UN Secretary-General António Guterres (left and on screen) addresses the high-level Humanitarian Conference for the People of Sudan, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Credit: UN Photo/Addis Ababa
By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 21 2025 (IPS)
In the final quarter of 2024 ,there has been an escalation in the Sudanese civil war, with armed clashes between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) having grown in brutality. Heightened insecurity has pushed millions of people into displacement, hunger, and poverty. Additionally, the continued hostilities have made it difficult for humanitarian organizations to scale their responses up.
The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) issued a report on February 20, that analyzed trends in the displacement and violence in the second, third, and fourth quarters of 2024. The fourth quarter was a relatively tumultuous period for the Sudanese people. Extensive artillery shelling in the Zamzam displacement camp of North Darfur has significantly exacerbated the displacement crisis and prevented displaced persons from seeking safer shelter.
UNHCR has classified Sudan as the world’s biggest displacement crisis, with over 11.5 million internally displaced persons since the start of the Sudanese civil war in 2023. The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has stated that approximately two-thirds of the population are critically dependent on humanitarian aid for survival. Additionally, internally displaced persons face famine-like conditions and neighboring countries face a lack of resources to provide for the externally displaced.
From June to mid-October 2024, clashes between armed groups in the Sennar and Al Jazeera states greatly boosted internal displacements, with UNHCR estimating that humanitarian organizations had to cater to almost 400,000 newly displaced civilians. In the Darfur and Blue Nile regions, agricultural communities experienced attacks which resulted in significant damage to crop production and a rise in sexual and gender-based violence.
According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war has increased greatly in the past year. There have been 120 documented cases of sexual violence and at least 203 victims. The true number of victims is estimated to be much higher due to fear of reprisals, stigma, and a lack of protection, medical, and judicial services for victims.
In January, then-U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken declared that the recent violations of humanitarian law committed by the RSF constitute as acts of genocide. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has been accused of supplying the RSF with weapons, which they denied. The United Nations (UN) has still not issued an extension for the unenforced arms embargo in Darfur.
On February 18, the RSF conducted a series of attacks over the course of three days in the al-Kadaris and al-Khelwat areas, which have little to no military presence. The Sudanese Foreign Ministry estimates that there have been at least 433 civilian casualties. There have also been reports of the RSF committing executions, kidnappings, enforced disappearances and lootings.
The attacks were concurrent with the RSF and its allies arriving in the capital of Kenya to sign a charter for a parallel government in the RSF’s controlled territories. The SAF rejected this proposal and indicated plans to reclaim the entirety of Khartoum.
“The continued and deliberate attacks on civilians and civilian objects, as well as summary executions, sexual violence and other violations and abuses, underscore the utter failure by both parties to respect the rules and principles of international humanitarian and human rights law. Some of these acts may amount to war crimes,” said Volker Türk, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.
Tom Fletcher, the UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, adds that the Sudanese Civil War has implications that reach beyond the borders of Sudan, “threatening to destabilize neighbors in ways that risk being felt for generations to come”.
Millions of people in Sudan have been left without access to critical resources, such as food, clean water, shelter, and healthcare.
“People who were already very vulnerable have no access to food or water. Some of them have no shelter, as some neighbourhoods have been burned down, and it’s very cold at night,” Michel-Olivier Lacharite, of Doctors Without Borders (MSF) informed reporters. Lacharite added that after the RSF’s attacks on the Zamzam camp in early February, dozens of severely injured civilians don’t have access to treatment due to limited surgical capabilities in the MSF Zamzam hospital.
According to figures from MSF, approximately 24.6 million people, or roughly half of Sudan’s population, face high levels of acute food insecurity. 8.5 million of these people also face “emergency or famine-like” conditions, according to the latest Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) report. The IPC has detected the presence of famine in five areas, including the Zamzam, Abu Shouk and Al Salam camps in North Darfur, and two additional locations in the Western Nuba Mountains.
“There are reports of people dying of starvation in some areas like Darfur, Kordofan and Khartoum…People in Zamzam camp, which as you know — as we’ve told you — had been regularly bombed, are resorting to extreme measures to survive because food is so scarce. Families are eating peanut shells mixed with oil which is typically used to feed animals,” said Stéphane Dujarric, the Spokesperson for the UN Secretary-General.
