By External Source
Aug 15 2024 (IPS-Partners)
On 18 March 2020, Philippe Lazzarini was appointed Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations and Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) by United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres. He took up his post with UNRWA on 1 April 2020.
Prior to his appointment to UNRWA, Mr Lazzarini served, from August 2015, as the Deputy UN Special Coordinator (UNSCOL) and as the Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Lebanon.
Mr Lazzarini has over 30 years of professional experience, including in leadership positions with the United Nations, the private sector and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). He has extensive experience in humanitarian assistance and international coordination in conflict and post-conflict areas at senior levels, including through his assignment to the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia as Deputy Special Representative, Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator, from 2013 to 2015. He joined the United Nations in Iraq in 2003 and since then has held a number of senior positions, both at Headquarters in New York, and in Angola, Somalia and the occupied Palestinian territory. Prior to joining the United Nations, he worked with Union Bancaire Privée in Geneva as Head of the Marketing Department.
From 1989 to 1999, Mr Lazzarini worked with ICRC as the Deputy Head of Communications in Geneva, Head of Delegation in Rwanda, Angola, and Sarajevo, and as a delegate in Southern Sudan, Jordan, Gaza, and Beirut. He started his professional career in 1987 as an economist with the Canton of Bern in Switzerland.
Mr Lazzarini is a graduate of the University of Neuchatel and of the University of Lausanne, and he is married with four children.
ECW: 2.2 million Palestinians in Gaza are in the midst of an epic humanitarian catastrophe facing death, injury, disease and famine. Through your inspiring leadership, UNRWA is delivering aid in the most dangerous, challenging conditions in the world. What impact is this war having on the children in Gaza and across the region, what help do they need now and how can we build a lasting peace?
Philippe Lazzarini: UNRWA has been operating in the region for 75 years, promoting human development for Palestine Refugees through education, primary healthcare, and lifesaving assistance. The Agency has been a force for stability for decades, despite chronic funding shortfalls. Today, even as UNRWA faces relentless attacks on our personnel, premises and operations, our staff members continue to provide humanitarian assistance in the Gaza Strip, working tirelessly to deliver our critical mandate.
The war has severely impacted children in Gaza, where every second person is a child. Thousands of children have been killed, and thousands more are newly disabled. The education system has also been decimated. 625,000 children across the Gaza Strip, including 300,000 UNRWA students, have been denied the right to education since the start of the war. Nearly 70% of UNRWA schools have been hit, highlighting the blatant disregard for international humanitarian law. 95% of these schools were being used as shelters for displaced people when they were hit.
This war is also affecting tens of thousands of children in the West Bank. Their schools are intermittently closed due to operations by Israeli Forces and recurring clashes with Palestinian armed groups.
The longer children stay out of school, the more difficult it becomes for them to catch up on learning losses. They are also at greater risk of violence and exploitation, including child labour, early marriage, and recruitment by armed groups. The impact of this war on children, particularly their mental and psychosocial wellbeing, is tremendous and will have lasting consequences. We must bring them back to learning as soon as possible to mitigate the severity of the harm that has been inflicted on them. UNRWA has resumed learning activities in Gaza and is working to expand these activities to more children.
ECW: All UNRWA schools across the Gaza Strip are closed and 625,000 school-age children in Gaza have had no access to safe education since 7 October 2023. Why is education so critical in delivering on the humanitarian imperative for refugee students whose families have been forcibly displaced in Gaza and the region?
Philippe Lazzarini: Education is a fundamental human right and children’s access to quality education should never be compromised, even during conflict. It is easier said than done though, and education is a frequent casualty of war. However, it is possible to facilitate learning, even in circumstances as dire as those we see in Gaza. With the support of partners such as Education Cannot Wait, we are working determinedly to offer psychosocial support and activities for children, young people, and their families. Since the war started on 7 October 2023, we have supported over 400,000 children and adolescents through play activities, support sessions for unaccompanied children, individual and group psychosocial consultations, and education sessions on the risk of unexploded ordnances.
I must emphasize how highly Palestinians value education – it has been the only investment from which they could not be dispossessed. Ask any Palestinian and they will tell you that the education of their children is their pride and joy. People in Gaza are deeply pained that their children have lost so much, including their education. Much more needs to be done to restore education for Gaza’s children. If we fail to bring children back to learning, we will lose an entire generation, sowing the seeds for more violence, hatred and resentment. This is a risk for the whole region, and we should all be motivated to act.
ECW: Education is a proven life-saving action in humanitarian crises. ECW recently announced a US$10M First Emergency Response grant to urgently support mental health and psychosocial services and protective learning opportunities for crisis-affected girls and boys in Gaza. Why are mental health and psychosocial services, plus learning opportunities, crucial in Gaza?
Philippe Lazzarini: UNRWA’s Education in Emergencies plan for Gaza aims to restore the right to education for children, youth and educators. Our plan to resume learning starts with providing mental health and psychosocial support, transitions to teaching reading, writing and math in informal settings, and culminates in a return to formal education in schools. Due to the war, we must constantly adapt our approach to what is realistically achievable amid ongoing conflict and severely restricted humanitarian access. Children in Gaza have already lost one school year, compounding earlier learning losses due to COVID-19. We must work quickly to restore learning in Gaza.
Mental health and psychosocial support is the first crucial step in restoring the right to education. These activities bring children and their families a sense of stability and routine. They allow children to simply be children, for at least a few hours a day. It is safe to say that every single child in Gaza is deeply traumatized. UNRWA aims to keep providing this service for years to come.
We are also working closely with partners to distribute self-learning materials covering the first semester of the coming school year. We plan to support the creation of learning spaces and are exploring what options are available given the humanitarian situation in Gaza. Most UNRWA schools cannot be used for education any longer, as they are sheltering displaced people and have been hit and bombed. Creating safe and protective learning spaces is a crucial part of our plan to restore education in Gaza and will require strong political and financial support.
ECW: At this year’s United Nations General Assembly, you are organizing a high-level event on education in Gaza. What funding, resources, tools, and partnerships are needed to ensure access to safe, quality learning environments for refugee students whose families have been forcibly displaced in Gaza and the region?
Philippe Lazzarini: UNRWA calls once again for an immediate ceasefire and the unimpeded flow of humanitarian aid across the Gaza Strip. This is essential for the welfare of children and the meaningful resumption of education.
All children have the right to play, to make friends, to learn and to dream. We will continue to work closely with partners in education including UN agencies, Member States, local and international civil society organisations, and non-governmental organisations, to restore education for children and youth in Gaza. This is a huge undertaking that needs concerted efforts, creative solutions, and political and financial support. UNRWA is fully committed to prioritizing the resumption of learning in Gaza and remains one of the most effective tools at the disposal of the international community.
ECW: We all know that ‘readers are leaders’ and that reading skills are key to every child’s education. What are three books that have most influenced you personally and/or professionally, and why would you recommend them to others?
Philippe Lazzarini: Three books/authors come to mind. In no particular order: East West Street by Philippe Sand is an extraordinary historical investigative work on the origins of genocide and crimes against humanity. It deals with atrocities, memory and guilt and how these are passed from one generation to the next. It is brilliantly written, I devoured it! I also really like Amin Maalouf’s books and most recently enjoyed The Disoriented. It captures so well the Lebanese nostalgia for a country they love even though it has never really existed as they imagine. Jim Harrison’s book Dalva also resonated deeply. It tells the story of a fearless and independent woman who undertakes a journey to find herself amid the memories of her youth and her family history. Dalva means “morning star” and this book and the character gave us the name of our first daughter.
Neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) are a diverse group of 21 infectious diseases that affect 1.65 billion people around the world and can disable, disfigure, and be fatal. Credit: Shutterstock.
By Thoko Elphick-Pooley
HOVE, United Kingdom, Aug 14 2024 (IPS)
Over the last ten years, I have been privileged to witness incredible progress in the fight against neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) – a journey marked by unwavering dedication, resilience, and hope.
This group of twenty-one diseases affects 1.65 billion people around the world and can disable, disfigure, and be fatal. But despite significant global obstacles, including the COVID-19 pandemic, supply chain disruptions due to the conflict in Russia and the Ukraine, and severe weather events, our collective efforts fighting NTDs have transformed the lives of millions.
As I step down from my role as Executive Director of Uniting to Combat NTDs, I am filled with a profound sense of pride and reflection. From the inclusion of NTDs in the health-related Sustainable Development Goals to the endorsement by Heads of States of the Continental Framework on NTDs and the Common Africa Position, important global and regional frameworks now exist to guide collective action and efforts.
Supporting countries on the pathway to eliminating NTDs by 2030 and helping 49 additional countries achieve elimination goals will be a smart investment for IDA21, delivering tangible and far-reaching impact
From global leaders endorsing the historic Kigali Declaration on NTDs alongside the 26th CHOGM Summit in 2022 to the Reaching the Last Mile Forum held at the 28th United Nations Climate Change Summit in 2023, we have witnessed countries standing shoulder to shoulder with donors, companies, organisations and civil society to pledge commitments to end NTDs.
These concrete actions have illuminated a path toward a future where NTDs no longer wreak havoc on the lives of vulnerable communities around the world.
The impact we have seen is real and substantial. Fifty-one countries have now eliminated at least one NTD.
Sleeping sickness, for instance, has been eliminated as a public health problem in seven countries, with Chad being the latest to achieve this milestone this year. Lymphatic filariasis has been eliminated in nineteen countries, with the Lao People’s Democratic Republic becoming the most recent to eliminate the disease as a public health threat in 2023. And progress has had a ripple effect, with some countries eliminating multiple NTDs.
In 2022, Togo became the first country in the world to eliminate four NTDs (guinea worm, lymphatic filariasis, trachoma, and sleeping sickness) while Benin and Ghana have eliminated three NTDs each, leading to recognition at an ECOWAS Heads of State Summit in 2013.
Meanwhile, 843 million people received treatment for an NTD in the year 2022 alone, powered by one of the most successful private public partnerships in the history of global health, with over 17 billion treatments for NTDs donated by the pharmaceutical industry between 2012 and 2023.
These successes have been built on years of shared experiences in NTD prevention, control, and elimination efforts.
Thoko Elphick-Pooley
The human impact of this work is the most important measure of our success. Reflecting on this journey, I recall the faces of countless individuals whose lives have been touched by this work.
The children who can now attend school, the families who can now work and thrive, the communities that are no longer shackled by preventable diseases. These stories of transformation are the heartbeat of our mission and the fuel that has driven us forward.
Yet, as we celebrate these incredible milestones, we must also take stock of the critical steps needed to ensure this progress continues. We stand at a pivotal moment, where the gains we have made must be solidified and expanded.
To do so, NTD programmes are in desperate need of sustainable, long-term financing and strengthened political commitment. One critical way to respond to this need is to prioritise disease elimination as a flagship initiative for 21st replenishment of the World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA21), which provides grants and financing to the world’s poorest countries.
This includes establishing a dedicated funding stream under IDA21’s Health Track. Doing so would ensure sustained progress against these diseases and will help the World Bank achieve its mandate to alleviate poverty, boost economic growth, and improve living conditions for millions of people on a livable planet.
With only 15% of the Sustainable Development Goals on track, the urgency to demonstrate impact at scale has never been greater.
Supporting countries on the pathway to eliminating NTDs by 2030 and helping 49 additional countries achieve elimination goals will be a smart investment for IDA21, delivering tangible and far-reaching impact. This is not just a health imperative; it is a moral and economic one.
Our journey is far from over. The path ahead requires sustained political will, continued resource mobilisation, and unwavering commitment.
We have the knowledge, the tools, and the momentum. Now is the time to harness these and push forward with renewed vigor. Let it be said, decades from now, that we did not waver in our fight. Let it be said that we left the world a healthier place, free from the scourge of neglected tropical diseases.
Thoko Elphick-Pooley is the outgoing Executive Director of Uniting to Combat Neglected Tropical Diseases.
Excerpt:
The outgoing Executive Director of Uniting to Combat NTDs reflects on a decade at the helm of a global advocacy organisation dedicated to ending neglected tropical diseases (NTDs).Following the resignation and departure of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, students celebrated with jubilation. They took to the streets, chanting slogans, waving flags, and holding up banners. Many gathered at key locations such as university campuses and central city squares, lighting fireworks and singing patriotic songs. The atmosphere was festive, with students expressing relief and victory after their demands for quota reform and governmental change were met. Credit: Mohammad Rakibul Hasan
By Rafiqul Islam
DHAKA, Aug 14 2024 (IPS)
Justice for all those who died and suffered injuries during the recent student-led quota reform movement in Bangladesh and reforms to the systems to ensure that this justice takes place are not negotiable, an adviser to the Bangladesh interim government, Syeda Rizwana Hasan, told IPS in an exclusive interview
“The interim government has decided to ensure justice and it will be very transparent. Justice will be ensured not only for those who were killed and injured but it will accurately bring the perpetrators to justice so that innocent people are not affected.”
Hasan was sworn in as an advisor to Nobel laureate economist Muhammad Yunus’ interim government after the resignation of Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on August 5, following weeks of deadly protests that, according to reports, left at least 300 people dead. She is an award-winning environmental lawyer known for her activism and is also the Minister of Environment, Forest and Climate Change for the interim government.
