Agrégateur de flux

Few would dispute that Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega has imposed an authoritarian government on his country and that he is willing to use all resources available to retain power, come what may. This has been evident since at least 2008, when he rigged the mayoral election results in Managua to prevent his chief rival from challenging him. Since then, intimidation, legal manipulation, or outright fraud has been used to guarantee Ortega’s victories, not only in the presidential election of 2011 but also in the 2016 and 2021 votes.

Nicaragua’s internal opposition is essentially non-functional as Ortega’s Sandinistas have gained near-total control of the Congress and regional governorships. Opposition parties may be banned (just recently, YATAMA, a party representing the indigenous peoples of the Atlantic coast, has met this fate) or hindered by the Sandinista-controlled courts, allowing the government to pick who will run against it. And, of course, as a last resort, the ruling party effectively controls the ballot counting process.

Crossing the Line

But in recent years, Ortega (governing in tandem with his wife and Vice President Rosario Murillo) has moved decisively from the authoritarianism of merely controlling politics to what can only be considered as totalitarianism—extending control to nearly all of Nicaraguan public life. 

Nicaragua’s headlong rush in this direction has been highlighted by the recent seizure of its two most prestigious centers of higher learning, the Central American University and the Central American Institute of Business Administration (UCA and INCAE, respectively).

Political scientists have debated the exact meaning of totalitarianism since it was first used to describe Mussolini’s fascist conception of the state. A good recent characterization can be found in “Iron Curtain,” Anne Applebaum’s recounting of the imposition of Soviet rule in Eastern Europe:

Strictly defined, a totalitarian regime is one that bans all institutions apart from those it has officially approved. A totalitarian regime thus has one political party, one educational system, one artistic creed, one centrally planned economy, one unified media and one moral code. In a totalitarian state there are no independent schools, no private businesses, no grassroots organizations, and no critical thought.

Attacks on Universities, Civil Society Organizations, and the Press

This most recent example of the totalitarian impulse, the suppression of UCA and INCAE, seems particularly egregious given that they were Nicaragua’s only centers of higher learning with significant international reputations. UCA was a Jesuit foundation with close ties to American counterparts such as Georgetown and Fordham Universities. INCAE, founded in the early 1960s in the spirit of President John F. Kennedy’s Alliance for Progress, aimed to provide students in the region with a U.S.-style MBA.

The seizure of UCA has its roots in the massive protests against the regime in 2018, shaking it to its foundations and galvanizing its push to acquire control of previously independent elements of society. As is typical in Latin America, the university was a hub of the protests and a place where participants sought refuge from repression.

For the regime, this was unforgivable. The university’s physical plant and bank accounts were seized and its Jesuit professors evicted from their homes on campus. UCA has been renamed Casimiro Sotelo State University after a former Sandinista student activist killed by former dictator Anastasio Somoza’s forces in 1967. However, it does not appear to function normally yet, leaving students to wonder if they will ever be able to finish their degrees.

The seizure of the INCAE business school seems more mysterious, as it did not host political dissent like UCA. However, its continued existence as an independent, professionally oriented entity with strong international links was a standing reproach to the ruling regime. However, it should be noted that its rector, Enrique Bolaños Abaunza, is the son of Ortega’s conservative predecessor as President of Nicaragua. And, of course, its handsome campus and considerable financial resources were doubtless tempting targets.

While Nicaragua’s other private universities are smaller and have had lower profiles than UCA and INCAE, twenty-seven have been closed or taken over by the state, for instance, Martin Luther King University, an institution associated with evangelical Christianity. While some still survive, their future is dim.

Ortega has taken an axe to Nicaraguan civil society—shutting down hundreds of non-governmental and private voluntary organizations under the pretext that they have not met paperwork requirements. Entities closed range from fairly obscure groups such as the Equestrian Federation of Nicaragua to prominent human rights and feminist advocacy groups. 

In some cases, the aim seems quite clear. For instance, the Nicaraguan Foundation for Economic and Social Development (FUNIDES), a prestigious think tank and a key source of independent policy analysis that could challenge government claims, was closed in 2022 following a campaign of harassment of its board members. 

The apolitical Nicaraguan Red Cross has also been closed—in a country of pervasive poverty subject to recurring natural disasters. The safety net provided by the Nicaraguan state itself is gossamer-thin, but the fact that the Red Cross provided treatment to individuals injured in the 2018 protests was apparently unacceptable.

