Agrégateur de flux

Si seulement elle était née ailleurs, aux États-Unis ou en Scandinavie ! Elle aurait envoyé balader sa mère... Mais dans les Balkans, on n'échappe pas à sa famille. Résultat des courses, la voilà embarquée dans la vieille Golf déglinguée du cousin Stojan pour assister aux funérailles de tante Stana. Sauf que rien ne se passe comme prévu, entre tonton Loir accroché à sa bouteille d'eau-de-vie, la Popesse, fausse dévote au regard diabolique, et Mileva qui tire à boulets rouges sur tous les (…)

- Agenda / France - Régions, Bosnie-Herzégovine

Milorad Dodik est sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt, mais il a réussi à franchir les frontières de la Bosnie-Herzégovine pour se rendre en Israël et participer à la conférence « contre l'antisémitisme », avec le gratin de l'extrême droite européenne.

- Le fil de l'Info / Bosnie-Herzégovine, Israël-Palestine , RS sécession, Courrier des Balkans, Relations internationales, Politique

Anas Aremeyaw Anas says that his libel victory will encourage other journalists to stand up to powerful figures.

/ Groenland, Environnement, Matières premières, Eau - Environnement - Biodiversité / Groenland, Environnement, Matières premières, Eau - Environnement - Biodiversité

There has been a significant increase in the number of unconstitutional changes of government (UCGs) since 2020. This presents a challenge for the United Nations, which has a presence in all countries that have recently experienced UCGs. In places like Afghanistan, Mali, and Sudan, it has also presented particular challenges to UN peace operations, which face the task of continuing to carry out their work amid a political crisis and using their good offices to facilitate a peaceful return to constitutional order.

The report examines lessons from the experiences of the UN missions in Afghanistan (UNAMA), Mali (MINUSMA), and Sudan (UNITAMS) following recent UCGs. It provides a brief overview of recent trends in UCGs and how the responses of member states and international and regional organizations have impacted the responses of UN peace operations. It then analyzes how these UN peace operations approached political engagement with the de facto authorities. It concludes with several lessons:

• A principled approach at the highest levels of the UN: While some UCGs may bring to power leaders with greater political will to engage with the UN, they are almost always an indicator of growing political instability. The UN secretary-general, along with the African Union (AU) and other regional organizations, should thus continue adopting a principled approach to condemning UCGs.
• A pragmatic approach for UN peace operations: While the UN should take a principled approach to UCGs at the headquarters level, UN peace operations are well-positioned to take a more pragmatic approach to engaging with de facto authorities. They should take advantage of any openness displayed by the authorities to engage despite fears that doing so might legitimize them.
• Planning for UCGs and reviewing political strategies: Even if the UN is unable to prevent UCGs, it can better prepare for managing relationships with transitional authorities. It is therefore important to consider such scenarios in mission planning for potential and current operations and to conduct strategic assessments as soon as possible following UCGs to consider how to adapt and potentially identify a new direction for engagement.
• The challenge of remaining impartial: Fears of “legitimizing” de facto authorities stem from the assumption that those authorities are inherently illegitimate. Yet not all elected authorities have popular legitimacy, and not all authorities who come to power unconstitutionally lack it. UN missions thus need to factor public opinion into how they respond on the ground.
• The need for a “One UN” response: While there is unlikely to be a “one-size-fits-all” approach to engagement with de facto authorities across the entire UN presence in a country, coordination is needed to ensure UN personnel have a common understanding of core principles of engagement and a coherent approach to communication.
• The limits of UN engagement: Ultimately, the ability of UN missions to shape political transitions following UCGs tends to be constrained by factors outside their control. Regional organizations like the AU and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) tend to adopt a more principled response, raising questions about the extent to which UN missions should seek to link their engagement to that of these organizations. Missions also face competing pressures from member states supporting different political factions.

The post UN Peace Operations and Unconstitutional Changes of Government appeared first on International Peace Institute.