Adviser to the Bangladesh interim government, Syeda Rizwana Hasan, has promised justice and reform following the quota reform movement protests that brought down the Bangladesh government.
Reform of Security Sector
Hasan mentioned that the reforms needed in the security sector will be recommended through the trial process.
“Now we have to talk about the process of trial, which would be more transparent. One part of the trial has already started. The students detained during the movement will be released.”
News reports put the number of arrests at more than 10,000 since the protests began, including students and political opposition leaders.
“Whoever gave instruction to detain students, who directed to open fire (on students), leaving people so many dead and injured, and who commanded to put them (the six coordinators of the students’ movement) in the so-called custody of the DB (detective branch of police)—all will be probed so that the accused of directives cannot get relief.”
Hasan was referring to Nahid Islam, Abu Bakar Majumder, Asif Mahmud, Sarjis Alam, Hasnat Abdullah, and Nusrat Tabassum of the Students Against Discrimination Movement, who were arrested between July 26 and 28, 2024. The group was reportedly coerced to issue a statement of withdrawal from the protest movement while being detained for one week by the Dhaka Metropolitan Police’s (DMP) Detective Branch (DB). They were released on August 1.
Hasan said the trial would have the target of bringing about necessary reforms so that those accused of commanding these actions cannot make such directives in the future.
There was no reason for the government to open fire, she said, adding that the movement was non-partisan and was simply to address discrimination in the public service examination and appointment process.
She recalled that the first anti-quota movement was waged in 2018 and at that time, the Bangladesh government abolished the quota system in response to the student movement.
“But the then government, as clear as it was, wanted to again bring back the quota system so that it could use it, the reservation system, to get its own people into public service,” Hasan said.
She alleged that after the quota system was abolished, the government used the judicial system to bring it back.
In June 2024, the High Court ordered the reinstatement of the 30 percent quota for children of freedom fighters in a judgment that pronounced the 2018 abolition of quotas illegal.
The Chief Adviser of the interim government is Nobel laureate economist Dr. Muhammad Yunus. The unrest in Bangladesh reached a critical point, with accusations against PM Sheikh Hasina leading to her departure. In this volatile environment, an interim government has been established to restore stability and order. His appointment is seen as a move to bring credibility and expertise to the transitional leadership during these challenging times. Credit: Mohammad Rakibul Hasan
Students Fighting for Rights to Decent Work, End Discrimination
The students in Bangladesh were fighting for their rights—they have rights to get decent jobs and access to the job market without discrimination, she added.
“Why should a movement on a subject like this require any sort of firing by law enforcement agencies?” she asked, referring to the high death toll during the protests. “Why could not the government sit with the agitating students and solve the problem? I remind you again that the problem was once solved but they (the government) brought it back through a judicial verdict.”
She accused the previous administration of failing to act humanely and take into consideration the students’ concerns.
“They could have just consulted the students. But instead of inviting the students for discussion, what they did was blame the judiciary,” she said.
Hasan asserted that one judge reportedly made the comment that a judgment of the High Court could not change because of public agitation on the streets.
“Why did he need to make such a comment? When I am the chief justice, I only talk about an issue that comes before me. Why do I make such a provocative comment that triggers more tension?” she asked.
Student protesters throw shoes at a mural of Sheikh Hasina at Dhaka University, expressing their anger over political turmoil and government policies. The protesters are demonstrating their frustration with the government’s handling of recent events, including the controversial quota reforms and the violent clashes with police. Credit: Mohammad Rakibul Hasan
Open Discussions, Rather Than Open Fire
The comment, she said, showed that the entire power structure enjoyed unfettered power.
“They took it (the students’ movement) as their political opposition and they took it as a challenge to the authority, which was not the case at all,” Hasan said.
“And it was not that police opened fire for one day but they kept on opening fire and that was when it turned into a public revolution,” Hasan said.
She described that initially it started as a students’ movement and then it turned into a revolution where all the parents and all those who were angry with the government joined it.
The government could have and should have handled the situation better. It claimed it was also against the quota. If it had opened discussions instead of opening fire, the situation would have been different for all.
“We are standing on the blood of many students—the dead bodies of at least 500 Bangladeshis. Bangladeshis will remember what their own forces have done to their own people.”
“One outcome of this has been the departure of the fascist regime. That, to some extent, has consoled people that we have finally gotten rid of the fascist regime. However, for us to get back to some degree of psychological normalcy, we really need to ensure justice. We really need to ensure the culprits get punished. We really need to do the reform in security forces so that never ever again in the history of Bangladesh excess force is applied,” the adviser said.
Students protest for the reformation of the quota system in the government job sector around the Secretariat area in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on July 14, 2024. The issue of quota reform in Bangladesh has been a contentious topic, sparking widespread debate and protests over the past few years. Initially aimed at addressing historical injustices and providing opportunities to underprivileged groups, the quota system in government jobs and educational institutions has faced significant opposition from various segments of society. Credit: Mohammad Rakibul Hasan
No Artificial Pretense of Democracy
Bangladesh has to go back to democracy and it must be such a democracy that it is an institutional process—it is not an artificial cosmetic namesake democracy but it has to be an actual one, she says.
Hasan, also an eminent environmental advocate, said Bangladesh needs reforms in law enforcement operations, the judiciary, administration and service delivery systems to establish an actual democracy.
“You have to ensure accountability and transparency. I believe the interim government will take these reform agendas very seriously. And once people see that their country has started functioning in a way that they have always wanted and that their country has started respecting ordinary citizens, I think only then will the situation calm down. There is no shortcut to this,” she added.
About the demands of the students, the adviser said the list of demands of the protesters was not very long but they were very profound.
“They are not asking for something that cannot be done. They are asking for justice. If you say it cannot be done, then you are not living in a civilized society. They are asking for the rule of law and they are asking for democracy,” she said.
She added that it is possible to meet their demands but there will be challenges because there are vested interests that have been created both in the last 15 years and prior to that.
“Anyone who gets the votes and comes to power becomes somewhat ‘fascist’. For the outgoing one, it was a long time (in power) so they became extra fascist and also not very respectful of people’s rights. So it is possible but there will be challenges.”
About the probe to be carried out into the killings during the quota reform movement, Hasan said justice has to be done and those involved in activities that are dangerous, unlawful and unauthorized would be punished.
The people in authority who commanded these atrocious acts will be brought to justice, she said.
“So it is the interest of all of us that a fair and free trial will be done. And those who are guilty, whichever they come from, are punished.”
Future Role of Student Leadership
Asked about whether students will be included in the government’s activities, the adviser said the interim government, in principle, has decided to include the students in the activities of every ministry and department.
“We managed to change the government but we did not manage to change the system. They (students) will be part of the government’s operations,” she promised, but the details were still to be worked out.
Referring to the role of the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which was ousted as a corrupt government 20 years ago, Hasan said their role should be constructive.
BNP should also realize the fact that it fought hard but did not manage to get a proper election from the ousted Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League government, she said.
“The ousted government played with every single part of the election mechanism. So, (the government’s ousting) is not to be taken as a victory that has been achieved by any one party. It is a victory for all of us, indeed.
“The BNP has to respond to the calls for reform because they also could not make it to power for almost 18 years because of their misdeeds,” she added.
Check-and-balance and accountability mechanisms must be put in place before holding a national election to ensure that whoever comes to power will not be able to go beyond the limits, the adviser said.
Learn the Lessons of Reconciliation
About reconciliation, she said Bangladesh can definitely learn from South Africa but Bangladesh should have learnt it 40 years ago. All involved agencies must reconcile, and reconciliation has become essential.
“It is a very divided society. We can be divided on political ideology but on national goals, we should not have these divisions,” she added.
Hasan said the Bangladesh Army can play a role in the reconciliation process by assisting in the trial process. But she thinks that the army and democracy are not essentially synonymous.
“I think the army should confine itself within their legal mandate and ensure any force or agency that creates any obstacle to democracy is strictly dealt with. The Army should not side with any given political force. It should maintain its impartiality,” she said.
About her personal goal, she said, “As a citizen, I see myself as someone who is respected, someone who is listened to and someone who is not intimidated or threatened.”
“I bear the identity card of Bangladesh so I deserve that respect. Professionally, I am happy to go back to my earlier job and become a very effective environmental justice advocate,” Hasan noted.
Note: The photos for this article are by renowned photographer and filmmaker Mohammad Rakibul Hasan from his picture essay entitled The Rebirth of Bangladesh.
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An Afghan mother holds her daughter, staring at the light from behind her obscured window. Credit: UN Women/Sayed Habib Bidell
By Alison Davidian
UNITED NATIONS, Aug 14 2024 (IPS)
I’ve just come back from the north of Afghanistan. I asked the women I met what they want the world to know about their lives.
One woman, Nasima told me: “I was married at 16. I couldn’t finish school. My hope was that my daughter’s life would be better. Now I’m worried her life is going to be worse. To those who are still listening to our voices, please help us fight for our freedom.”
This week marks three years since the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan.
Three years’ worth of countless decrees, directives, and statements targeting women and girls – stripping them of their fundamental rights. Eviscerating their autonomy.
A 31-year-old woman sits by the window. She used to be an entrepreneur before the Taliban takeover. Credit: UN Women/Sayed Habib Bidell
Our latest publication, launched today, shows trends based on rounds of consultations we’ve done with thousands of Afghan women, from the provincial capitals to the most rural areas since August 2021.
One of the first, most striking, trends is the erasure of Afghan women from public life.
To date, no woman in Afghanistan is in a leadership position anywhere that has influence politically, at the national or provincial level. When Afghan women are engaged in the Taliban’s structures, their roles are largely about monitoring compliance of other women with their discriminatory decrees.
This political erasure is mirrored at the social level. Our data shows that when you take away basic rights, it impacts every area of life. Of the women we surveyed, 98 per cent felt they had limited or zero influence on decision-making in their communities.
It is also reflected in the home. Our data shows that the percentage of women who feel they can influence decision-making at the household level has dropped by nearly 60 per cent over the last year. To give some context, three years ago an Afghan women could technically decide to run for President. Now, she may not even be able to decide when to go and buy groceries.
It wasn’t perfect three years ago. But it wasn’t this.
Linked to the loss of rights, our data points to an escalating mental health crisis. Sixty-eight per cent of the women we consulted report “bad” or “very bad” mental health. And 8 per cent indicated knowing at least one women or girl who had attempted suicide.
What is also clear three years in, is that the Taliban’s restrictions on the rights of women and girls will affect generations to come.
Our analysis shows that by 2026, the impact of leaving 1.1 million girls out of school and over 100,000 women out of university is correlated with an increase in the rate of early childbearing by 45 per cent; and an increased risk of maternal mortality by at least 50 per cent.
In the face of this deepening women’s rights crisis, I am often asked: what can we do to support Afghan women and girls?
My answer is always this one key thing.
We must continue to invest in women. Nothing undermines the Taliban’s vision for society more than empowering the very part of the population they seek to oppress.
Practically, based on UN Women’s work over the past three years, investing in women translates into three main strategies:
2. Design programmes dedicated to countering the erasure of women and girls, investing directly in their resilience, empowerment, and leadership. Initiatives particularly for education, livelihoods, and entrepreneurship are crucial ways to meaningfully address structural drivers of gender inequality.
3. Finally, it is essential to facilitate spaces where Afghan women can express their concerns and priorities directly. Our data shows that Afghan women want to represent themselves. But one meeting and one participation option will not do. Across any engagement, we need to ask: How can we consult and include Afghan women? What can we do differently to break the pattern of women’s exclusion?
Three years ago, the whole world was watching a takeover that was livestreaming horror after horror.
Three years later, while the world’s attention may have turned elsewhere, the horrors have not stopped for Afghan women and girls, nor has their conviction to stand against the oppression.
When it comes to the fight for women’s rights, we are at an inflection point in Afghanistan, but also globally. The world is watching what happens to women and girls in Afghanistan. In some places, it watches to condemn; in others, it watches to emulate the Taliban’s structural oppression.
We cannot leave Afghan women to fight alone. If we do, we have no moral ground to fight for women’s rights anywhere.
Their fate determines the fate of women everywhere.
What we do – or fail to do – for Nasima, her daughter, and all Afghan women and girls, is the ultimate test of who we are as a global community and what we stand for.
Alison Davidian, UN Women Country Representative in Afghanistan, spoke at the noon press briefing at the UN Headquarters on August 13 about the state of women and girls three years since the Taliban takeover.
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By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Aug 14 2024 (IPS)
When history repeats itself, the first time is a tragedy; the next is a farce. If we fail to learn from past financial crises, we risk making avoidable errors, often with irreversible, even tragic consequences.
Jomo Kwame Sundaram
Between rock and hard placeDeveloping nations’ varied responses reflected their circumstances, the constraints of their policymakers, and their understanding of events and options.
Hence, the global South reacted very differently. With more limited means, most developing countries responded quite dissimilarly to rich nations.
Hard hit by the GFC and the ensuing Great Recession, developing countries’ financial positions have been further weakened by tepid growth since. Worse, their foreign reserves and fiscal balances declined as sovereign debt rose.
Most emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs) mainly save US dollars. The few countries with large trade surpluses have long bought US Treasury bonds. This finances US fiscal, trade, and current account deficits, including for war.