Despite the urgent scale of needs, the humanitarian response in Sudan has been largely ineffective. According to MSF, heightened insecurity in the most crisis-affected areas has impeded aid deliveries. Additionally, MSF has blamed the UN for employing “neglectful inertia”, which has done little to alleviate the growing malnutrition crisis.
“Parts of Sudan are difficult to work in. But it is certainly possible, and this is what humanitarian organisations and the UN are supposed to do,” said Marcella Kraay, MSF emergency coordinator in Nyala, South Darfur. “In places that are easier to access, as well as in the hardest to reach areas like North Darfur, options like air routes remain unexplored. The failure to act is a choice, and it’s killing people.”
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The REGROW project, aimed at doubling the size of Ruaha National Park, has left many without land and prospects. Credit: Kizito Makoye/IPS
By Kizito Makoye
MBARALI, Tanzania, Feb 21 2025 (IPS)
A hush had fallen over Mbarali District, but it was not the quiet of peace—it was the silence of uncertainty.
Just months ago, the rolling plains were gripped by fear as government-backed rangers, dressed in olive green fatigues, roamed through villages, seizing cattle, torching homes, and forcing entire communities to the wobbly edge of survival. The REGROW project, a USD 150 million initiative funded by the World Bank to expand Ruaha National Park (RUNAPA), had promised tourism growth and environmental conservation. What it delivered was a brutal campaign of state-sanctioned land grabbing under the guise of protecting nature.
Then, in a stunning turn of events, the World Bank pulled the plug on the project in January 2025 after intense scrutiny from human rights watchdogs and the United Nations. On paper, it was a victory for the thousands of farmers and pastoralists whose lands were threatened. But for many, the damage had already been done.
A Victory Hollowed by Loss
“We lost everything,” said Daudi Mkwama, a rice farmer who watched helplessly as rangers confiscated his cattle and demolished his storehouse. “They told us we were trespassers on land our ancestors have farmed for generations.”
The REGROW project aimed to double the size of Ruaha National Park, claiming vast swaths of farmland and grazing land in the process. Villages that had coexisted with nature for centuries suddenly found themselves labeled as threats to conservation. The government, backed by international funding, deployed heavily armed TANAPA (Tanzania National Parks Authority) rangers to enforce new restrictions.
At least 28 villages in Mbarali District were affected, home to more than 84,000 people. Farmers were barred from their fields, and pastoralists were banned from grazing their livestock. Those who resisted faced brutal crackdowns. Reports of beatings, arbitrary arrests, and even extrajudicial killings surfaced, prompting an investigation by the World Bank’s Inspection Panel.
“One day, they came and took my cows—said I was grazing in a protected area,” said Juma Mseto, a Maasai herder. “We begged them to let us go. They just laughed and told us to go to hell.”
The Politics of Land and Power
Tanzania’s conservation model has long been marred by controversy. Despite its reputation as a wildlife haven, the country’s protected areas have historically come at a high human cost. The eviction of Indigenous communities has been a recurring pattern, from Ngorongoro to Loliondo, and now Mbarali.
The REGROW project was touted as a necessary step to protect Tanzania’s natural heritage and boost its tourism industry, a sector that contributes nearly 17% of the country’s GDP of approximately US$80 billion. But critics argue it was another case of conservation being weaponized against marginalized communities.
“This wasn’t about protecting nature,” said Onesmo Ole Ngurumwa, a human rights advocate who serves as the national coordinator of the Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC). “This was about expanding state control over land, profiting from tourism, and sidelining the people who have lived in harmony with these ecosystems for generations.”
The World Bank’s involvement only deepened the controversy. When evidence of forced evictions and human rights abuses surfaced, the institution initially turned a blind eye. But mounting pressure from advocacy groups like the Oakland Institute, along with intervention from nine UN Special Rapporteurs, forced the bank’s hand.
In April 2024, funding was suspended. Seven months later, the entire project was scrapped.
Life After the Cancellation
Despite the decision, villagers say their suffering is far from over. Many who lost their homes and livelihoods have received no compensation. Schools remain closed, water access is scarce, and government beacons still mark the lands they were once told to vacate.
