracks of a collapsed four-story building. “Help me, please! I don’t get air,” she gasped, trapped under the rubble. For four hours, rescue workers scrambled to locate her. Their efforts, hampered by the lack of proper equipment, relied on tools hastily borrowed from a private company. By the time they reached her, it was too late. Abdallah had died.

Moments before the building collapsed, Husna Faime, a single mother, was humming softly inside her tailoring shop, finishing a client’s order. Minutes later, her harmony shattered—literally.

“I felt the ground shaking, and before I knew it, everything was falling,” she recounted from her hospital bed a week later. Trapped under the rubble, she used the last of her phone’s battery to send her sister a haunting text: “If I don’t make it, please take care of Aisha. Tell her mom loves her.”

Local volunteers dug through the rubble with their bare hands, managing to rescue Faime hours later. Her survival was miraculous, but her ordeal exposed a grim truth: disasters—both natural and man-made—regularly strike unprepared communities in Tanzania, leaving a trail of destruction in their wake.

The Perfect Storm

Tanzania, home to over 62 million people, faces a myriad of hazards: floods, droughts, cyclones, and earthquakes. Compounding these are man-made disasters like road accidents, industrial mishaps, and collapsing buildings. For the 34 percent of Tanzanians living below the poverty line, the financial burden of recovery is overwhelming.

In Kariakoo, a bustling hub of markets and skyscrapers, a hidden danger lurks behind the concrete walls. Systemic corruption and shoddy workmanship have turned many buildings into potential death traps. Investigations reveal that dishonest developers, in collusion with corrupt officials, routinely use substandard materials to cut costs, ignoring safety regulations and bypassing inspections.

At least five major building collapses have been reported in Dar es Salaam over the last decade, claiming many lives. Kariakoo in particular has emerged as a hotspot for such tragedies. Experts warn that many other buildings in the area remain structurally unsound, putting lives at constant risk.

Lack of Preparedness

Tanzania’s vulnerability is exacerbated by poor disaster preparedness and infrastructure. Rapid urban sprawl, informal settlements, and inadequate drainage systems leave communities exposed to climate-induced disasters.

“Our cities are not built to absorb the shocks caused by natural disasters,” said Pius Yanda, a climate change adaptation specialist at the University of Dar es Salaam. Informal settlements are particularly vulnerable, with little to no infrastructure to mitigate flooding or other hazards.

Man-made disasters are equally concerning. Weak enforcement of building regulations makes building collapses tragically routine. “The warning signs are always there,” said Peter Kazimoto, a disaster risk reduction expert at the Tanzania Red Cross Society. “Developers prioritize saving money over safety, and enforcement is weak.”

Rural areas face their own struggles. In the eastern Morogoro region, floods destroyed Ahmed Selemani’s maize crop, his sole source of income. “We heard warnings on the radio, but no one came to evacuate us,” Ahmed said. “Now we have nothing.”

Institutional Gaps

Tanzania has a disaster response framework—the Tanzania Emergency Preparedness and Response Plan (TEPRP)—but its implementation remains weak. Agencies like the Disaster Management Department (DMD) operate on limited budgets, meeting only 35 percent of their funding needs in 2023.

“We have made some progress with early warning systems,” said Jim Yonazi, an official in the Prime Minister’s Office. “But we need more resources to mitigate risks effectively.”

With limited government intervention, many Tanzanians have taken matters into their own hands. In Tandale, a sprawling slum in Dar es Salaam, residents like John Mnyamasi have built rudimentary flood defenses with sandbags and canals. “We can’t wait for the government,” Mnyamasi said.

During building collapses, local volunteers are often the first responders. Kariakoo resident Emmanuel Joseph recounted rescuing 12 people trapped under rubble. “When you hear someone crying for help, you just act—even if it means risking your own life,” he said.

Pathways to Resilience

Experts emphasize the need for disaster risk reduction to protect Tanzanians. “Disaster risk reduction isn’t just about emergencies—it’s about prevention,” said James Mbatia, a former legislator and disaster risk specialist.

Investments in early warning systems, stronger infrastructure, and public awareness campaigns are critical. Neighboring Kenya, for instance, uses mobile apps to provide real-time weather updates, enabling faster evacuations. “Empowering communities with tools and knowledge can save lives,” said Mbatia.

Critics argue that Tanzania’s government must take greater responsibility for disaster management failures. “It’s like watching a fire spread while holding a bucket of water you never use,” Mbatia said, pointing to predictable disasters such as annual floods in low-lying regions.

Gordian Kazaura, an urban planning specialist at Ardhi University, highlighted the human cost. “The poorest suffer the most. They lack the resources to recover, and the government’s response often comes too late,” he said.

A glimmer of Hope

Despite the challenges, there is growing momentum for change. Organizations like the Tanzania Red Cross are training volunteers and advocating for better early warning systems. Workshops are equipping local authorities with emergency planning skills.

“Disasters are local by nature,” said Kazimoto. “Empowering communities and regional committees to act swiftly without waiting for central government instructions is critical.”

For survivors like Faime, recovery is uncertain, but hope persists. “We need help, but we also need change,” she said. “People like me can’t keep starting over.”

Halima Abdallah’s final plea must serve as a wake-up call. Tanzania must transition from reactive responses to proactive resilience, ensuring that no cry for help goes unanswered. Observers agree—the time for action is now—before the next disaster strikes.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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