Vagaries of finance
After the GFC, international investors – including pension funds, mutual funds, and hedge funds – initially continued to be risk-averse in their exposure to EMDEs.
Thus, the GFC hit growth worldwide through various channels at different times. As EMDE earnings and prospects fell, investor interest declined.
But with more profits to be made from cheap finance, thanks to ‘quantitative easing’, funds flowed to the Global South. As the US Fed raised interest rates in early 2022, funds fled developing nations, especially the poorest.
Long propped up by easy credit, real estate and stock markets collapsed. With finance becoming more powerful and consequential, the real economy suffered.
As growth slowed, developing countries’ export earnings fell as funds flowed out. Thus, instead of helping counter-cyclically, capital flowed out when most needed.
The consequences of such reversals have varied considerably. Sadly, many who should have known better chose to remain blind to such dangers.
After globalisation peaked around the turn of the century, most wealthy nations reversed earlier trade liberalisation, invoking the GFC as the pretext. Thus, growth slowed with the GFC, i.e., well before the COVID-19 pandemic.
Markets collapse
Previously supported by the Great Moderation’s easy money, stock markets in EMDEs plunged in the GFC. The turmoil arguably hurt EMDEs much more than rich nations.
Most rich and many middle-income households in EMDEs own equities, while many pension funds have increasingly invested in financial markets in recent decades.
Financial turmoil directly impacts many incomes, assets and the real economy. Worse, banks stop lending when their credit is most needed.
This forces firms to cut investment spending and instead use their savings and earnings to cover operating costs, often causing them to lay off workers.
As stock markets plummet, solvency is adversely impacted as firms and banks become overleveraged, precipitating other problems.
Falling stock prices trigger downward spirals, slowing the economy, increasing unemployment, and worsening real wages and working conditions.
As government revenues decline, they borrow more to make up the shortfall.
Various economies cope differently with such impacts as government responses vary.
Much depends on how governments respond with countercyclical and social protection policies. However, earlier deregulation and reduced means have typically eroded their capacities and capabilities.
Policy matters
Official policy response measures to the GFC endorsed by the US and IMF included those they had criticised East Asian governments for pursuing during their 1997-1998 financial crises.
Such efforts included requiring banks to lend at low interest rates, financing or ‘bailing out’ financial institutions and restricting short selling and other previously permissible practices.
Many forget that the US Fed’s mandate is broader than most other central banks. Instead of providing financial stability by containing inflation, it is also expected to sustain growth and full employment.
Many wealthy countries adopted bold monetary and fiscal policies in response to the Great Recession. Lower interest rates and increased public spending helped.
With the world economy in a protracted slowdown since the GFC, tighter fiscal and monetary policies since 2022 have especially hurt developing countries.
Effective counter-cyclical policies and long-term regulatory reforms were discouraged. Instead, many complied with market and IMF pressures to cut fiscal deficits and inflation.
Reform finance
Nevertheless, appeals for more government intervention and regulation are common during crises. However, procyclical policies replace counter-cyclical measures once a situation is less threatening, as in late 2009.
Quick fixes rarely offer adequate solutions. They do not prevent future crises, which rarely replay previous crises. Instead, measures should address current and likely future risks, not earlier ones.
Financial reforms for developing countries should address three matters. First, needed long-term investments should be adequately funded with affordable and reliable financing.
Well-run development banks, relying mainly on official resources, can help fund such investments. Commercial banks should also be regulated to support desired investments.
Second, financial regulation should address new conditions and challenges, but regulatory frameworks should be countercyclical. As with fiscal policy, capital reserves should grow in good times to strengthen resilience to downturns.
Third, countries should have appropriate controls to deter undesirable capital inflows which do not enhance economic development or financial stability.
Precious financial resources will be needed to stem the disruptive outflows that invariably follow financial turmoil and to mitigate their consequences.
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Fisherman Godknows Skota holds gutted and cleaned fish. Credit: Busani Bafana/IPS
By Busani Bafana
BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe, Aug 13 2024 (IPS)
Local informal food markets feed millions of urbanites in bustling African cities, but the consequences of tainted food could be illness and death for unsuspecting consumers.
Over 130,000 people across Africa fall ill and die from consuming unsafe food, according to the World Health Organization (WHO)
An estimated 70 percent of Africa’s urban households buy food from informal markets, such as street vendors, kiosks, and traditional market sellers. Despite being key to food and nutrition security, informal food markets have traditionally been neglected in terms of improved food safety practices, the International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI) has noted.
Informal food markets are crucial economic engines, providing livelihoods for many but hygiene concerns, and regulatory uncertainties pose threats to the growth of these markets where people buy and sell food.
Fishworker, Godknows Skota, from Binga District, trades in kapenta fish (Tanganyika sardine) and the Kariba Bream (Tilapia) harvested from Lake Kariba, north of Zimbabwe, which finds its way to public markets in the city of Bulawayo, more than 400 km away.
“Fish go bad easily if they are not handled and prepared well, which means I must ensure I process them in a hygienic manner so that I do not throw away my catch,” Skota told IPS as he cleaned a catch of Bream fish for a customer at a fishing camp in Binga, south of Lake Kariba.
“I salt the fish to preserve them and I take precautions to ensure that the fish are not contaminated by dirt during processing and I use enough salt to preserve the fish well so that they do not rot,” Skota said.
John Oppong-Otoo, Food Safety Officer, AU-IBAR. Credit: African Union
The significant burden of poor food safety on the continent’s health systems is also reflected in its economic impact. Illnesses due to food-borne diseases cause around USD 15 billion in medical expenses annually, according to the World Bank which estimates that food-borne diseases are associated with productivity losses of up to USD 16 billion across Africa.
“Not that the informal food sector is responsible for the disease burden but that we need to have more focus on this sector because it is important and contributes almost 80 percent of the food consumed by urban dwellers,” said John Oppong-Otoo, Food Safety Officer, African Union’s International Bureau for Animal Resources (AU-IBAR).
The African Union (AU) and ILRI have produced the first framework of food safety guidelines to support African governments’ efforts to improve food safety across the continent’s informal food sector. The draft guidelines have been developed following the AU’s Food Safety Strategy for Africa, published in 2021 to encourage improvements in food safety management.
Oppong-Otoo highlighted that the new guidelines will provide realistic and practical guidance to help governments work with the informal food sector to manage food safety risks and deliver safe food. Food risk can emanate from processed or raw food that can be contaminated, poor handling of food, and infrastructure, for instance, in informal markets.
“It is not that people want to produce unsafe food, it is just that they are not aware that their practices could lead to the production of unsafe food and so they need to be guided,” Oppong-Otoo told IPS, noting that unsafe food undermines the human right to food and nutrition security for millions of Africans annually.
Food safety is a major health and economic burden across Africa. According to ILRI research, Africa is responsible for most of the global health burden caused by food-borne diseases.
Silvia Alonso, Principal Scientist Epidemiologist, at the Nairobi-based ILRI, says the guidelines are being developed under a continent-wide consultation with informal market traders, agro-processing actors, and governments. African governments are expected to domesticate the guidelines by developing regulatory frameworks and administration practices to support their implementation.
Alonso told IPS that the guidelines under development by the AU and ILRI are currently undergoing a consultation process, with informal and agri-sector actors, partners, as well as with AU member states, before approval in 2025.
“Since the guidelines are also informed by ILRI’s research as well as examples of successful interventions for improving food safety across Africa, we also hope to demonstrate to national governments that a new approach to informal food markets is possible and is entirely to their benefit,” said Alonso, explaining that while not expected to be legally binding, the consultation process should pique the interest from governments on seeing the guidelines implemented in their countries.
ILRI has supported informal food markets across Africa through training on food safety. For example, in Kenya, the More Milk project has trained more than 200 milk vendors in Eldoret, to improve hygiene and handling practices.
Milk vendor Francisca Mutai, from Kenya, said she has gained knowledge on milk hygiene and improved her engagement with customers. Her customer base increased and she expanded her business, leading to increased profits.
“With this knowledge, I am able to advise my suppliers and customers on hygienic milk handling and the nutritional benefits of milk,” Mutai said.
Another milk vendor, Daniel Kembo, also from Kenya, switched from using plastic containers to aluminum ones, which ensured better hygiene and quality of milk. As a result, he has increased his milk sales.
While in Ethiopia, a consumer awareness campaign helped reduce the recall of tomatoes sold on the informal markets. Dubbed “Abo! Eat the Intact Ones” (Abo is an Amharic word similar to ‘hey’), the campaign achieved a 78 percent recall rate, driving demand for intact, or safe, tomatoes in Dire Dawa and Harar areas by enhancing safe household tomato preparation practices.
Akintayo Oluwagbemiga Elijah, chief whip of the Oyo State Butchers Association in the Bodija Market, in Ibadan, Nigeria, has been made aware of hygienic practices in meat handling and processing. He now pays serious attention to the cleanliness of the slab where cows are slaughtered and uses potable water to clean the meat and its products.
Oppong-Otoo, said promoting food safety in informal markets is one of the targets of an ongoing One Health initiative of the African Union because food trade is an opportunity for economic growth under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).
“The informal food sector, which includes people handling and producing food, is at the heart of the AfCFTA and it means that if we can support them to consistently produce and market safer food, then we would have more commodities to be traded,” he said. “The AU Food Safety Strategy recognizes that even though Africa has huge agriculture resources, we have not been able to fully tap their potential because of the production of unsafe food.”
It is projected that by 2030, intra-African agricultural trade will increase by 574 percent if import tariffs are eliminated under the AcFTA. This would be a great boost for the continent that spends over USD 50 billion annually in food imports, according to the African Development Bank (AfDB).
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United Nations Assistant Secretary-General and UNDP Crisis Bureau Director, Shoko Noda
By Shoko Noda
UNITED NATIONS, Aug 13 2024 (IPS)
Thirteen years since becoming an independent state, South Sudan faces profound humanitarian challenges. South Sudan’s first Independence Day was imbued with a great sense of hope.
I remember crowds cheering in the streets, waving the country’s new flag high. Thirteen years later, the youngest nation in the world, barely into its adolescence, faces profound challenges.
At the heart of South Sudan’s challenges lies a humanitarian crisis of staggering proportions. Given seven million of the country’s 12.4 million people are projected to experience crisis-level hunger this year, and nine million are in dire need of humanitarian assistance, the gravity of the situation cannot be overstated.
One in ten lack access to electricity. Seventy percent can’t access basic healthcare. These are fundamental human rights that the vast majority of people are deprived of.
I saw South Sudan’s dire humanitarian situation firsthand when I visited the country in March. I met women and children displaced by conflict – some for the second time in their lives – in a transit centre in Malakal, the capital of Upper Nile state. They had nothing and were fully reliant on aid. Their plight still lingers in my mind and heart.
As it marks its 13th independence anniversary, South Sudan finds itself at a pivotal moment in its nation-building journey.
Humanitarian aid alone cannot untangle the intricate web of challenges facing South Sudan. A holistic approach is required—one that lays the groundwork for self-sufficiency, peace and sustainable development.
With the constitutional-making process underway and elections on the horizon, the efforts we make today will shape the trajectory of the country for generations to come. We must bolster institutions, foster stability and empower the youth—the driving force behind the nation’s aspirations for progress and prosperity.
Humanitarian aid alone cannot untangle the intricate web of challenges facing South Sudan. A holistic approach is required—one that lays the groundwork for self-sufficiency, peace and sustainable development.
Central to this is the empowerment of women and girls, who face disproportionate challenges and vulnerabilities in the face of conflict, displacement and climate change. Gender-based violence (GBV), child marriage and maternal mortality rates are alarmingly high, underscoring the urgent need for targeted interventions that prioritize the rights and dignity of women and girls.
When I visited Malakal, I met with young women whose stories painted a vivid story to me on the barriers they face on a daily basis—from fearing for their safety to feeling unable to speak out about their hopes and aspirations, or being denied work opportunities.
It should not be this way.
Our team on the ground is working hard to improve the lives of women and girls in South Sudan. I was impressed by courts in Juba, set up with UNDP support, that focus on addressing violence against women. We are also working to ensure women’s inclusion in peacebuilding processes, promote gender equality and create opportunities for women and youth to thrive.
But so much more needs to be done.
With 75 percent of the population comprising young people, they represent both South Sudan’s greatest challenge and its most promising asset. Neglecting to invest in the youth equates to neglecting the future of the country itself—a risk we cannot afford to take.
Their voices must be heard, their aspirations nurtured and their potential unleashed.
South Sudan is at a crossroads.
With the right support, the country has the potential to create a future defined by hope, greater prosperity and stability for all. The alternative is a deepening of an already profound and protracted crisis.
South Sudan cannot navigate this path alone. It requires the support that transcends its borders to overcome the myriad challenges it faces. Increased development cooperation—the kind that helps people break the cycle of crisis and build safer, more stable, resilient, and sustainable lives—is urgently needed.
My hope is to return in 10 years and see the families I met at the Malakal transit centre peacefully settled, their children grown and thriving, with stable livelihoods and access to all the services they need to sustain them and nurture their hopes and aspirations for the future.
This is what development looks like.