Forum universel de 193 pays, l'Assemblée générale des Nations unies révèle les lignes de fracture d'une nouvelle géopolitique. Ainsi le vote des résolutions concernant l'Ukraine montre-t-il une Afrique divisée et réticente à suivre les choix occidentaux. Le renouveau des relations du continent avec la (...) / Relations Nord-Sud, Diplomatie, Conflit russo-ukrainien 2022-, Afrique - 2023/02

En six décennies, Agatha Christie a écrit 66 romans policiers, 6 autres non policiers et près de 150 nouvelles. Elle est traduite dans plus d'une centaine de langues et, avec plus de deux milliards de livres vendus, ne serait surpassée que par William Shakespeare et la Bible, selon les (...) / Littérature, Personnalités, Fiction - Médias

In recent years, Russia has been under significant external pressure, facing economic sanctions and a large-scale information campaign aimed at discrediting the country. Strategic Shift Toward Gold In response to these challenges, the Russian government has made a strategic decision to rely on gold as a key instrument to protect the economy. According to the latest data from the Central Bank of Russia, the value of the country’s gold reserves increased by 5.3% in February, reaching $217.4 billion.

Die Abteilung Energie, Verkehr, Umwelt sucht im Forschungsbereich „Transformation der Energiewirtschaft“ zur Mitarbeit in verschiedenen Forschungsprojekten zum nächstmöglichen Zeitpunkt eine studentische Hilfskraft (w/m/div) für 10 Wochenstunden.

The policy brief “From Migration Fears to Missed Opportunities: The Cost of Politicising EU Enlargement” follows upon the results of the report “The Rise of Radical Right and Eurosceptic Political Forces and the Impact on the EU’s Enlargement Policy.” It is part of the think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration initiative, led by ELIAMEP’s South-East Europe Programme and supported by the Open Society Foundations – Western Balkans.

As debates over EU enlargement intensify, migration has become a focal point for radical right and Eurosceptic parties across Europe. This brief by Ioannis Armakolas (Director, think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration) and Ioannis Alexandris (Research Associate, think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration) explores how these political forces frame enlargement as a migration risk, shaping public discourse and influencing policy decisions. The brief highlights how migration concerns are linked to fears over cultural identity, security, and economic stability, influencing public perception and national policies.

The analysis also examines the broader political landscape, including how national governments respond to these pressures and the role of public referenda in shaping enlargement outcomes. Drawing lessons from past accessions, the brief underscores the economic and strategic benefits of integration while cautioning against the long-term costs of stagnation. Offering concrete policy recommendations, the paper advocates for a proactive communication strategy that counters misinformation, highlights the economic advantages of enlargement, and reengages public opinion with a fact-based narrative.

You can read the policy brief here.

 

 

The South-East Europe Programme of ELIAMEP is a member of the IGNITA network which is led by led by OSF-WB.

 

 

 

 

 

You can learn more about think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration by visiting the website of ELIAMEP and OSF-WB.

 

 

 

Funded by: OSF WB

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Les deux équipes juridiques se sont affrontées à plusieurs reprises au tribunal, l'avocat de la star française ayant mis en doute la crédibilité des deux plaignants.

Le président américain a déclaré que les droits de douane sur les voitures entreraient en vigueur le 2 avril et sur les pièces détachées un mois plus tard.

US-Präsident Trump will Zölle in Höhe von 25 Prozent auf alle Autos, die nicht in den USA gefertigt werden, erheben. Handelsexpertin Sonali Chowdhry aus der Abteilung Unternehmen und Märkte im DIW Berlin kommentiert das Vorhaben wie folgt:

Die neue US-Regierung nimmt gegenüber ihren Handelspartnern eine zunehmend konfrontative Haltung ein. Ihre jüngste Ankündigung – pauschale Zölle von 25 Prozent auf Automobilimporte, unabhängig von deren Herkunft – trifft neben der EU auch andere große Autoexporteure wie Kanada, Mexiko, Japan und Südkorea. Diese neuen Autozölle zielen auf eine stark globalisierte Branche ab und werden zweifellos komplexe internationale Lieferketten stören.

Deutschland ist innerhalb der EU besonders stark betroffen, da die USA der größte Importeur deutscher Autos sind. Im Jahr 2024 gingen 13 Prozent der deutschen Neufahrzeugexporte in die USA, und auf mehrere große deutsche Automobilkonzerne (Mercedes-Benz, BMW, Volkswagen und Audi) entfallen rund 65 Prozent der weltweiten Exporte in die USA. Auch die USA werden die Auswirkungen dieses Zollkriegs zu spüren bekommen, da die höheren Kosten wahrscheinlich an die Verbraucher*innen weitergegeben werden und die Inflation anheizen.