“We are still living in fear,” said Halima Mtemba, a mother of four. “They say the project is over, but will they return our cattle? Will they fix our schools? Will they give us back what they stole?”
Local leaders are calling for the removal of park boundary markers and official recognition of ancestral land rights. They also demand restitution for lost livestock, crops, and homes.
A Broader Pattern of Displacement
The battle over Mbarali is not an isolated incident. Across Tanzania, conservation projects continue to displace communities under the pretext of environmental protection.
In Ngorongoro, thousands of Maasai have been forced out to make way for elite tourism ventures. In Loliondo, violent evictions have turned vast grazing lands into private hunting concessions.
“The government has made it clear: it values animals over people,” said Maneno Kwayu, a pastoralist leader in Mbarali. “We are not against conservation. We are against being treated like intruders on our own land.”
Tanzania’s conservation policies are rooted in colonial-era frameworks that prioritized wildlife tourism over Indigenous land rights. Decades later, the same patterns persist, often with the backing of global financial institutions.
What Comes Next?
With the REGROW project dead, the focus now shifts to reparations. Human rights groups are pushing for an independent commission to oversee compensation and ensure the affected communities receive justice.
But there is little trust in the system.
“The World Bank may have walked away, but the government hasn’t,” said Ole Ngurumwa. “Until there are real legal protections for these communities, another project like this will happen again.”
For now, the people of Mbarali continue to live in limbo—celebrating a victory that came too late, in a battle they should never have had to fight.
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On 12 February 2023, UNA-UK launched Blue Smoke, a newsletter and website shining a light on senior UN appointments and elections.
By Mavic Cabrera Balleza, Ben Donaldson and Anne Marie Goetz
NEW YORK, Feb 21 2025 (IPS)
The selection of the next UN Secretary-General (UNSG) will be a pivotal moment in global efforts to resist authoritarianism and work together to address shared problems. Where do UN Member States stand on appointing a feminist woman to this role?
Informal campaigning is already underway for the position of the next UN Secretary-General. The race will officially kick off towards the end of the year; the successful candidate will take office on 1 January 2027. A decade ago, state after state stood up and said the next Secretary-General should be a woman. Then they voted for a man.
This time, civil society is not taking good intentions at face value, and wants concrete actions. The simplest way to break the 80-year old glass ceiling is if states commit publicly to only consider nominating women candidates – hardly a challenge given the plethora of talented leaders available.
The Accountability, Coherence and Transparency (ACT) coalition of 27 countries has included this issue to their list of key areas for revitalizing the UN’s effectiveness, insisting, last November: “We cannot miss the transformative opportunity to appoint the UN’s first woman SG.”
Civil society groups such as the 1 for 8 Billion coalition and the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP) point out that the appointment won’t be ‘transformative’ unless the next SG is not just a woman but a feminist.
A recent study by the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders, 1 for 8 Billion, and students at the Center for Global Affairs, School of Professional Studies, New York University, showed that only three UN Member States – Costa Rica, Spain and Slovenia – have backed up their emphatic support for a woman SG with concrete reform proposals to bring gender equality to the SG selection process.
The study is based on analysis of Member State public statements at the UN, for instance at the General Assembly in September last year and the meeting of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Revitalization of the Work of the General Assembly last November.
Beyond individual country positions, the research analyzed joint statements by collectivities such as the Non-Aligned Movement, the ACT group, the European Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and a group of 78 states coordinated by Mexico, Slovenia and Spain on the representation of women at UN leadership. Statements are assessed as ‘Very Strong’, ‘Strong’, ‘Indirect/Implied’, or ‘Opposed’.
Fifty states have indicated ‘Strong’ support, which means they have said that the next SG should be a woman, but they have not outlined specific actions to increase the chances of this outcome. Another 124 states have shown indirect support by saying that gender equality should be one of several considerations in the next selection round.
In the source material studied, not a single UN Member State has called explicitly for a feminist woman SG. Of the 15 countries that align with ‘feminist foreign policy’, only 5 – Canada, Chile, Spain, Slovenia and Germany – made a point of mentioning the importance of selecting a woman SG during the opening of the 79th General Assembly in September.