Shoko Noda is United Nations Assistant Secretary-General and UNDP Crisis Bureau Director
Source: Africa Renewal, a United Nations digital magazine that covers Africa’s economic, social and political developments—plus the challenges the continent faces and the solutions to these by Africans themselves, including with the support of the United Nations and international community.
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By Yasmine Sherif
NEW YORK, Aug 12 2024 (IPS-Partners)
We live in a divided world of the haves and the have nots. The rich get richer, the poor get poorer. There is learning poverty, technology poverty, healthcare poverty, and food poverty. When you think about the dynamics of the world today, there is even empathy and humanity poverty.
This divide gets greater for young people living on the frontlines of the world’s most pressing humanitarian crises in places like the Democratic Republic of Congo, Gaza, Haiti and Sudan, where the remarkable potential of youth is eviscerated by brutal armed conflicts, forced displacement, the climate crisis and other horrific, compounding challenges.
To empower today’s youth, we must urgently address this growing divide. It starts with quality education, skills training, and a broad collection of supportive life-long learning measures fit for purpose, activating an entire generation of future leaders.
As UN Secretary-General António Guterres points out: “Achieving the Sustainable Development Goals requires a seismic shift – which can only happen if we empower young people and work with them as equals.”
This year’s International Youth Day calls for us all to look at the power of digital pathways to enhance sustainable development. Indeed, digitization, artificial intelligence and other technological advances are transforming our world and offer unprecedented opportunities to accelerate sustainable development.
But in a world where 250 million children cannot read – or do not have access to a school meal or mental health – how can we leverage the potential of technology to accelerate our efforts to deliver on the goals outlined in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development?
Education Cannot Wait – the global fund for education in emergencies and protracted crises within the United Nations – puts youth first in everything we do. This starts from the highest levels of ECW’s governance, which includes two inspirational youth leaders, Mutesi Hadijah and Hector Ulloa, who are activating a global youth movement through the #Youth4ECW campaign.
Through ECW investments, we are working to bridge the digital divide, extend remote learning, enhance skills training, and provide young people with the tools, training and knowledge they need to thrive in the fast-changing world of the 21st century.
In Moldova for instance, ECW investments focused on refugee children from Ukraine and host community children – and delivered by UNICEF and the Refugee Education Working Group – have established 98 EduTech Labs across 32 regions. In countries like Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Niger and Nigeria, ECW supports vocational education programmes for adolescents who have been pushed out of school.
These collective actions offer an essential first step in bridging the divide for the millions of children pushed into learning poverty by emergencies and protracted crises. But more needs to be done and we urge private sector donors, high-net-worth individuals and philanthropic foundations to provide urgently needed funding as we race to mobilize an additional US$600 million to deliver on ECW’s three-year strategic programme.
Together, through the power of inclusive education, digital pathways and lifelong learning, we can bridge the divide and create a world united through a wealth of humanity.
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Excerpt:
International Youth Day Statement by Education Cannot Wait Executive Director Yasmine SherifOnline transactions and E-commerce have become a key part of people’s life in Asia and the Pacific. Credit: Unsplash/Rupixen
By Witada Anukoonwattaka and Preety Bhogal
BANGKOK, Thailand, Aug 12 2024 (IPS)
The rapid growth of digitalization has fundamentally altered commerce, impacting production and facilitating the movement of goods. The 2023 Asia-Pacific Trade and Investment Report (APTIR), has pointed out that although digital trade revenues of Asia and the Pacific account for a significant share of global trade, this growth is uneven, with trade concentrated in a few areas, leading to disparities across the region.
Studies show a positive relationship between digital trade and progress on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). These linkages among digital trade policy and the social and economic pillars of the SDGs may appear more indirect, but they do manifest through economic channels.
Various facets of the relationship between sustainable development and digital trade are evident, such as the impact of digital trade on wealth inequality in the region, the role of the Internet in export expansion, how e-commerce facilitates small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), and how digital trade can help achieve the ambitious agenda behind the SDGs.
However, better digital infrastructure does not necessarily engender competition and instead requires active measures from the government to promote linkages between export superstars and domestic suppliers.
Additionally, robust regulatory frameworks on digital trade can help eliminate “monopolistic and restrictive” trade policies, contributing significantly to a more equitable distribution of wealth.
Examples of good practices
Different policy measures to establish an inclusive digital trade and e-commerce landscape have been used across the region. For example, research on internet courts in China showed how such public and digitized judicial systems benefit smaller and medium-sized firms compared to private dispute resolution mechanisms, which are highly costly.
Similarly, research on the Pacific Alliance’s trade policies, particularly its binding agreements and work instruments, provided a framework to incorporate net neutrality in the promotion of equitable digital development.
Indonesia’s introduction of single submission for freight transport applications and its impact on sustainability in supply chains was another case study. This policy instrument has had significant impacts across multiple domains, such as increasing time effectiveness, reducing costs, and increasing transparency in shipping and port clearances.
Lessons learned and the way forward
There is a need to understand the specific digital trade policy instruments that promote sustainable development. It is critical to acknowledge key differences and similarities between trade and digital trade policy to strategically leverage their interlinkage to achieve the SDGs. Social development works in tandem with economic progress.
A key concern is the lack of data on cross-border e-commerce in the Asia-Pacific and Latin America regions, which hinders the implementation and evaluation of programs designed to promote the participation and productivity of small and medium enterprises (SMEs).
More concerted efforts to improve data measurement through private-public partnerships could be a possible policy intervention to address this issue. States should establish effective monitoring systems by improving the availability of economic statistics and third-party evaluations for measuring the progress and impact of SME support programs.
However, given the diversity in operations of SMEs across sectors, it is essential to devise and tailor policies that cater to their specific needs and realities.
There is also a need for sharing real-world examples of successful government initiatives and SME support programs so neighboring countries can draw lessons from them. There are doubts about the long-term usefulness of stand-alone Digital Economy Agreements (DEAs) due to the lack of stringent legal provisions for possible breaches, unlike market-access free trade agreements (FTAs).
Lastly, the United States, which has played a pivotal role in advocating for an open global trade environment, gradually step back from its position, it is time to rethink the leadership that would guide the establishment of digital trade provisions in the future.
This involves showcasing how digital trade rules will be established and enforced moving forward. Who will provide such public goods for digital trade is a major question facing the global economy.
Given its rapid digital-economy growth, significant market size, and increasing influence in global digital trade, should that leadership come from the Asia-Pacific region?
Witada Anukoonwattaka is Economic Affairs Officer, Trade Investment and Innovation Division, ESCAP; Preety Bhogal is Consultant, Trade Investment and Innovation Division, ESCAP.
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The journalists gather in front of Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital to commemorate their friends, Al Jazeera reporter Ismail al-Ghoul and cameraman Rami al-Rifi, who lost their lives in Israeli army attack on a moving vehicle in the Al-Shati refugee camp, in Deir al-Balah, Gaza on July 31, 2024. Source: Middle East Monitor. Credit: Ashraf Amra, Anadolu Agency
By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Aug 12 2024 (IPS)
The growing number of killings of Palestinian journalists in Gaza has triggered a demand for a cut-off in US arms supplies to Israel.
A letter addressed to US Secretary of State Antony Blinken—and signed by scores of reporters, news outlets and journalist unions— says Israel has killed more than 165 Palestinian journalists since October 7 last year.
Initiated by three international organizations — Defending Rights & Dissent, the Courage Foundation, and Roots Action— the letter says: “This is the largest recorded number of journalists killed in any war.”
While Israel’s indiscriminate bombing of the densely populated Gaza means no civilians are safe, Israel has also been repeatedly documented deliberately targeting journalists, says the letter.
“Israel’s military actions are not possible without U.S. weapons, U.S. military aid, and U.S. diplomatic support. By providing the weapons being used to deliberately kill journalists, you are complicit in one of the gravest affronts to press freedom today”, says the letter, currently in circulation, and addressed to Blinken.
Sarah Leah Whitson, Executive Director, Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN), told IPS despite pleas of the international community to suspend arms to Israel in the face of its unprecedented atrocities against Palestinians in Gaza, including the killing of over 165 Palestinian journalists, it beggars the imagination that Biden is now seeking to sell Israel new weaponry to facilitate even more slaughter.
On August 9, the U.S. State Department officially notified Congress of its intent to proceed with a new authorization for weapons to Israel, including 6,500 Joint Direct Attack Munitions (JDAMs) guidance kits to Israel, despite extensive evidence documenting the Israel Defense Force’s (IDF) use of U.S. weapons to carry out war crimes and crimes against humanity, said DAWN, in a press release Friday.
This “is a slap in the face of humanity and all the values we hold dear,” Whitson said.
Blinken also announced his decision not to sanction the IDF’s notorious Netzah Yehuda battalion, despite credible evidence of its systematic and gross human rights violations in the occupied West Bank, in violation of strict U.S. laws requiring the imposition of such sanctions.
“It is mind-boggling that despite the overwhelming evidence of the IDF’s unprecedented crimes in Gaza that has shocked the conscience of the entire world, the Biden administration is greenlighting the transfer of additional lethal weapons to Israel,” said Whitson.
“It is hard to comprehend how the Biden administration can justify rewarding Israel with new weapons, despite Israel’s persistent defiance of every single plea the Biden administration has made urging a modicum of restraint, and despite the very apparent fact that such sales violate black letter U.S. laws prohibiting weapons to gross abusers like Israel,” she pointed out.
Meanwhile, as of August 9, 2024, preliminary investigations by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) showed at least 113 journalists and media workers were among the more than 40,000 killed since the war began, making it the deadliest period for journalists since CPJ began gathering data in 1992.
Journalists in Gaza face particularly high risks as they try to cover the conflict during the Israeli ground assault, including devastating Israeli airstrikes, disrupted communications, supply shortages, and extensive power outages, CPJ said.
This has meant that it is becoming increasingly hard to document the situation, and CPJ is investigating almost 350 additional cases of potential killings, arrests and injuries.
Dr Ramzy Baroud, a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle, told IPS Israel has killed, as of last week, 168 Palestinian journalists, the same way it has killed over 200 aid workers, hundreds of doctors, medics and people from every category and background. None of this is coincidental.
A simple proof that Israel deliberately targets journalists is the fact that it habitually produces and promotes stories that justify their murder, often accusing them of terrorism. Israel is yet to provide a single set of credible evidence against any of the killed journalists, he said.
On October 11, Israeli President Yitzhak Herzog had said “there are no innocent civilians in Gaza”. This disturbing Israeli logic applies to all Palestinians in the Strip, including journalists.
“Israel must be held accountable to its ongoing murder of journalists. But a huge responsibility falls on the shoulders of journalists and media organizations around the world, who often ignore the very murder of their colleagues in Gaza, let alone circulate Israeli’s unfounded accusations often without questioning its credibility or merit,” he said.
The fact that Gazans continue to report on their own genocide by Israel is heroic beyond words. But they must not be disowned, and must not continue to report and die alone without a true international solidarity that could hold their murderers to account, said Dr. Baroud, who is also a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA).
Dr. James Jennings, President, Conscience International, told IPS the heroic martyrs of the free press in Gaza deserve to be honored by all humanity, at the very least with the Nobel Peace Prize. Standing under the bombs, reporting the truth, then paying with your life is a superhuman act of courage.
The job of journalists is simply to journal–to shine a light on the truth by writing down or telling what they see on the battlefield. Killing the messengers is a sign that the perpetrators fear them and their influence, he pointed out.
Deception and lies are major part of war. How else could people slaughter myriads of others and do it with impunity?, he asked.
But truth has two sides–sending and receiving. Refusing to credit honest reporters means that we really don’t want to hear what they are saying anyway. Choosing to believe lies because we want them to be true is what enables wars to continue.
“Even worse than lying to the enemy is lying to yourself. Attempting to cover the plain truth by denying facts or looking the other way is tantamount to insanity. When will Americans stop lying to themselves and start believing their own ideals?”, asked Dr Jennings.
Ibrahim Hooper, National Communication Director at the Washington-based Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the nation’s largest Muslim civil rights and advocacy organization, said: “The only thing that can explain the shocking silence of American and international media professionals about the mass killing of their Palestinian colleagues is the decades-long and systematic dehumanization of the Palestinian people, in which the lives of Palestinians have lesser or no value. Journalists worldwide must begin to speak out about these killings and about the Israeli genocide in Gaza.”
In a press release last week, the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) said it is monitoring attacks and threats against journalists.
The agency noted that in recent months, multiple journalists covering protests in different parts of the world have been subjected to various forms of attacks, including killings, injuries, arbitrary detentions, and confiscation of their equipment, while exercising their rightful duties as journalists.
UNESCO recalls “that all authorities concerned have the duty and responsibility to ensure the safety of journalists covering protests around the world, in accordance with international norms and human rights obligations”.
The joint letter to Blinken says Israel has gone to great lengths to suppress media coverage of its war in Gaza, imposing military censorship on both its own journalists and international reporters operating in the country; and, with Egypt’s help, blocking all foreign journalists from Gaza. Israel shut down Al Jazeera, raided its office, seized its equipment, and blocked its broadcasts and website within Israel.
The world relies only on the Palestinian journalists in Gaza to report the truth about the war and Israel’s widespread violations of international law.
“Israel’s deliberate targeting of these journalists seems intended to impose a near blackout on coverage of its assault on Gaza. Investigations by United Nations bodies, NGOs, and media organizations, have all found instances of deliberate targeting of journalists.