Nicaragua’s independent press has also been squeezed out of existence. The daily La Prensa and its owners, the Chamorro family, had a vital role first in the struggle against Somoza, then against Ortega and the Sandinistas after they took power by force in 1979. When it pushed back against Ortega following his return to power in 2007, it was initially tolerated, although subjected to harassment. However, in the post-2018 environment, its presence was no longer permitted. The newspaper was shut down in 2022, and its editor, Cristiana Chamorro, suffered eighteen months imprisonment before her release into exile.

La Prensa now exists only in internet form based outside of Nicaragua. The same is true of Confidencial, a newsletter published by Cristiana’s brother, the distinguished journalist Carlos Fernando Chamorro. They are thus available only to the relatively small number of Nicaraguans with consistent internet access. Certainly, Barricada, the Sandinista propaganda sheet, which consistently glorifies Ortega and Murillo, is no substitute.

In underdeveloped countries such as Nicaragua, radio is the principal means for the average citizen to hear the news—often barely rewritten from newspaper articles. The regime, however, destroyed the network of independent radio stations that existed in the capital, Managua, and elsewhere. Nicaraguans now live in an information desert.

The Suffocation of Religion and Business

Ortega has sought to prevent Roman Catholicism, the faith of the majority of Nicaraguans, from having any role in public life. This had been a consistent element of Sandinista rule during its first period in power, 1979–90. But when Ortega returned, he initially sought to co-opt the Church. 

He and his wife proclaimed themselves Catholics. They established a relationship with the aging Miguel Obando y Bravo, the former archbishop who had once been their fierce opponent. But the current hierarchy kept its distance, and as it raised its voice against increasing human rights violations, the government turned to confrontation.

Church-related entities, such as the Jesuit-affiliated UCA mentioned earlier, and Church-owned radio stations have been seized. Certain traditional religious festivals have been curtailed. The regime is averse to any large-scale activities in the streets which it does not control.

Priests have been arrested, including Rolando Alvarez, the Bishop of Matagalpa, who was given a twenty-six-year prison sentence for “treason,” a step reminiscent of those taken by governments in Eastern Europe under Soviet domination. Alvarez was offered release into exile but refused and remains imprisoned. 

The Vatican had generally sought to avoid direct confrontation in keeping with its historical preference for quiet diplomacy. Still, when Pope Francis felt compelled to make a sharply critical statement, the reaction was swift. The government expelled the papal nuncio, cutting off a direct conduit between the Nicaraguan Church and Rome.

Evangelical Christianity has faced a similar trajectory from co-optation to intimidation. Ortega initially made positive gestures, seeking allies among the many different denominations present in the country. This included restoring diplomatic relations with Israel, for which evangelicals felt a pronounced sympathy. However, their environment has become ever more complicated, and they, too, have gotten the message that the regime will not tolerate criticism. Evangelical groups who support the regime even receive some financial aid from the state.

The other main opponent the government has refused to tolerate is the organized business community. The pattern resembles relations with the Catholic Church: co-optation, then repression. The Higher Council of Private Enterprise (COSEP) had been among the Sandinistas’ leading opponents during their post-revolutionary rule, and when Ortega returned to power in 2007, relations were initially tense.

However, particular business interests sought an easier relationship with the government. They promoted new leadership within COSEP, seeking an implicit deal with Ortega in which the private sector would be left alone in exchange for eschewing any broader political role. Indeed, it appeared that Ortega had abandoned Marxist policies of nationalization and state management of the economy that had characterized his first period in power.

Instead, what has taken place has been the slow absorption of many businesses by members of Ortega’s own family, often with opaque financial relationships with the Nicaraguan state, leading to a situation that more than anything resembles the pre-revolutionary Nicaragua of the Somoza era. 

As this went on, and as COSEP began once more to take a stricter line vis-a-vis the state, the regime considered any organized business community a potential threat. COSEP was shut down, as were various sectoral business chambers. Its head was imprisoned and then exiled.

“Totalitarianism-Lite”?

Nicaragua is losing its independent institutions: its private universities, its civil society organizations, its press, its business associations, and its religious establishments. That said, while one can fairly characterize Nicaragua as a totalitarian state, it is still somewhat short of the “ideal-type” totalitarianism exemplified by Maoist China or today’s North Korea. 

The Ortega government preserves the rhetoric and symbology of its initial Marxist era, together with its classic denunciations of U.S. “imperialism” and affection for Russia and China (from whom political, economic, and security support is welcomed). Revolutionary martyrs are honored. But beyond that, there is little serious ideological content to its governance.