A lone woman leader will not be able to fix what ails the UN. To call for a feminist woman SG is to invoke the broader changes that the next SG must be empowered by Member States and work together to undertake. Gender equality has been proven to be an accelerator of all UN priorities, including the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
However, there is a serious attack on feminist thinking and activism by autocratic populists and religious fundamentalists. From Project 2025 to the edicts of the Taliban, weaponized misogyny – or the ‘gender ideology backlash’, as well as attacks on diversity, equity and inclusion – are used to revive antique versions of patriarchal control and eliminate opposition to unbridled militarization.
This makes the centering of gender equality by the first Madam Secretary-General imperative both substantively and symbolically.
Beyond calling for feminist women candidates with reform agendas, there are calls for an open selection process to enable candidates to build a broad support base for their visions. Carrying this support through to the 38th floor once in role will be vital, as the first Madam Secretary-General will need to work creatively to get things done in the current environment, reaching beyond Member States to connect directly with civil society and the global public.
Without a powerful mandate to lead, the first woman SG will be set up for failure, appointed to the edge of a glass cliff as polarization in geopolitics splinters the organization.
Doors are closing fast to opportunities to democratize the selection process and to ensure that a woman is selected. 1 for 8 Billion has set out feasible moves to support an inclusive and fair process. The General Assembly has the chance over the next few months to implement this agenda, when all states get a platform to publicly comment on the SG selection process at the meeting of the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Revitalization of the General Assembly.
The research mentioned above will be available on an Interactive Map tracking UN Member States’ positions on the appointment of a feminist woman SG. This will be launched on March 5th. GNWP’s website to register for the event.
Mavic Cabrera Ballez is Founder and Chief Executive Officer, Global Network of Women Peacebuilders; Ben Donaldson is Advisor, 1 for 8 Billion campaign; Anne Marie Goetz is Clinical Professor, Center for Global Affairs, School of Professional Studies, New York University
Source: UN Association of the UK
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By Yasmine Sherif
NEW YORK, Feb 20 2025 (IPS-Partners)
The central theme of this year’s World Day of Social Justice is to “strengthen a just transition for a sustainable future.” Education is the very foundation for achieving social justice. Without an education we cannot end extreme poverty and advance economic growth. Without an education we cannot empower young girls to become teachers, doctors, nurses, lawyers, engineers, let alone financially self-reliant. Without an education we cannot achieve good governance, the rule of law and peaceful co-existence.
Social justice in all its forms requires education, be it formal education through grade 12, onto tertiary education, or vocational skills training. There is simply no other way. Education is the path to social justice. As a global community, we are all interconnected and it is thus in our interest to ensure that children worldwide benefit from an education. However, nearly a quarter of a billion children living on the frontlines of the world’s most devastating humanitarian crises do not access a quality education. This will not bode well for them, nor for us.
This global education crisis will have vast impacts on our global society, and our quest for social justice. I think of the brave women of the Afghan Girls Robotics Team, including our own ECW Global Champion Somaya Faruqi, who broke gender norms on their quest to learn more about science, technology, engineering and math. Coming out next month, their story will be told in the inspiring movie Rule Breakers. But, much more needs to be done. Social justice does not exist for the women and girls of Afghanistan today, nor in many other parts of the world torn apart by brutal conflicts, forced displacement, climate change or oppressive societal norms.
Since ECW was founded just a few years ago, this global fund for education in emergencies and protracted crises, together with all our strategic donor partners and implementing partners, have reached a total of 11.4 million children with quality education. With increased funding support, we can provide millions more with access to quality education, and contribute to social justice.
The provision of a quality education fit for the 21st Century is the single best investment we can make to empower children and youth, create stronger economies, and ensure a peaceful co-existence in the world. There is no other promise, and no other pathway that can substitute education as the safest road to social justice.
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Scientists must step up and speak up. We cannot be silent when science is being eroded and the institutions that fund science are being dismantled, and emerging and early career researchers being terminated. Credit: Bigstock
By Esther Ngumbi
URBANA, Illinois, US, Feb 20 2025 (IPS)
Scientists like me across the U.S. are distressed following the many policy changes, funding elimination, and firings that have happened since President Trump took office. More than ever, scientists must unite in solidarity and share the negative impact these extreme measures will have on science, U.S. science funding agencies and people’s lives. Speaking up can take many forms, from posting your thoughts on social media to writing opinion pieces or op-eds.