In a joint statement, five UN special rapporteurs declared: “We have received disturbing reports that, despite being clearly identifiable in jackets and helmets marked “press” or traveling in well-marked press vehicles, journalists have come under attack, which would seem to indicate that the killings, injury, and detention are a deliberate strategy by Israeli forces to obstruct the media and silence critical reporting.”
Meanwhile, under international law, the intentional targeting of journalists is considered a war crime. While all governments are bound by international law protecting reporters, U.S. domestic law also prohibits the State Department from providing assistance to units of foreign security forces credibly accused of gross violations of human rights. Israel’s well-documented pattern of extrajudicial executions of journalists is a gross violation of human rights.
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Ships await their turn to cross the Panama Canal from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean. Credit: Emilio Godoy / IPS
By Emilio Godoy
PANAMA, Aug 9 2024 (IPS)
In 2021, the Panama Canal welcomed a French experimental ship on a world tour, the Energy Observer, the first electric vessel powered by a combination of renewable energies and a hydrogen production system based on seawater.
The vessel exemplifies Panama’s aspiration to become a regional hub for hydrogen, the most abundant gas on the planet, but faces the existential decision of whether to generate it from renewable energy or fossil gas.
This Central American nation of just over four million people is developing, albeit belatedly, the first phase of its roadmap to materialise the National Green Hydrogen and Derivatives Strategy, approved in 2023.
For Juan Lucero, coordinator of the Ministry of the Environment’s National Climate Transparency Platform, green hydrogen would be the best option, given its renewable energy, strategic position and the influence of international policies to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in sea transport.
“Panama has natural gas, and companies are interested in taking part in this business, in this case blue hydrogen. If Panama wants to be a hub, then blue is a good option,” he told IPS."For Panama, it has always been a priority to provide services, to be an energy hub. We have tradition, experience, history, as a hub for supplying bunker ships. The idea is to achieve that transition”: Juan Lucero.
He stressed that “for Panama, it has always been a priority to provide services, to be an energy hub. We have tradition, experience, history, as a hub for supplying bunker (a petroleum distillate) ships. The idea is to achieve that transition.”
The production of hydrogen, which the fossil fuel industry has been using for decades, has now been transformed into a coloured palette, depending on its origin.
Thus, “grey” comes from gas and depends on adapting pipelines to transport it.
By comparison, “blue” has the same origin, but the carbon dioxide (CO2) emanating from it is captured by plants. Production is based on steam methane reforming, which involves mixing the first gas with the second and heating it to obtain a synthesis gas. However, this releases CO2, the main GHG responsible for global warming.
Meanwhile, “green” hydrogen is obtained through electrolysis, separating it from the oxygen in water by means of an electric current.
The latter type joins the range of clean sources to drive energy transition away from fossil fuels and thus develop a low-carbon economy. Today, however, hydrogen is still largely derived from fossil fuels.
In its different colours, Panama joins Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay in having national hydrogen policies.
Penonomé wind farm, located in the central Panamanian province of Coclé. Credit: Emilio Godoy / IPS
Ambition
In 2022, the Panamanian government created the High Level Green Hydrogen and Green Hydrogen Technical committees to drive the roadmap in that direction.
But it has not made progress in the creation of free zones for trade and storage of green hydrogen and derivatives; updating regulations; and encouraging port activities to use electric vehicles, install decentralised solar systems, introduce energy efficiency and generate heat through solar thermal energy.
The green hydrogen strategy approved in 2023 includes eight targets and 30 lines of action, foreseeing the annual production of 500,000 tonnes of this energy and derivatives, to cover 5% of the shipping fuel supply by 2030.
In 20 years, the estimate rises to the supply of 40% of shipping fuels.
But this potential would require 67 gigawatts (Gw) of installed renewable capacity, which is a substantial deployment in a country whose economy is highly dependent on the activity of the inter-oceanic canal between the Pacific and the Atlantic, inaugurated in 1914 and expanded a century later, in a project that doubled its capacity and came into operation in 2016.
In 2023, the Panamanian energy mix relied on hydropower, gas, wind, bunker, solar and diesel, with an installed capacity of 3.47 Gw at the start of 2024. Panama currently has at least 31 photovoltaic plants and three wind farms.
Electricity generation accounted for some 24 million tonnes of CO2 emissions in 2021, with the largest contributors being energy (70%) and agriculture (20%).
But in 2023, the country declared itself carbon neutral, i.e. its forests capture the pollution released into the atmosphere, having a negative balance in GHG emissions.
The national strategy includes the construction of a 160 megawatt (MW) solar plant and an 18 MW wind power farm in the centre-south of the country, as well as a second 290 MW photovoltaic plant in the northern province of Colón.
In this province, a green ammonia production plant is planned to supply the future demand for shipping fuel, with an annual production of 65,000 tonnes and an investment of US$ 500 million.
The global shipping sector considers hydrogen, ammonia and its derivative, methanol, to be viable. The latter, which is also used to make fertilisers, explosives and other commodities, can be obtained from green hydrogen.
A demand of up to 280,000 tonnes of green ammonia per year is projected by 2040, which would require the installation of 4.2 Gw of electrolysis.
Leonardo Beltrán, a non-resident researcher at the non-governmental Institute of the Americas, told IPS about the process of building strategies, institutional vision, and short, medium and long-term goals.
“They have taken giant steps in a relatively short period of time. They already have the infrastructure, the canal. If that demand is met, it could be a game changer. If you can connect the canal to other ports, to the United States or Europe, they could very well have that (green) corridor that would anchor a relevant demand. That would boost on-site and also regional generation,” he said from Mexico City.
With support from the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), Panama is developing pre-feasibility projects on the production of green hydrogen, its conversion to ammonia and the installation of an ammonia dispatch station as a clean shipping fuel, and on the production of green aviation paraffin.
The roadmap found to be more feasible the production of hydrogen in Panama, the import of green ammonia and the processing of green shipping fuel.
Panama aspires to become a regional hub for green hydrogen, obtained from water and renewable energy sources, including gas and ammonia production plants. Infographic: National Energy Board
Also, the country is considering manufacturing green paraffin for aviation, given that it hosts an air transport hub in the region, although testing is in its infancy and involves a much longer process than in the case of shipping.
Harmonisation
The hydrogen strategy is a function of Panama’s logistical, energy and climate change needs.
Panama currently has 10 tax-free fossil fuel areas, with storage capacity of more than 30 million barrels (159 litre) equivalent and one liquefied fossil gas area, which are tax exempt and could be the model for future hydrogen generation areas.
In 2021, the country shipped 42.79 million tonnes of fuel to more than 44,000 vessels, a figure that will grow by 2030. By comparison, hydrogen passing through the canal would total 81.84 million tonnes in 2030 and 190.96 million in 2050.
In its voluntary climate contributions under the Paris Agreement, Panama pledged to reduce total emissions from the energy sector by at least 11.5% in 2030, from its 2019 level, and by 24% in 2050.
In parallel, as of 2021, the Panama Canal, through which 6% of world trade passes, is implementing its own Sustainable Development and Decarbonisation Strategy.
The autonomous Panama Canal Authority’s plan includes the introduction of electric vehicles, tugboats and boats using alternative fuels; the replacement of fossil electricity with photovoltaics and the use of hydropower, to become carbon neutral by 2030, with an investment of some US$8.5 billion over the next five years.
The canal reduces some 16 million tonnes of CO2 each year.
Tolls and shipping services are its biggest sources of revenue, and thus the importance of developing shipping fuels based on clean hydrogen.
In the first nine months of 2023, 210.73 million long tons (1,016 kilograms) went through the interoceanic infrastructure, down from 218.44 million in the same period in 2022.
Of the total cargoes, one third are fossil fuels. Container, chemical, gas and bulk carriers are the main transports.
Lucero said the country is looking for investments in renewable energy, particularly green hydrogen.
“This market has to be developed in an orderly way. Demand has to be driven; otherwise, the investment will not be profitable. There are uncertainties, but the line that has been taken is that hydrogen is the future and we want to break away from being followers to become leaders, to seize the moment to develop and be prepared when the boom arrives,” he stressed.
For expert Beltrán, if the government that took office on 1 July follows this route, it would send a strong signal to the sector and thus pull the shipping sector toward energy transition.
“Replacing imports with local product is more convenient, and the way would be with the available, renewable resource. That would impact local development and contribute to the energy transition agenda,” he said.
Record-breaking rainfall and flooding are increasingly threatening our ability to grow essential crops like wheat, soybeans, and maize. Credit: Shutterstock
By Esther Ngumbi
URBANA, Illinois, US, Aug 9 2024 (IPS)
Tropical Storm Debby has resulted in record-setting rain and flooding events across several States, including Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina and parts of Georgia and left a trail of damage including leaving Florida crops flooded.
Record-breaking rain, flooding events, and other weather impacts people and our ability to grow crops successfully, including wheat, soybeans, maize, and vegetable crops such as tomatoes, which we depend on to meet human food security and nutrition needs.
In the US Midwest, for example, flooding events of 2019 resulted in economic impacts exceeding 6-8 billion USD. In 2023, weather-related disasters resulted in over $21 billion in crop losses. On the African continent, a recent study found that record-breaking rainfall and flooding events contributed to food insecurity.
Predictably, like humans, plants, including maize, soybeans, and tomatoes, are sensitive to flooding. I have seen firsthand the detrimental impacts flooding has on crops such as maize and tomato as a child growing up on a farm in Kenya and today as a University Professor and a researcher at the University of Illinois Urbana Champaign working on a flooding field study that the United States Department of Agriculture funds.
Future climate projections reveal that record-breaking flooding events will happen more frequently. We must build a comprehensive understanding of flooding. Investing in research and involving all stakeholders is the way forward
During flooding, plant growth and development are impacted by the deprivation of oxygen, an essential and indispensable element that powers all critical below-and-aboveground plant life-sustaining metabolic and physiological processes, including respiration and photosynthesis.
Ultimately, depending on several factors, including crop genetics, soil and agricultural management practices, temperatures, and crop stage, when flooding happens, plant development and growth are impacted with consequences for yield crop supply and food nutrition and security.
There is an urgent need to understand flooding’s impacts on agriculturally relevant crops. Importantly, actionable plans and strategies must be implemented to strengthen crops’ resilience to record-breaking events. What can then be done?
To implement actionable strategies against flooding and its detrimental impacts on plants, federal funding agencies, including the United States Department of Agriculture and the National Science Foundation, must invest in flooding research.
First, we must understand the short and long-term impacts of flooding on all crops. How do diverse crop varieties grown today across different environments respond to flooding? Such research would be instrumental in picking out flooding-resistant varieties and unpacking the characteristics and traits, including crop genetics, that underpin flooding resilience.
Such intelligence would then be used to breed climate-resilient crop varieties that can tolerate flooding and thrive under other climate-associated stressors now and into the future.
Second, we must understand the impacts flooding has on soil health, soil biology, and below-ground microorganisms that underpin plants and soil health. Healthy soil is a dynamic matrix that houses microorganisms, including bacteria and fungi, that play diverse functions, including nutrient cycling, nitrogen fixation, promoting plant growth, and suppressing disease-causing pathogens.
Emerging research has revealed that during flooding, in response to declining oxygen levels, soil undergoes dramatic changes in its physical, chemical, and biological properties, including soil pH and nutrient concentrations.
Further, research evidence reveals the accumulation of toxic compounds such as manganese and hydrogen sulfide that can harm soil microbial communities. How long these flooding-induced and associated soil changes last and their impacts on beneficial soil microbe communities across different environments remain largely unknown.
In parallel, we need to understand the role that crop and soil management practices touted as regenerative play in mitigating flooding impacts on plants.
Ultimately, flooding research should be steered towards coming up with flooding solutions. What target solutions can be implemented after flooding to steer soils, soil microbiomes, and plants toward recovery? It will require a transdisciplinary approach, collaborative research, and the participation of all stakeholders- farmers, researchers, funding agencies, the private sector, government, and humanitarian organizations.
To be sure, short-term aid efforts that have traditionally occurred when flooding occurs, including actions taken by Florida, are necessary. Still, to face the reality of more flooding in the future, we need more research.
Future climate projections reveal that record-breaking flooding events will happen more frequently. We must build a comprehensive understanding of flooding. Investing in research and involving all stakeholders is the way forward.
Esther Ngumbi, PhD is Assistant Professor, Department of Entomology, African American Studies Department, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
The extreme heat adversely affected the milk production of the over 800,000 cattle in Karachi. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS
By Zofeen Ebrahim
KARACHI, Pakistan, Aug 9 2024 (IPS)
The over 20 million residents of Pakistan’s port city of Karachi, in Sindh province in particular, have been experiencing brutal heat since May. But they are not the only ones bearing the brunt of high temperatures and humidity.
Up to 15,000 cattle died due to scorching heat mixed with high humidity which Shakir Umar Gujjar, president of the Cattle and Dairy Farmers Association, Pakistan, said was “no joke”.
Mubashir Abbas, owner of 170 heads, lost eight cows and five buffaloes to the “extreme heat” in the last week of June, which translates to a loss of Rs 5.5 million (USD 19,800) for him.