Although the regime can muster large numbers of government employees and union members (the labor unions are Sandinista-controlled) for its rallies and to control the streets if needed, it does not seem interested and perhaps is incapable of permanently mobilizing and organizing the broad mass of the populace. It has demolished such independent organizations as existed before, but for the most part, it has not replaced them with government-controlled alternatives in the classic communist or fascist manner.

Instead, it seems content with an anomic society in which Nicaraguans are preoccupied with getting by under ever more difficult circumstances. The poor try to maintain eligibility for the minimal social benefits the state provides, and the small business and professional class keep their heads down to avoid trouble.

Ortega’s goal is to ensure that, beyond the long-neutered political opposition, no force can arise to challenge the regime’s monopoly on power, and no repetition of the 2018 protests can occur. At the same time, the role of the Ortega family in the economy continues to increase, and it appears that the long-term aim is a transition of power to the next generation. What we see in Nicaragua may be “totalitarianism-lite,” but it is still totalitarianism.

Richard M. Sanders is a Senior Fellow, Western Hemisphere at the Center for the National Interest. He is also a Global Fellow of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. A former member of the Senior Foreign Service of the U.S. Department of State, he served as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Nicaragua, 2007–10.

Image: Barna Tanko / Shutterstock. 

In recent times, the world has borne witness to heinous acts of violence and aggression committed by authoritarian regimes. The actions of Hamas in Israel, supported by Iran, and Russia’s activities in Ukraine serve as stark reminders that autocratic governments not only oppress their own citizens but also threaten global peace. In the face of such challenges, it is imperative that democracies across the world come together with resolute determination to safeguard freedom and promote peace.

One fundamental truth is that democracies do not typically wage war against their fellow democratic nations. In contrast, autocracies often engage in acts of aggression and expansionism, frequently supporting one another in pursuing their revisionist goals.

The alliance between Russia, Iran, and North Korea is a glaring example. Russia acquires military equipment from these autocratic states, while they, in turn, offer diplomatic support to Russia on international platforms like the United Nations. Additionally, these nations bolster Russia economically by purchasing its energy resources and supplying products essential to its military industry.

Hamas, a terrorist organization, receives financial support, military equipment, and training from Iran, making its attacks on Israel possible. These conflicts, like all wars, are devastating. What makes them particularly heinous is the deliberate and widespread targeting of innocent civilians, including children, and the appalling acts of violence against women.

Democracies must unite to defend against autocratic aggression and to preserve global freedom and peace. Unfortunately, the United Nations, while a vital forum for international diplomacy, often falls short of delivering effective responses. Authoritarian regimes often vote for their counterparts in the General Assembly and exploit the veto system to paralyze the workings of the Security Council. Therefore, democracies must supplement their UN efforts with partnerships between like-minded nations dedicated to upholding world freedom and peace.

Several democratic partnerships already exist and have proven valuable, warranting reinforcement. NATO, one of history’s most successful military alliances, remains relevant in the face of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. However, there is an urgent need to address the issue of too many NATO members failing to meet the alliance’s 2 percent military spending requirement.

The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, comprising the United States, Japan, Australia, and India, promotes a free and open Indo-Pacific. This coalition should expand its security cooperation and broaden its contributions to encompass shared research in cutting-edge technologies. It could evolve into a “pentagonal” by inviting South Korea, another regional democracy with substantial military capabilities, to join its ranks.

The G-7, which brings together the largest industrialized democracies and the European Union, plays a crucial role in coordinating responses to the increasingly dangerous actions of autocracies. In light of these challenges, the G-7 should evolve into a G-9 by including Australia and South Korea, both advanced economies and vibrant democracies.

In addition to strengthening existing partnerships, there is a pressing need to establish new ones. For example, an economic version of NATO’s Article V should be formed to counter economic coercion by autocracies. Such protocols would enable democracies to retaliate against aggressive, autocratic regimes and provide economic assistance to the affected democracies.

Another essential coalition, a Tech-12, would comprise the top techno-democracies, including the G-7 nations, Israel, South Korea, the Netherlands, Taiwan, and Finland. Rapid technological advances, particularly in fields like artificial intelligence (AI) and telecommunications, impact every aspect of our lives. Technology must be harnessed for good and not manipulated by autocracies to oppress their citizens or undermine democracies. A Tech-12 coalition can ensure that democracies, not dictatorships, establish global technology standards.