For the latter, op-eds can be an effective way for scientists to communicate urgent messages of today, including talking about the importance of their fields and why federal agencies must keep functioning.
Scientists can write about the dangers of the presidential office interfering with important research grants and urge the government to reconsider the decision to terminate many early career scientists. By writing op-eds, scientists can also paint a picture for the public and government leaders about the dire consequences of dismantling USAID.
Op-eds can be an effective way for scientists to communicate urgent messages of today, including talking about the importance of their fields and why federal agencies must keep functioning
To many scientists who are used to academic writing, crafting an op-ed may seem like an insurmountable task. Ten years ago, when I became an Aspen Institute New Voices fellow, I felt that way.
To date, I have written over 150 op-ed pieces and covered multiple issues and topics that I was passionate about, including promoting diversity, the need for scientists to communicate, climate change and tackling food insecurity. My op-eds have led to outcomes like being invited to testify before a U.S. Congress Subcommittee Hearing.
This is my advice to scientists who want to capitalize on the power of op-eds to share how recent events are impacting them.
The first step is to determine the problem or issue to which you want to call attention. Other guiding prompts to help you focus on determining the problem is to ask a series of questions including why this topic is important, why is it timely now, what do you want the reader to do or learn (the call to action), and lastly, how will things change if you call to action happens.
Once you have clearly identified an issue, then it is important to organize your thoughts around the recognized structure of op-eds. This includes the lede/idea, main argument or thesis supported by evidence, “to be sure” statement and a conclusion paragraph, with a clearly articulated call to action.
The first element of an op-ed is the lede/idea, that is centered around a news hook, or personal anecdotes that tie on to something happening in the news. A news hook ties your argument to the current issues of the day while showing how timely your voice and argument is and why it matters now. Tying your op-ed around a news hook also lets editors know in your pitch what is new and timely about your piece before they decide to accept it.
Next after the lede or opening paragraph is your argument paragraph and main thesis. Op-eds are centered around an argument; thus, you must decide on this before you write the rest of your piece.
The core argument or main thesis should be short and articulated in a clear way that is convincing to your readers. As you work to create an argument, think about: what you want to share with the world, is it new, what is new about it? How is it different from other arguments that have been made before?
Next, you will need to build evidence to support your argument. For many op-eds, at least three main points of evidence will suffice. The pieces of evidence can include statistics, anecdotes and personal stories, quotes from experts, news stories, and data from published research studies or reports. Provide source links for your evidence.
The “to be sure” paragraph is an important part of an opinion piece. This is the section where you preempt people who may discount your argument by acknowledging their viewpoint and then bringing in more evidence to back your argument. Essentially, in this section, you can acknowledge other counter arguments while supporting your own argument.
The final concluding paragraph is the place where you summarize all the previous paragraphs with thought-provoking messages and punchlines. This is also where you can embed your call to action. What do you want your readers to do? What needs to happen?
Op-eds, unlike other academic writing, are short, therefore remember to adhere to the word limits of the outlet you are hoping to pitch to. For many outlets, the word limit ranges from 500 to 900 words.
Once you are done, re-read for clarity and then your piece is ready to pitch.
Of course, I acknowledge that scientists and other people being impacted may be scared to write, for fear of retribution or being fired. It is genuine fear because the internet never forgets. Before embarking on writing an Op-Ed, scientists should definitely weigh in on the positives and negatives and the short and long-term impacts that may come about with penning down a piece.
Scientists must step up and speak up. We cannot be silent when science is being eroded and the institutions that fund science are being dismantled, and emerging and early career researchers being terminated. Time is now.
Esther Ngumbi, PhD is Assistant Professor, Department of Entomology, African American Studies Department, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
The United Nations’ 2024 Summit of the Future Interactive Dialogue on Strengthening Inclusive Innovation and Bridging Digital Divides. Credit: UN Photo/Laura Jarriel
By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 20 2025 (IPS)
In the western world, numerous studies over the past two decades have shown that the rise of social media in popularity has been linked to negative mental health symptoms, especially among young people. Platforms such as Instagram, Facebook, X (formerly known as Twitter), and TikTok have been criticized for fostering competitive and toxic environments, which contribute to higher rates of anxiety, cyber-bullying, depression, disordered eating, and low self-esteem. While the use of social media in the Global South has skyrocketed in the late 2010s, the ramifications on people in those regions has received much less coverage in mainstream media.