“Three more are running high fever and I will have to sell them to cut my losses,” he told IPS over phone from Bhains Colony, in Karachi’s Landhi district. “I will fetch no more than Rs 40,000 (USD 143) a piece, when the market rate for each healthy one is valued between Rs 1.5 and 2 million (USD 5,300–7,000),” he estimated. Every now and then, in the last 23 years, he would lose a few to disease, but he had never “seen a healthy animal dying from heat.”
Livestock, the largest sub-sector in agriculture, contributed 60.84 percent to agriculture and 14.63 percent to the country’s GDP during 2023-2024, according to the Pakistan Economic Survey. More than eight million rural families are engaged in livestock production, accounting for 35-40 percent of their total income.
About 15,000 cattle died due scorching heat mixed with high humidity in Sindh province, Pakistan. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS
“From June 23 to 30, Karachi experienced a heatwave with temperatures ranging between 40 and 42 °C. The ‘feel-like’ temperature went up to 54 °C due to high humidity,” said Dr. Sardar Sarfaraz, chief meteorologist at the Pakistan Meteorological Department.
Dr. Nazeer Hussain Kalhoro, director general at the government’s Sindh Institute of Animal Health in the Livestock and Fisheries Department in Karachi, attributed extreme heat to the death of livestock, especially exotic and crossed breeds.
The temperature was still lower than the deadly 2015 heatwave temperature of 44.8 °C that claimed over 2,000 human lives when the feel-like heat index exceeded 60 °C, said Sarfaraz. “A much bigger number of animals died then, and many young animals had to be slaughtered,” said Gujjar.
The heat had adversely affected the milk production of the over 800,000 cattle in Karachi, said Gujjar. “When an animal is in stress and discomfort, due to extreme heat, its intake of regular amount of fodder decreases, which can result in decrease in milk production,” said Kalhoro.
“I was getting between 1,400 and 1,480 kg in a day; it is not more than 960 kg now. I lose 0.11 million rupees (USD 400) daily,” said Abbas.
Communication Gap
The lack of engagement with the farmer by the government was the reason. Gujjar said the communication gap between the ministry of national food security and research at the federal level and the livestock departments at the provincial departments meant the uneducated farmer was on his own.
“The biggest tragedy is that our farmer is not educated and also unaware of how to prepare or protect the animal from the vagaries of climate,” said Gujjar, adding: “They do their own traditional treatment of their animals, which results in even more avoidable deaths.”
Similar is the plight of small farmers who remain in the eye of the climate storm. “They are continuously in a reactive mode,” said Mahmood Nawaz Shah, president of a farmers’ group, the Sindh Abadgar Board, with “government policies not conducive to them”.
Giving examples, Shah said the minimum price of cotton was fixed and notified at Rs 8,500/kg (UAD 30) but growers received Rs 5,200/kg (USD 18); a 50-kilo bag of urea increased from Rs 1,700 to Rs 4,600 (USD 6 to 16) in just three years; and the artificial shortage for the same last year meant the farmer had to pay Rs 5,500 for the same bag from the black market.
“We had recommended to the government to develop a climate endowment fund and compensate small farmers by involving insurance companies as soon as extreme events lead to crop and livestock losses,” said Shah.
Both the farmers, Gujjar and Shah, have hit the nail on the head on why Pakistan, one of the most vulnerable to climate crises, is unable to manage it effectively. The disconnect and lack of coordination between different federal and their related provincial government bodies is found across the spectrum and is highlighted in the 2024 Climate Change Performance Index (CCPI) as a major reason that hampered policy implementation, placing Pakistan on the 30th position among 63 countries and the EU, which collectively account for over 90 percent of global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. “Improved cooperation between different levels of government would be a step in the right direction,” it concluded.
Similarly, the 2024 Environmental Performance Index that assesses the progress of effectiveness of 180 countries in mitigating climate change, relying on historical greenhouse gas emissions data, put Pakistan three rungs down at 179th rank this year from the 176th position it held in 2022.
Indifference and Apathy
Both the CCPI and the EPI are a clear giveaway of government’s nonchalance. The latter index has especially pointed to areas like air pollution, wastewater treatment, protected areas management and climate mitigation.
“The country is slipping on most environmental indicators,” agreed former climate change minister, Malik Amin Aslam, pointing to the weak air pollution control measures, non-adherence to the electric vehicles transition and failure to promote renewables. From being a country championing the global green cause in 2022 to now “ignominiously slipping down the environmental performance ladder” should certainly raise alarm bells for our current green policy makers, warned Aslam.
The 2022 floods, which should have acted as a wake-up call for the government, he said, failed to move the government towards preparedness and improving the health of the environment.
Maha Qasim, CEO of Zero-Point Partners, an environmental management and consulting firm, said: “No significant effort had been made in building climate-resilient infrastructure like roads, drainage systems and flood management facilities like levees or reservoirs.
The EPI has pointed towards Pakistan’s use of coal as a driver.
Putting things in perspective, Qasim said that in 2021, only around 14% of Pakistan’s energy mix was based on coal, while it figured 45 percent and 63 percent in India’s and Estonia’s energy mix. But in the last two years, Pakistan’s overall GHG emissions as well as CO2 have declined, due to “Pakistan’s overall performance capita emissions from fossil fuels and industry have declined due to stagnant economic growth,” she said.
Thus, Pakistan is well within its carbon budget and has met its Nationally Determined Contribution commitments to the UNFCCC.
The updated NDCs of 2021 have pledged to reduce emissions by 50%, shifting to renewable energy by 60 percent and 30 percent to electric vehicles by 2030, and a complete ban on importing coal.
Poor transport fuel regulations, old and inefficient vehicles on the road, mass cutting down of trees to make way for rapid urbanization, burning of agricultural residue and poor solid waste management have also been mentioned for Pakistan’s poor score.
Aslam, however, said the index failed to “register or recognize” Pakistan’s efforts on reforestation—the Billion Tree Tsunami Afforestation Project in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, followed by 10 Billion Tree Tsunami Programme across the country. “The EPI ranking can certainly enhance its acceptability and credibility by improving these areas,” he said.
Weak Governance
Sobia Kapadia, a humanitarian aid practitioner, added factors like “weak governance, turning to fire-fighting and ad-hoc measures” whenever a climate crisis arises, thereby destroying the symbiosis.
“Heat, rain and floods are all connected to the core issue of human-induced development; but blaming heat and humidity on climate change is like blaming the naughtiest child,” said Kapadia, citing resorts being constructed in the mountains by cutting trees.
In yet another recent report that gives insights to investors and helps governments in setting carbon market-friendly policies, Pakistan comes 39th out of 40 countries.
Khalid Waleed, an energy economics expert at the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI), was quoted by media saying “for the first time in budget history, the government has tagged projects worth Rs53 billion under climate change adaptation and Rs225 billion under climate change mitigation,” referring to the budget presented earlier this month. However, he added that the budget was not climate change project-specific but had been tagged for their climate benefits.
Zia ul Islam finds the budget allocation “rather tricky” to understand as it not only indicates development projects from the Ministry of Planning Development & Special Initiatives, but foreign-funded projects and projects under various ministries and provinces.
Environmental and public policy analyst Dawar Butt, comparing the country’s miniscule environmental spending to India and Bangladesh, said climate did not seem to be a priority. He further added that the climate change allocation has been “cut down by one billion rupees from what finally got approved in this year’s budget.”
Handling Climate Change on Piecemeal Basis
But it is not just how the government is handling climate change. Referring to a climate risk awareness survey conducted by GIZ Pakistan, Qasim highlighted that while many organizations are beginning to acknowledge the impact of climate change on their business models, their approach towards dealing with it was “incomplete and fragmented with a focus on climate mitigation” to meet external requirements of clients or regulators rather than on long-term business sustainability.
Due to the funding fatigue, Zia ul Islam suggested the “begging attitude” may be replaced by capacity building of concerned authorities, bringing in necessary improvements in the legal instruments and effective implementation.”
Good News
If Pakistan can somehow link smooth governance with climate finance and showcase to the world that it can fund its own climate solutions, it will give local and international companies the confidence to invest in the country. This year’s Financing Climate Action report by Transparency International states Pakistan has a huge potential to “dollarize climate adaptive and mitigative projects” provided climate governance is improved.
Flood insurance initiatives for farmers, for example, said Qasim, at very low markup rates, have the potential to be “scaled up across the country to increase flood resilience.”
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Indigenous Livelihoods Enhancement Partners, a 2024 Equator Prize winner, fosters sustainable livelihoods and climate resilience in Kenya's Maasai pastoral community through programmes such as tree nurseries, beekeeping, and hay production, all while integrating Indigenous knowledge. Credit: UNDP Equator Initiative/Francisco Galeazzi
By Jamison Ervin and Anna Giulia Medri
UNITED NATIONS, Aug 9 2024 (IPS)
This year’s Equator Prize winners are the antidote we need in a world of crisis. Earlier this year, the World Economic Forum released its annual Risk Report. The key findings highlighted the inescapable trend over the past decade that we are facing a global polycrisis, in which problems of biodiversity loss, climate change, inequality, water scarcity and conflict are increasingly indivisible, simultaneous, and systemic.
The term polycrisis is increasingly starting to show up in global discourse. The Financial Times cited “polycrisis” as the ‘year in a word’ for 2023.
The linkages between nature and climate are particularly intertwined. If protected, restored and well-managed, nature can provide more than a third of our climate mitigation needs, and is essential to be able to adapt to climate impacts.
On the other hand, current practices of forestry, land conversion and conventional agriculture are responsible for up to a quarter of all greenhouse gas emissions. Simply put, there is no chance of achieving a 1.5C degree future without a reset in how we think about, value, and manage nature.
To tackle our nature and climate crisis, we need integrated, multi-faceted solutions that restore our planet, tackle climate change, and help people thrive. We need signposts — practical examples — to show how we can implement integrated solutions that protect and restore nature, keep carbon in the ground, buffer communities, and sustain livelihoods, water security and wellbeing.
Integrated solutions for nature and climate are especially critical for the more than three billion people who depend on nature directly for their livelihoods and daily needs, who are at the frontlines facing the impacts of climate change and biodiversity loss, and who are best positioned to effect local solutions.
The theme of this year’s Equator Prize was “Nature for Climate Action.” The 11 winners, selected from more than 600 nominations, exemplify the transformative potential of Indigenous and locally-led nature-based solutions in combating the climate crisis.
Hailing from Brazil, Bangladesh, Colombia, Iran, Kenya, Morocco, Senegal, and Zambia, they champion initiatives that not only protect, conserve, and restore ecosystems but also integrate nature into planning frameworks, enhance resilience to the impacts of climate change, and promote a fair, inclusive, and circular green economy.
In Brazil, the União dos Povos Indígenas do Vale do Javari, an Indigenous-led non-profit organization representing Brazil’s second largest Indigenous territory in the 8.5-million-hectare Javari Valley, is working to defend constitutional rights, preserve traditional knowledge, and safeguard their shared territory.
In Colombia, the Federación Mesa Nacional del Café (FEMNCAFÉ) comprises 28 coffee associations, championing the economic, social, and community reintegration of signatories of the Colombian peace agreement alongside local communities.
By reducing inequality among coffee farmers, democratizing technical knowledge, and promoting climate-resilient agriculture, they tackle agrarian disparity, stimulating rural economies, and confronting the challenges of climate change head-on.
In Kenya, the Indigenous Livelihoods Enhancement Partners (ILEPA) focuses on environmental conservation and sustainable development for the Maasai community, expanding land rights advocacy, addressing climate change and biodiversity loss, and promoting nature-based livelihoods.
And in Bangladesh, the Sundarbans Eco Village in Bangladesh, is restoring mangrove forests, securing fisheries livelihoods, expanding ecotourism and strengthening climate resilience.
The Equator Prize winners show the world how to implement integrated solutions that deliver on nature protection, restoration, and management, tackle our climate crisis, and attain local sustainable development goals. But we also have an unprecedented global opportunity to follow their lead.
Over the next 18 months, nearly every country will be refining both their national biodiversity plans and their national climate plans, with the opportunity to align these plans and make bold advances in both nature and climate.
If the ‘word in a year’ for 2023 was polycrisis, let’s hope that the ‘word in a year’ for 2025 is “polysolutions,” where at every level, from local to national to global, the world recognizes, champions and implements solutions, plans, commitments and actions that are integrated, multi-faceted and aligned, delivering on nature, climate and people.
This year’s Equator Prize winners are already showing us the way forward!
Jamison Ervin is Manager, Global Programme on Nature for Development, UNDP; Anna Giulia Medri is Senior Programme Officer, Equator Initiative, UNDP.
Source: UNDP
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Education Cannot Wait announces USD 2 million First Emergency Response Grant in Gaza. Credit: ECW
By IPS Correspondent
JOHANNESBURG, Aug 8 2024 (IPS)
Since October 2023, 625,000 children enrolled in schools across Gaza have had no access to education, and more than 370 schools have sustained damage from attacks, according to the United Nations.
Now, in support of efforts to provide girls and boys with access to quality educational opportunities and mental health services, Education Cannot Wait (ECW) announced today a USD 2 million First Emergency Response Grant in Gaza.