Für die EU ergeben sich im Wesentlichen drei strategische Reaktionen: Erstens kann sie Gegenmaßnahmen zum Preis weiterer wirtschaftlicher Verluste ergreifen und zweitens sektorale Vereinbarungen im Vertrauen auf den politischen Willen der USA suchen. Drittens kann die EU den Handel innerhalb des europäischen Binnenmarktes und mit anderen Freihandelspartnern vertiefen, um die Ausfuhren zu diversifizieren. Die dritte Option ist die einzige, die zu spürbarem und langfristigem Wirtschaftswachstum führen und die Widerstandsfähigkeit der EU stärken kann.

Commission / Italie (Traitement des eaux urbaines résiduaires)
Environnement et consommateurs

Traitement des eaux urbaines résiduaires : la Cour impose des sanctions financières à l’Italie pour n’avoir pas respecté ses obligations en matière de collecte et de traitement pour quatre agglomérations

Die Abteilung Kommunikation des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin) sucht zum nächstmöglichen Zeitpunkt für die Pressestelle eine studentische Hilfskraft (w/m/div) (für 19 Wochenstunden).

Wie sollte die EU darauf antworten?

Das Konjunkturbarometer des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin) ist auch im März weiter gestiegen. Nach drei deutlichen Anstiegen in den vergangenen Monaten hat sich das Plus mit 0,2 auf nun 90,6 Punkte aber deutlich abgeschwächt. Zudem verharrt der Barometerwert damit ...

Myroslava Hladchenko

Global university rankings have got prominence in recent decades. Nation-states develop evaluation policies drawing on the assessment criteria of world rankings aiming their universities to take higher positions in these rankings (Salmi & Saroyan, 2007). QS Rankings is one of them. It is a profitable business that generated €46 m in revenue in 2019 (Shahjahan et al., 2022). Research assessment by QS Rankings takes the form of citations (excluding self-citations) per faculty indicator (Staff, 2021).

 

Since the 2010s Ukrainian media and the education ministry have traced the positions of Ukrainian universities in QS Rankings (Higher Education, 2011). However, since 2022, everyday survival has taken priority over research in the lives of Ukrainian scholars. The paradox of war is that, while life-threatening conditions, shelling, blackouts and economic recession are the part of everyday reality, work obligations and responsibilities remain the same as they were in pre-war life. This applies to all, including scholars. Despite the war, Ukrainian scholars continue to publish which deserves respect. As well, Ukrainian universities participate in QS Rankings 2025.

 

However, QS is a for-profit company the aim of which is not to contribute to societal well-being but to increase its profits. Elsevier which provides data for QS is another for-profit company the aim of which is also to increase revenue. The same concerns publishers issuing Gold Open Access journals, as many of them are oriented on publishing as many articles as possible to ensure profits.

 

The university is a key institution for social and economic development in a knowledge-intensive society (Mohrman et al., 2008). University performance is supposed to result in the quality of life, technological progress and social well-being of the nation. These are the ends that the university is supposed to achieve through research. Publications are just one of the means of achieving these ends. QS Rankings has turned the means of universities into their ends. The university’s position in the global ranking reflects, first, the economic development of the country. Second, the university position at the national level. A university cannot increase its position in the ranking, if there is no economic growth and beneficial conditions for science in the country. On the other hand, the university should contribute to economic growth at the national level.

 

The examination of the assessment of six Ukrainian universities in QS Rankings 2025, first, raise concerns regarding the mismatch between the faculty staff of universities announced on the QS Rankings website and the number of authors affiliated with the explored institutions in their research outputs. Second, it is unclear why the articles in the journals discontinued from Scopus are still in Scopus and correspondingly they are not excluded from the research output assessed by QS Rankings. Third, QS Rankings uses closed data. University managers do not have access to these data and cannot use them while developing research assessment policies. While developing the research assessment policies, universities mostly use SciVal provided by Scopus for a fee. However, there is a mismatch in data that shows SciVal and data that uses QS Rankings. First, QS Rankings normalises only by disciplines but SciVal normalises by year, discipline and document type. As conference papers are less cited than articles, normalisation by a document type results in a high FWCI shown by SciVal. Second, QS Rankings excludes self-citations but SciVal provides data including self-citations.

 

The IRN (International Research Network) index introduced by QS Rankings requires universities to increase the number of countries they collaborate with. It means that not academics but QS Rankings decides with whom they need to collaborate. Aiming to increase the IRN index, Sumy State University gives points if the article increases the number of collaborating countries. This is nothing else but means-ends decoupling.