As of 2024, approximately 5.2 billion people around the world use social media, which is over 63 percent of the global population. This marks a significant increase from the number of global social media users in 2015, with just over 2 billion people.
The rise in popularity of social media in the Global South has been attributed to relatively rapid growths in development, particularly in Asian and African countries. Technological advancements and socio-economic progress has facilitated the rise of social media platforms and increased connectivity.
It is estimated that roughly 60 percent of the world’s social media users are in the Global South. However, studies on trends in psychological well-being in these areas in relation to social media usage is extremely limited as the vast majority of research focuses on the Global North.
Pew Research Center conducted a study in 2024 in which populations from eight countries in the Global South were surveyed on their social media habits. Around 73 percent of the sample population use WhatsApp and 62 percent use Facebook, with fewer people using TikTok (36 percent) and Instagram (29 percent). Additionally, there were higher rates of social media usage among younger people, more educated people, and those with higher incomes.
According to a 2021 report written by Zahra Takhshid and published by Vanderbilt University, titled Regulating Social Media in the Global South, policy makers in the Global South have found it difficult to establish regulations due to social media platforms being hubs for connection, commerce, self-expression, business, and political discourse. Additionally, social media platforms accumulate vast amounts of private data on a daily basis, which is an issue that the Global North has been fighting for the past two decades. However, much of the Global South lacks the proper infrastructures to protect users and regulate harmful content.
Many countries have responded to these concerns by restricting or banning the use of certain platforms, which has further blurred analytics on the psychological impact of digital technologies. In 2024, Access Now, a digital rights organization, reported internet or social media shutdowns in Kenya, Mozambique, Tanzania, Mauritius and Equatorial Guinea. These shutdowns usually coincided with pivotal events such as elections, when digital privacy is crucial.
According to Access Now, a nation that has issued restrictions on internet usage or certain platforms are more than likely to do it again. These shutdowns have dangerous implications for the citizens in these countries.
Felicia Anthonio, Access Now’s campaign manager, informed reporters that unfettered access to information, especially in times of crisis, are crucial. “It not only disrupts the flow of information, it also makes it impossible for people to access information in a timely manner. When we are talking about crisis situations, information can be like a lifeline, and disrupting access could be about life and death in conflict situations,” said Anthonio.
Additionally, blocking social media has extensive implications surrounding commerce. In Iran around 73.6 percent of adults use social media, with Meta-owned platforms like Facebook and Instagram having a large presence there, even as U.S. sanctions do not allow the platforms to run legally.
Instagram has fostered a budding online economy in Iran, with many small businesses having built successful brands due to the popularity of the platform. However, U.S. sanctions prevent Iranian users from seeing advertisements. Influencers replace advertisements in Iran, which has led to rampant misinformation being spread to consumers.
In the United States, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) mandates that all social media influencers must indicate if they were paid by a brand for online promotions. A similar mandate exists in the United Kingdom, known as the Advertising Standard Authority (ASA). However Iran, and several other countries in the Global South, lacks the legal frameworks to protect consumers from misinformation and brand manipulation from influencers. The lack of regulations has also exacerbated Iran’s gambling crisis.
There have also been reports of online misinformation in advertisements in Iran. According to the Vanderbilt University report, Instagram advertisements have contributed to higher rates of mental health issues surrounding body image as well as an overall increase in the nationwide desire for cosmetic procedures.
The Ministry of Health and Medical Education (MOHME) in Iran stated that certain advertisements that promote the efficacy of certain cosmetic treatments are prohibited and must be approved by the Iranian Medical Council. However, these posts remain frequent due to a lack of oversight from social media platforms and the governments in many countries in the Global South.
“There is increasing evidence that shows that increased exposure to social media is related to mental health problems, eating disorders and many other issues that condition and distract social media users, and particularly girls, from education which affects their academic achievement,” said senior policy analyst from the Global Education Monitor (GEM) report team Anna D’Addio.