“2.2 million Palestinians in Gaza are in the midst of an epic humanitarian catastrophe, facing inhumane conditions. There is unprecedented violence in modern times, starvation, famine and disease. Desperation and scarcity have led to a total breakdown of the lives of children and adolescents,” Yasmine Sherif, Executive Director of Education Cannot Wait, the Global Fund for Education in Emergencies and Protracted Crises within the United Nations, said when announcing the fast-acting 12-month grant.
The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), which aims to improve learning conditions for children and adolescents in Gaza, will deliver the grant through its ongoing Better Learning Programme in Palestine.
“Today, we are calling on world leaders to support diplomatic efforts to ensure the unconditional release of all hostages now, create a lasting ceasefire, provide safe and unimpeded access for humanitarian aid, ensure full adherence to international humanitarian law by all parties to the conflict, and a realization of a political and peaceful solution,” Sherif said.
Jan Egeland, the NRC’s Secretary General, committed the council to supporting the children of Gaza.
“The children of Gaza continue to face unimaginable horrors. It has taken an appalling toll on young people, many of whom have lived through numerous previous conflicts, leaving many thousands dead, injured and orphaned. This grant from ECW will enable the first steps in restoring mental health and learning services. But it represents a drop in an ocean of needs in Gaza. The children and young people who have suffered during this unprecedented conflict must not be forgotten—they will need sustained support for years to come, and NRC will do all it can to provide this. We call on funders to prioritize children in Gaza in order to protect their futures,” Egeland said.
The grant brings ECW funding in the State of Palestine to approximately USD 36 million.
Even before the start of the recent unprecedented hostilities, an estimated 800,000 children in Gaza—three-quarters of its entire child population—had already been identified as needing mental health and psychosocial support, ECW said in a press statement.
“By investing in a minimum continuation of learning and mental health and psychosocial support for the children and adolescents of Gaza, we are trying to do what we possibly can to mitigate their suffering and bring whatever hope we can to these young people,” Sherif added.
United Nations reports indicate that grave human rights and humanitarian law violations against children are rampant in Gaza. Hundreds of girls and boys are reportedly being killed or injured every day. “Right now, the Gaza Strip is the most dangerous place in the world to be a child,” according to UNICEF.
The grant brings the total ECW funding in the State of Palestine to approximately USD 36 million, including a USD 10 million First Emergency Response Grant.
ECW has provided continuous funding for education in the State of Palestine since 2019.
ECW joined United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres in calling on donors to scale up funding to meet the critical needs of 3.1 million people across the State of Palestine. We must bridge the funding gap to secure the needed USD3.42 billion.
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Living on 37 hectares of land, the people of Anuta in Solomon Islands depend entirely on their marine resources for survival. To adapt to climate change, they build sea walls that stop the incoming waves during cyclones or high swell, protecting their homes and outrigger fishing canoes, which are the most important asset on Anuta island. Credit: Zahiyd Namo/Solomon Islands
By IPS Correspondent
PACIFIC ISLANDS, Aug 8 2024 (IPS)
The Pacific Community’s photographic competition winners reflect the devastating climate impacts on beautiful and sensitive environments, documenting the most pressing issues the communities who live on the islands face today.
The images will be used to illustrate the soon-to-be published book: Climate change implications for fisheries and aquaculture in the Pacific Islands region. The governments of Australia and New Zealand supported the international team of experts who chose the work in collaboration with SPC.
IPS today publishes a selection of these winning photographs.
Sinking Islands of Kove. For thousands of people, the islands of the Kove region have been a place to call home. As populations increase, more homes are built above the water. However, due to poor infrastructure and decreasing land mass, their homes are now threatened by rising sea levels and unpredictable weather patterns. Credit: Tiana Reimann/Papua New Guinea
At low tide, an i-Taukei fisherwoman gathers cockles along the Nasese sea wall, a tradition weathered by time and tide. Her resilience mirrors the struggle of Pacific communities against rising seas and shifting ecosystems, illustrating the intimate connection between climate change and traditional fisheries. Credit: Josh Kuilamu/Fiji
A fisherman casts his net over a muddy, silt-laden reef, highlighting the stark effects of climate change in Yuru Harbour, East Kwaio, Malaita Province, Solomon Islands. Rising temperatures and altered rainfall patterns have led to increased siltation and disrupted fisheries and aquaculture, threatening marine ecosystems and traditional livelihoods dependent on fishing. Credit: Zorik Olangi/Solomon Islands
Water floods in, showing how nature and people are at risk. Trees can’t grow because of salt, leaving no protection. This photo warns about climate change’s effect on our islands and atolls. It’s a clear sign we need to act to keep our world safe. Credit: Gitty Keziah Yee/Tuvalu
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Global Cybercrime Treaty: A delicate balance between security and human rights. Credit: Unsplash/Jefferson Santos Via UN News
By Thalif Deen
Aug 8 2024 (IPS)
A new UN Cybercrime Treaty, which is expected to be adopted by the UN General Assembly later this year, is being denounced by over 100 human rights activists and civil society organizations (CSOs) as a potential tool for government repression.
The treaty is expected to be adopted by a UN Ad Hoc Committee later this week and move to the 193-member General Assembly for final approval.
Deborah Brown, Deputy Director for Technology, Rights, and Investigations at Human Rights Watch (HRW), told IPS governments would then need to sign and ratify the treaty, which means going through national processes.
“We anticipate that as countries move to ratify the treaty it will face considerable scrutiny and pushback from legislators and the public because of the threat it poses to human rights.”
The treaty, she pointed out, would expand government surveillance and create an unprecedented tool for cross-border cooperation between governments on a wide range of crimes, without adequate safeguards to protect people from abuses of power.
“Negotiations are also expected to start on a protocol to accompany the treaty to address additional crimes and further expand the treaty’s reach. We urge governments to reject a cybercrime treaty that undermines rights,” Brown said.
Recognizing the growing dangers of cybercrime, the UN says member states have set about drafting a legally-binding international treaty to counter the threat.
Five years later, negotiations are still ongoing, with parties unable to reach an acceptable consensus, and the latest meeting of the Committee members in February did not conclude with an agreed draft, with countries unable to agree on wording that would balance human rights safeguards with security concerns.
One of the nongovernmental organizations taking part in the negotiations is Access Now, which defends and extends the digital rights of people and communities at risk around the world.
Whilst the February session was still taking place at UN Headquarters, Raman Jit Singh Chima, the Senior International Counsel and Asia Pacific Policy Director for Access Now, spoke to Conor Lennon from UN News, to explain his organization’s concerns.
“This treaty needs to address “core cybercrime”, namely those crimes that are possible only through a computer, that are sometimes called “cyber dependent” crimes, such as hacking into computer systems, and undermining the security of networks”, said Chima.
Clearly, these should be criminalized by states, with clear provisions put in place enabling governments across the world can cooperate with each other.
“If you make the scope of the treaty too broad, it could include political crimes. For example, if someone makes a comment about a head of government, or a head of state, that might end up being penalized under the cybercrime law,” he pointed out.
“When it comes to law enforcement agencies cooperating on this treaty, we need to put strong human rights standards in place, because that provides trust and confidence in the process”.
Also, if you have a broad treaty with no safeguards, every request for cooperation could end up being challenged, not only by human rights advocates and impacted communities, but by governments themselves, he warned.
Meanwhile, the joint statement by CSOs points to critical shortcomings in the current draft of the treaty, which threatens freedom of expression, privacy, and other human rights.
The draft convention contains broad criminal provisions that are weak –- and in some places nonexistent -– human rights safeguards, and provides for excessive cross-border information sharing and cooperation requirements, which could facilitate intrusive surveillance.
“Cybercrime regimes around the world have been misused to target and surveil human rights defenders, journalists, security researchers, and lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people, in blatant violation of human rights”.
The draft convention’s overbreadth also threatens to undermine its own objectives by diluting efforts to address actual cybercrime while failing to safeguard legitimate security research, leaving people less secure online, the CSOs warn.
“National and regional cybercrime laws are regrettably far too often misused to unjustly target journalists and security researchers, suppress dissent and whistleblowers, endanger human rights defenders, limit free expression, and justify unnecessary and disproportionate state surveillance measures”.
Throughout the negotiations over the last two years, civil society groups and other stakeholders have consistently emphasized that the fight against cybercrime must not come at the expense of human rights, gender equality, and the dignity of the people whose lives will be affected by this Convention.
In an oped piece in Foreign Policy in Focus, Tirana Hassan, executive director of Human Rights Watch, says the new treaty, backed by Russia, is aimed to stifle dissent.
She points out that Cybercrime—the malicious hacking of computer networks, systems, and data—threatens people’s rights and livelihoods, and governments need to work together to do more to address it.
But the cybercrime treaty sitting before the United Nations for adoption, could instead facilitate government repression, she noted.
By expanding government surveillance to investigate crimes, the treaty could create an unprecedented tool for cross-border cooperation in connection with a wide range of offenses, without adequate safeguards to protect people from abuses of power.
“It’s no secret that Russia is the driver of this treaty. In its moves to control dissent, the Russian government has in recent years significantly expanded laws and regulations that tighten control over Internet infrastructure, online content, and the privacy of communications,” said Hassan.
But Russia doesn’t have a monopoly on the abuse of cybercrime laws. Human Rights Watch has documented that many governments have introduced cybercrime laws that extend well beyond addressing malicious attacks on computer systems to target people who disagree with them and undermine the rights to freedom of expression and privacy, she pointed out.
For example, in June 2020, a Philippine court convicted Maria Ressa, the Nobel prize-winning journalist and founder and executive editor of the news website Rappler, of “cyber libel” under its Cybercrime Prevention Act.
The government has used the law against journalists, columnists, critics of the government, and ordinary social media users, including Walden Bello, a prominent progressive social activist, academic, and former congressman.
In Tunisia, authorities have invoked a cybercrime law to detain, charge, or place under investigation journalists, lawyers, students, and other critics for their public statements online or in the media.
In Jordan, the authorities have arrested and harassed scores of people who participated in pro-Palestine protests or engaged in online advocacy since October 2023, bringing charges against some of them under a new, widely criticized cybercrimes law.
Countries in the Middle East-North Africa region have weaponized laws criminalizing same-sex conduct and used cybercrime laws to prosecute online speech.
The treaty has three main problems: its broad scope, its lack of human-rights safeguards, and the risks it poses to children’s rights, said Hassan.
“Instead of limiting the treaty to address crimes committed against computer systems, networks, and data—think hacking or ransomware—the treaty’s title defines cybercrime to include any crime committed by using Information and Communications Technology systems.”
The negotiators are also poised to agree to the immediate drafting of a protocol to the treaty to address “additional criminal offenses as appropriate.”
As a result, when governments pass domestic laws that criminalize any activity that uses the Internet in any way to plan, commit, or carry out a crime, they can point to this treaty’s title and potentially its protocol to justify the enforcement of repressive laws.
In addition to the treaty’s broad definition of cybercrime, it essentially requires governments to surveil people and turn over their data to foreign law enforcement upon request if the requesting government claims they’ve committed any “serious crime” under national law, defined as a crime with a sentence of four years or more, Hassan said.
This would include behavior that is protected under international human rights law but that some countries abusively criminalize, like same-sex conduct, criticizing one’s government, investigative reporting, participating in a protest, or being a whistleblower.
In the last year, a Saudi court sentenced a man to death and a second man to 20 years in prison, both for their peaceful expression online, in an escalation of the country’s ever-worsening crackdown on freedom of expression and other basic rights.
This treaty would compel other governments to assist in and become complicit in the prosecution of such “crimes.”
Moreover, the lack of human rights safeguards, says Hassan, “is disturbing and should worry us all.”
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By Lin Zhuo
BANGKOK, Thailand, Aug 8 2024 (IPS)
Following persistent and determined efforts, Africa has achieved a breakthrough in advancing the establishment of an African credit rating agency (ACRA), with the proposed launch scheduled for December 2024.
More recently, the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) gathered together for a two-day retreat in Lusaka, Zambia, to discuss details of getting ACRA up and running.
What makes it such a significant development? How much sway credit rating agencies have in the big picture of global finance?
A new analysis by ESCAP reveals that even a minor upgrade of one notch in a country’s credit rating can lead to a significant reduction in government’s borrowing costs. We are talking about a 0.42 per cent drop in government bond yields!
However, the global credit rating market is dominated by the Big Three agencies (Moody’s, S&P and Fitch Ratings). Together, these three United States-based firms hold a market share of around 95 per cent.
The Big Three frequently face criticism for their perceived bias toward developing countries while assigning credit ratings to their sovereign debt obligations.
These include heavier reliance on judgment, particularly considering political risks and a country’s “willingness to pay.” Several factors contribute to this perceived bias, including limited local expertise, shorter track records in emerging markets, less robust reporting standards and data infrastructure, and cultural and linguistic differences.
The APRM has been tasked to conduct a feasibility study and support the establishment of the ACRA. Despite acknowledging various challenges highlighted in the feasibility study, such as concerns about credibility, investor perceptions of ACRA’s independence, market confidence, and potential financial risks to shareholders, the study expresses confidence in ACRA’s potential for success given the huge appetite for an alternative credit rating agency in Africa.
This new pan-African CRA aims to provide more accurate assessments of African countries by considering regional dynamics and geopolitical factors. It is expected to contribute to make borrowing cheaper for African governments and it is set to be a part of a broader strategy to improve access to capital and integrate the continent with global financial markets.