Lastly, these partnerships should adopt an inclusive approach, welcoming imperfect democracies and even non-democratic states willing to counter the malign actions of aggressive and revisionist autocracies. The goal is not to certify perfect democratic behavior but to create a united front against autocratic threats.

The recent barbaric attack supported by Iran and Russia’s continued aggression in Ukraine stand as grave reminders that evil still exists in our world. Democracies must remain vigilant in defending global freedom and peace, and building partnerships is critically vital because unity amplifies strength.

Michael Fisch is the Founder and CEO of American Securities and a member of the Executive Committee of the Board of Directors of the Atlantic Council.

Dan Negrea is the Senior Director of the Atlantic Council’s Freedom and Prosperity Center and served as an official in the State Department from 2018 to 2021.

Image: Andrea Izzoti / Shutterstock.

La France a rendu hommage lundi à Dominique Bernard, un professeur de lettres tué à Arras par un ex-élève radicalisé. À 14 h, une minute de silence a été observée dans tous les établissements scolaires. "Jamais la barbarie ne l'emportera, jamais la République ne pliera face au terrorisme", a déclaré la Première ministre Élisabeth Borne à Conflans-Sainte-Honorine (Yvelines), au collège où enseignait Samuel Paty.

« Notre peuple, toujours victime, jamais bourreau »... Dans les pays issus de l'éclatement de l'ancienne Yougoslavie, l'enseignement de l'histoire est une discipline de combat.
En réécrivant ainsi l'histoire de l'ancien État commun et de sa disparition conflictuelle, en passant sous silence certains massacres, en glorifiant ouvertement certains criminels de guerre, les manuels d'histoire participent à l'endoctrinement nationaliste des jeunes générations.
En Serbie, on insiste sur (...)

- Agenda / En ligne, Agenda - Diaporama, Colonne de droite - A ne pas manquer

CONTRE-POINT - En prônant un «État impitoyable», le président de la République montre qu’il a pris la mesure de la gravité de l’attentat d’Arras. Mais attention aux contrecoups politiques.

DECRYPTAGE - L’entourage d’Eric Ciotti déplore les tergiversations de l’exécutif face aux propositions de la droite défendues ces derniers mois concernant la loi immigration.

RÉCIT - Le gouvernement vante la fermeté de son texte et appelle la droite à le voter cet automne.

President Metsola opened the 16-19 October plenary session in Strasbourg with the following announcements.

Source : © European Union, 2023 - EP

President Metsola opened the 16-19 October plenary session in Strasbourg with the following announcements.

Source : © European Union, 2023 - EP

On Monday, the Internal Market and International Trade committees adopted their position on keeping products made using forced labour out of the EU market.
Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection
Committee on International Trade

Source : © European Union, 2023 - EP

On Monday, the Internal Market and International Trade committees adopted their position on keeping products made using forced labour out of the EU market.
Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection
Committee on International Trade

Source : © European Union, 2023 - EP

Symbole de la volonté de l’exécutif d’afficher sa fermeté, Emmanuel Macron a exhorté ses ministres, lundi, à "incarner un État impitoyable" face au terrorisme. Le gouvernement tente ainsi de répondre aux accusations de la droite et de l’extrême droite en mettant l’accent sur les expulsions des étrangers radicalisés et la nécessité de voter la future loi Immigration.

Après l’attaque terroriste d'Arras perpétrée vendredi, le ministre de l'Éducation nationale, Gabriel Attal a annoncé vouloir "aller plus loin" dans la sécurisation des établissements scolaires. Si certains collèges et lycées ont déjà opté pour des mesures plus drastiques comme des détecteurs de métaux ou des systèmes d'alarme, ces dispositifs peinent à faire leurs preuves. 

French and German negotiators will attempt to agree on a compromise for the EU electricity market reform on Tuesday.

If innovators and legislators listen to each other, the EU's pharmaceutical reforms will transform patient care and improve the bloc's global competitiveness.

Donald Tusk now faces the biggest challenge of his career: restoring the rule of law, safeguarding media freedom, keeping up election promises, and addressing the national debt.

Monday, 16 October

Source : © European Union, 2023 - EP

Repeated policy flip-flops and competing messaging by top EU officials over the last 10 days have already dealt a huge, possibly fatal, blow to the bloc's foreign policy credentials.

Trois ans jour pour jour après l'assassinat de Samuel Paty, la France rend hommage lundi à Dominique Bernard, un professeur de lettres tué à Arras par un ex-élève radicalisé. À 14 h, une minute de silence a été observée dans tous les établissements scolaires.