Despite these conditions not being widely reported on in the Global South, it can be deduced that adolescents in these areas face similar challenges. Due to limited protections, young people in these regions are confronted with a vast array of harmful content that can promote unhealthy behaviors and stunt their personal progress.
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The Arab League meeting room in Cairo. (Alyssa Bernstein/Flickr/CC BY-NC 2.0) Source: Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs.
By Alon Ben-Meir
NEW YORK, Feb 20 2025 (IPS)
When the Arab states convene an emergency session in Egypt to address Trump’s/Netanyahu’s plans to take over Gaza and exile the Palestinians, they must warn Trump that acting on this plan will usher in a catastrophic conflagration that could engulf the entire Middle East.
Regardless of how geo-strategically important the relationship is between the Arab states and the US, the former must demonstrate unanimous resolve to oppose Trump’s and Netanyahu’s disastrous plans to take over Gaza and exile the Indigenous Palestinians.
Given Egypt’s desire to convey the urgency and the far-reaching implications of the Arab summit on March 4 in Cairo, it’s possible that both heads of state and foreign ministers will be in attendance.
They should make it clear that their countries will spare no effort or resources to prevent the US and Israel from acting in defiance of international laws, norms, and conduct, and that such violations will precipitate ominous geostrategic harm to both Israel and the US.
The partnership between the US and the Arab states has endured for many decades because it has mutually served their strategic, economic, and security interests. The Gulf states, Jordan, and Egypt in particular have provided strategic intelligence and air, naval, and ground military bases and ensured energy security.
Moreover, the US-Arab partnerships have been crucial over many years in coordinating and combating terrorism and violent extremism, stemming the spread of weapons of mass destruction, and promoting regional stability. All this led to maintaining American influence in the region and countering the growing presence of rival powers, especially Russia and China.
To be sure, the relationship has never been a one-way street. But leave it to Trump to throw his weight around as if the Arab states survive only at the mercy of the US’ charitable contributions. He ignores the fact that the regional geostrategic environment has dramatically changed over the past two decades.
The Arab states have choices, and the perception that they depend solely on the US for economic and military aid is mistaken. They can resist being pushed around should they choose to because they know their strength and indispensable role and importance to the US.
Moreover, the Arab states should understand Trump’s character: he is a bully and always tests the outer limits of his power. He bluffs, lies, and connives but is deterred only when sternly confronted and realizes that what he might lose outweighs any potential benefits.
Although he knows how implausible his brazen idea is to take over Gaza, he still tests the water on the remote chance that his opponents would cave in. At the first sign of Egypt and Jordan’s firm resistance to his barefaced idea, he walked back on his threat to withhold foreign aid if they didn’t agree to take in substantial numbers of Palestinians.
The fact that he ventured such an absurd idea –to take Arab land as if it were his property and to hell with its inhabitants – is extremely troubling. The Arab states should disabuse him of the notion that he can now or at any time in the future take any unilateral actions that have such a devastating effect on their national security interests.
The Arab League’s decision to convene an emergency session in Cairo is critical in and of itself in that it conveys an urgency to stop Trump in his tracks, unequivocally adopt actionable measures, demonstrate unanimity and resolve, and issue a stern warning.
Replace US aid to Jordan and Egypt
Although Trump previously floated the idea of cutting foreign aid to Egypt and Jordan if they refused to absorb Palestinians en masse, in his meeting last week with Jordan’s King Abdullah, Trump reversed his position, stating that “we contribute a lot of money to Jordan and Egypt by the way—a lot to both. But I don’t have to threaten that, I think we’re above that.”
Nevertheless, in the summit’s final communique, Arab states should announce that they are ready to make up for any aid lost should Trump act on his threat. The total annual aid the US provides to Egypt and Jordan is $3.2 billion, a drop in the bucket compared to the Gulf states’ foreign reserve funds, which is over $700 billion.
This will send a clear message to Trump that Egypt and Jordan do not exist at the mercy of the US, and his tactics of coercion are shameless and will not work.