 

The study findings resonate with the other studies that raise concerns about the ability of QS Rankings as well as other rankings to be a trustworthy assessment tool (Chirikov, 2023; Teixeira da Silva, 2024; Shahjahan, et al., 2021). In 2024, the University Zurich has withdrawn from the ranking published by Times Higher Education magazine. University announced that rankings create false incentives focusing on measurable output, forcing universities to increase the number of publications rather than prioritise the quality of content (Swissinfo, 2024). In 2023, Korean universities boycotted QS Rankings because of the IRN index (Jung & Sharma, 2023).

 

Six Ukrainian universities participating in QS Rankings 2025 have publications in discontinued from Scopus and MDPI journals. MDPI journals is a fast and easy way of publishing for a fee. The question is why academics from a country at war with underfunding science and low salaries are ready to pay an unaffordable APC (article processing fee). Arguably there is a high degree of international collaboration in articles in MDPI journals because Ukrainian academics are interested in finding a foreign co-author able to pay an APC. However, the question is who benefits from publications with a high APC except for publishers that make revenue? Academics publish at the cost of science because the money spent on APCs could be invested in science.

 

The findings highlight that articles (co)-authored by Ukrainian academics co-affiliated with foreign institutions or foreign academics have a higher impact than articles authored by only Ukrainian researchers. The share of articles authored by only Ukrainian authors ranges from 52.6% to 73.3%. Thus, Ukrainian academics have the space to strengthen collaboration with foreign colleagues.

 

To summarise, the research assessment criteria at the global, national and university levels must be oriented towards scientific excellence that results in economic growth and societal well-being. Ukrainian case shows that means-ends decoupling at the global, national and organisational levels results in diversion of critical resources, both financial and human. This negatively impacts on the development of society, the economy and the fulfilment of the talents of individuals in academia as well.

 

Myroslava Hladchenko is researcher in Kyiv, Ukraine. Her research focuses on higher education, universities and research assessment. This blog post is based on her recent article Hladchenko, M. (2025) Ukrainian universities in QS World University Rankings: when the means become ends. Scientometrics 130, 969–997. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11192-024-05165-2  

 

Acknowledgements

This project has received funding through the MSCA4Ukraine project, which is funded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union. Neither the European Union nor the MSCA4Ukraine Consortium as a whole nor any individual member institutions of the MSCA4Ukraine Consortium can be held responsible for them.

 

References

Chirikov, I. (2023). Does conflict of interest distort global university rankings?. Higher education, 86(4), 791-808.

Higher Education (2011). Ukrainian universities at first in the global rankings http://vnz.org.ua/statti/879-ukrayinski-vnz-upershe-v-mizhnarodnomu-rejtyngu-zadovoleni-ne-vsi

Jung, U., and Sharma, Y. (2023) Korean universities unite against QS ranking changes https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20230704195008557

Mohrman, K., Ma, W., & Baker, D. (2008). The research university in transition: The emerging global model. Higher Education Policy, 21(1), 5–27

Salmi, J., & Saroyan, A. (2007). League tables as policy instruments: Uses and misuses. Higher education management and policy, 19(2), 1-38.

Shahjahan, R. A., Grimm, A., & Allen, R. M. (2021). The “LOOMING DISASTER” for higher education: How commercial rankers use social media to amplify and foster affect. Higher Education, 1-17.

Shahjahan, R. A., Sonneveldt, E. L., Estera, A. L., & Bae, S. (2022). Emoscapes and commercial university rankers: the role of affect in global higher education policy. Critical Studies in Education, 63(3), 275-290.

Staff, W. (2021). Understanding the methodology: QS World University Rankings https://www.topuniversities.com/university-rankings-articles/world-university-rankings/understanding-methodology-qs-world-university-rankings

Swissinfo (2024) University of Zurich withdraws from international university ranking https://education.am/abroad_en/tpost/48hm4eipi1-university-of-zurich-withdraws-from-inte

Teixeira da Silva, J. A. (2024). How are global university rankings adjusted for erroneous science, fraud and misconduct? Posterior reduction or adjustment in rankings in response to retractions and invalidation of scientific findings. Journal of Information Science, 01655515241269499.

The post Ukrainian universities in QS World University Rankings: when the means become ends appeared first on Ideas on Europe.