A United Nations Development Programme study suggests that fairer ratings could save African countries up to $74.5 billion, aiding in managing debt and allocating resources for development.
In Asia and the Pacific, during the 15th meeting of the Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors of ASEAN, China, Japan, and Korea (ASEAN+3) in 2012, the ASEAN+3 Research Group was tasked with studying the establishment of a new regional credit rating agency in the ASEAN+3 Region.
Their report was presented at the subsequent 16th meeting, highlighting benefits and challenges similar to what were outlined in the above-mentioned APRM feasibility study. While the findings were acknowledged by the Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors of ASEAN+3, no further action has been taken thereafter.
Indeed, deciding on the establishment of a regional credit rating agency for Asia and the Pacific is not a simple matter and it requires strong political backing. ESCAP’s Economic and Social Survey of Asia and the Pacific 2024 highlights several factors that need to be examined thoroughly.
First, a detailed business and financial model, including projected cash flows, need to be explored to ensure both financial sustainability and independence of this new credit rating agency, be it a stand-alone entity owned by a regional intergovernmental body, a joint venture with an established rating agency or outsourcing the credit rating function to other rating agencies.
Second, an appropriate legal framework needs to be established. In the case of the proposed African credit rating agency, its legal framework is one critical precondition to ensure that it becomes an autonomous, self-funded, financially independent and globally credible agency.
Third, a shareholder and management structure with a clear description of the roles of all potential stakeholders to ensure independence and credibility.
Amidst rising government borrowing costs and escalating public debt distress, globally and in Asia and the Pacific, there is a need for a renewed momentum for creating a regional credit rating agency attuned to the distinctive dynamics of Asia-Pacific economies.
Ahead of the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development (FfD4) to be held in Spain in 2025, a milestone to address financing challenges to accelerate the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and to reform the international financial architecture, it is perhaps time for countries in the region to discuss this issue.
ESCAP, in collaboration with ECA, can facilitate experience-sharing among member countries of the African Union and Asia-Pacific countries, including by co-organizing side events during major events and intergovernmental platforms, such as the forthcoming sessions of the Preparatory Committee for the FfD4 and annual Commission session of the ESCAP.
If the initiative triggers interest from the countries, ESCAP can work closely with its member and associate member States to advance the exploration of the idea of establishing a dedicated Asia-Pacific rating agency.
Lin Zhuo is Economic Affairs Officer ESCAP
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Drought in Kenya's Ewaso Ngiro river basin in 2017 when pastoralists had to dig for water because much of the river system in Isiolo county had dried up. Credit: Denis Onyodi/KRCS
By Joyce Chimbi
NAIROBI, Aug 7 2024 (IPS)
Kenya contributes less than 0.1 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions every year, yet development banks have flagged the East African nation as a high climate risk. This is due to extreme weather changes that are increasingly threatening the country’s development agenda, widening socio-economic inequalities, and deepening rural poverty and hunger.
Climate change is a long-term shift in temperatures and weather patterns. Climate risk is the potential harm caused by climate change, such as financial, social, and environmental destruction and loss of life. Country-specific climate risk profiles are a summary of an analysis of climate trends over a long period of time, revealing how variability in weather patterns affects life and livelihoods.
Countries are advised to use these profiles to inform their development agenda, as failure to do so can significantly derail achievement of set development goals. For instance, unpredictability in weather patterns has a negative impact on certain sectors of Kenya’s economy.
This includes agriculture, tourism, horticulture, livestock and pastoralism, and forest products. Nearly 98 percent of agriculture is rain fed. Using climate risk projections, the country can invest in irrigation to reduce the impact of climate change on the sector, as approximately 75 percent of Kenyans draw their livelihood from agriculture.
Kenya’s most recent climate risk profile provides a climatic trend summary spanning two decades from 1991 to 2020, revealing that an estimated 68 percent of natural disasters in Kenya are caused by extreme climatic events, mostly floods and droughts. The remaining 32 percent represents disease epidemic.
Drought in Kenya from 2011 to 2022. Infographic: Cecilia Russell/IPS
High Temperatures Causing Frequent, Intense Droughts
Overall, 16 drought events are on record from 1991 to 2020, affecting millions of people and causing an overall estimated damage of USD 1.5 billion. Despite floods being a more recent phenomenon in Kenya they are becoming increasingly frequent, resulting in 45 flood events within the same period. While a pattern of droughts began to emerge as far back as 1975, a pattern of floods has only begun to emerge from 2012 to 2020.
A repeating pattern of droughts and floods costs the country approximately 3 to 5 percent of its annual Gross Domestic Product. Over the past two decades, Kenya’s mean annual temperature was 24.2 degree Celsius—with a high of 30.3 degree Celsius and a low of 18.3 degree Celsius.
To give a perspective of average temperatures in Kenya, 2023 was the hottest year on record and 2024 is following the trend. According to the Gilbert Ouma Associate Professor, Meteorology, University of Nairobi writing in The Conversation the capital Nairobi average temperatures fare normally moderate, between 24°C and 25°C on the higher side and 17°C-18°C on the lower side.
“These are generally very comfortable temperatures. However, in the December-January-February period, maximum temperatures are normally high, ranging between 26°C and 27°C.
“This year, temperatures in February went up to between 29°C and 30°C, even hitting 31°C. This is about 6°C higher than normal Nairobi temperatures. That is a big difference and our bodies are bound to feel the difference. If such an increase is sustained for a long time, it can lead to a heat wave.”
Droughts have been a most pressing and persistent problem in Kenya. As far back as 1975, drought cycles used to occur every 10 years. But as climate change escalates in both frequency and intensity, the drought cycle reduced from every 10 years to every five years, to every two to three years.
Each year there is an annual dry spell and a food shortage and the regularity of extremely dry periods makes it difficult for the country to recover from one drought to the next.
Temperature differences between 1901 and 2020 show a clear trend toward higher temperatures. Infographic: Cecilia Russell/IPS
A History of Drought Cycles in Kenya From 1991 to 2020
Drought is a regular occurrence in Kenya. In 1991–1992, more than 1.5 million people were affected by drought. This was followed by another cycle of widespread drought in 1995–1996 that affected at least 1.4 million people.
In January 1997, the government declared drought a national disaster, affecting more than two million people, and the famine continued into 1998. Shortly after, in 1999–2000, an estimated 4.4 million people were in dire need of food aid due to a severe famine. As far as natural disasters go, this was declared the worst in the preceding 37 years.
The 1998–2000 drought cost the country an estimated USD 2.8 billion, and this was largely due to crops and livestock loss, forest fires, damage to fisheries, reduced hydropower generation, reduced industrial production and reduced water supplies.
In 2004, failure of the March to June long rains led to a severe drought that left more than three million Kenyans in need of urgent food aid. In December 2005, the government declared drought a national catastrophe, affecting at least 2.5 million people in northern Kenya alone.
The drought in 2008 affected 1.4 million people and an overall 10 million people were at risk of hunger after an unsuccessful harvest due to drought in late 2009 and into early 2010. The severe and prolonged drought caused the country USD 12.1 billion in damages and losses, and cost over USD 1.7 billion in recovery.
There are 47 counties in Kenya. As only 20 percent of Kenya receives high and regular rainfall, Kenya’s arid and semi-arid (ASAL) areas comprise 18 to 20 of the poorest counties, which are particularly at risk from increased aridity and periods of drought.
ASAL regions have endured three significantly severe droughts from 2010 to 2020. The 2010–2011 period was severe and prolonged, affecting at least 3.7 million people, causing USD 12.1 billion in damages and losses, and costing over USD 1.7 billion in recovery and reconstruction needs.
That cycle was followed by the 2016–2017 drought. The 2020–2022 famine, which was the most severe, longest and widespread as more than 4.2 million people, or 24 percent of the ASAL population were facing high levels of acute food insecurity.
The impact on people of disasters in Kenya from 1900 to 2020. Infographic: Cecilia Russell/IPS
Overview of Natural Disaster Events in Kenya, 1991–2020
Kenya is increasingly enduring periods of intense, heavy rainfall. During this period, there were a total of 45 flood events, directly affecting more than 2.5 million people and causing an estimated damage of USD 137 million. These events took place in 1997, 1998, 2002, 2012 and 2020, as they were short, frequent and intense.
Unlike drought and famine, Kenya’s history with floods is much shorter. There were many consecutive drought seasons from 1991 to 1997. From 1997, a pattern of floods begun to emerge in this East African country.
It all started with the historic severe and deadly El Nino floods in 1997–1998 that were widespread and affected 1.5 million people. This was followed by the 2002 floods, that affected 150,000 people. Kenya has experienced flooding almost every year from 2010 to 2020.
The impact of flooding in Kenya between 2010 and 2024. Infographic: Cecilia Russell/IPS
Projected Risk Moving Forward
“From 2020 to 2050, projections show that ASAL regions will continue to receive decreasing rainfall. Temperatures in the country will continue to rise by 1.7 degree Celsius by 2050 and even higher by approximately 3.5 degree Celsius before the end of this century. The escalation in climate change will increase our climate risk,” Mildred Nthiga, a climate change independent researcher in East Africa, tells IPS.
“We will have even more frequent and damaging floods, and this will be followed by longer periods of drought. We have already started to experience some worrisome landslides and mudslides and, this will become an even bigger concern, especially in the highlands.”
Stressing that additional soil erosion and water logging of crops will significantly affect agricultural productivity, reducing yields and increasing food security. There will also be significant economic losses, severe damage to farmlands and infrastructure.
Worse still, as already witnessed in the recent 2024 deadly floods—human causalities. This will deepen rural poverty and hunger, and derail Kenya’s progress towards achieving the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals.
Note: This feature is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.
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A baby hangs on a scale during a community health check-up and vaccination in Akosombo in the Eastern Region, Ghana, on April 28, 2022. Credit: Gavi/2022/Nipah Dennis
By Afshan Khan and Sania Nishtar
GENEVA, Aug 7 2024 (IPS)
From 11-year-old Chinese skateboarder Zheng Haohao to 16-year-old American gymnast Hezly Rivera, several children have reached the pinnacle of world sport at the Paris 2024 Olympic Games.
Yet at the same time, millions of other children worldwide are denied the chance to unlock their full potential simply because of a lack of access to basic nutritious diets and vaccines that prevent disease.
As young athletes impress and inspire global audiences, the Games are the perfect moment to reflect on how to level the playing field for all children. Integrating nutrition and immunisation as the cornerstones of healthy development can be a game-changer, ensuring every child is able to reach their full potential in whatever field they choose.
The conditions for healthy development include both the absence of disease and presence of adequate nutrition, creating a virtuous cycle that allows children to thrive. Vaccines trigger the strongest immunity in children who have healthy diets, while those who are malnourished are more susceptible to infectious diseases.
Unconscionably, in this day and age, both malnutrition and preventable infectious disease claim the lives of millions of children every year.
Globally, more than 14 million children are un- or under-vaccinated – an increase of 2.7 million compared with pre-pandemic levels – while almost a quarter of children under five were stunted in 2022 as a result of inadequate diets.
Yet, immunisation and nutrition interventions are proven to be amongst the most cost-effective approaches to help children survive and thrive. One dollar invested in nutrition gives a rate of return of US$16, rising to US$35 for exclusive breastfeeding, while the return on investment of immunisation in Gavi-supported countries is estimated at between US$21 and US$54 per US$1 spent.
This is especially important for low- and middle-income countries where immunisation rates are lowest, malnutrition is prevalent and resources are stretched thin. The latest UN figures show more than half of unvaccinated children live in 31 countries exposed to conflict and other vulnerabilities, disrupting access to nutrition and health services.
The same children often miss out on both nutritional supplements and essential vaccines, meaning that integrated health services would solve two problems at once.
Integrated nutrition and immunisation can be achieved either in the same clinic or community health facility, or through the same health worker.
Uganda is one country that has taken proactive action towards integration, and plans to shift to integrated provision of nutritional supplements and vaccines based on learnings from several pilot programmes.
Meanwhile, Action Against Hunger and partners in Somalia mounted an integrated campaign to address rising levels of malnutrition and disease during the prolonged drought in 2022, which affected 7.8 million people.
The campaign reached more than 200,000 children with measles vaccines, deworming treatments and vitamin A supplementation, and screened more than 185,000 children under five for wasting. Among the referral sites for severe acute malnutrition, the average cure rate was 83 per cent and malnutrition decreased significantly over the period of the campaign.
If more governments were able to adopt and scale such levels of integrated service delivery as part of primary health care, more countries could achieve Universal Health Coverage to reduce preventable deaths, ill-health and malnutrition in children.
As the world celebrates the remarkable achievements of young Olympians, the international community also has a window to transform the future of millions of children worldwide.
From the 2024 Games to Gavi’s replenishment and the , which has followed the Olympics since 2012, world leaders have the chance to invest in research and partnerships to integrate nutrition and immunisation as the fundamental components of healthy development. This is the winning formula for more children to succeed – on the track, field and pitch, and in life.
Afshan Khan, UN Assistant Secretary General and Coordinator of the Scaling up Nutrition (SUN) Movement
Sania Nishtar, CEO of GAVI, the Vaccine Alliance
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