Disrupting global oil supplies
The Gulf states have served US economic interests by ensuring stable oil supplies. Saudi Arabia, the largest oil producer, has been crucial in maintaining the free flow of oil to global markets and controlling oil production, which directly impacts the gasoline prices Americans pay at the pump.
Saudi Arabia can threaten to substantially reduce oil production, which would almost immediately raise gasoline prices. This would aggravate the inflationary trend in the US, which Trump wants badly to arrest.
Threaten to reconsider major arms deals
Although the Gulf states, Egypt, and Jordan are equipped with US military hardware, they can readily suspend further procurement of US weapons, which would translate to financial losses to US arms manufacturers.
Between 2018 and 2022, the US facilitated arms sales in the region to the tune of $35 billion, including $18 billion to Saudi Arabia, $6 billion to the UAE, $5 billion to Egypt, $3 billion to Kuwait, and $2 billion to Jordan. None of these countries are currently involved in military conflicts and can hold off on further procurements to make their position clear to Trump.
Sanctioning Israel
The first to salivate over Trump’s sickening idea of a Palestinian expulsion was Netanyahu and his fascist government. It is a dream come true. They praised Trump for his “ingenious” idea. For them, exiling Gaza’s population would not only allow Israel to resettle Gaza, but it would also open the door for annexing most of the West Bank and forcing countless Palestinians to leave, thereby realizing their dream of greater Israel.
The signatories to the Abraham Accords—the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco—should warn Israel that they will rescind the normalization of relations with Israel if they make any attempt to exile the Palestinians. Egypt and Jordan should recall their ambassadors from Israel and Saudi Arabia should reiterate that under no circumstances would it normalize relations with Israel.
Introducing UN Resolutions
Algeria, which is currently on the UNSC, should introduce a resolution to the UNSC to prohibit the US from removing the Palestinians from Gaza. Although the US will certainly veto it, the debate over Trump’s insane idea will further intensify international outrage.
From there, the Arab League should call on the UNGA to convene a vote on a similar resolution condemning Trump’s proposal. It is certain that, with the exceptions of the US and Israel, nearly every country will vote for it. Although UNGA resolutions are not binding, the message will not be lost, even on Trump.
In conjunction with the above measures, the Arab states must also advance their own plans for Gaza in the context of a solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. By offering valid plans to reconstruct Gaza, they deprive Trump and Netanyahu of proceeding with their perilous plan.
Offer a comprehensive Arab-led reconstruction plan
Given the widespread destruction, the Arab states should agree to allocate an initial $20 billion for Gaza reconstruction, of the estimated $50-80 billion needed. The US, which aided Netanyahu in destroying Gaza, must also provide a substantial amount. The donor countries should invite other countries to bid for various projects, including the dire need for schools, healthcare clinics, and hospitals.
Establishing a Palestinian unity government
The Arab states must take whatever steps necessary to help establish a unity government between Hamas and the Palestinian Authority: one that accepts Israel’s right to exist, renounces violence, and is ready to negotiate peace based on a two-state solution. Although Israel vehemently rejects negotiating with a Palestinian government that includes Hamas, there will be no peace unless Hamas is an integral part of any new Palestinian government.
Netanyahu’s insistence that Hamas can be eradicated is an illusion. After 15 months of horrific losses and destruction, Hamas is still standing. Israel is negotiating with Hamas, albeit indirectly, and if it could not eradicate it in 15 months, it will not be able to eradicate it in 15 years. Hamas’s willingness to relinquish administrative responsibilities but remain a military force outside of the government will not be accepted by the Arab states and Israel.
Whether Hamas chooses to play a relevant role in a new government or not, it must disarm. Having successfully changed the dynamic of the conflict, however, and forced the Arab states to insist on a two-state solution, there is a good chance that Hamas will accept being a partner in any future Palestinian government and take credit for their historic achievement.
Participate in a Multinational Force
The Arab states should be prepared to participate in a multinational force to maintain security and ensure the complete demilitarization of Gaza. Jordan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, which have a vested interest in finding a permanent solution, should lead a force that will include foreign countries, to be agreed upon by the US and these Arab states.
In conclusion, it is worth reminding ourselves that Hamas’ savagery and Israel’s retaliatory war have dramatically changed the very nature of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. All recent developments have demonstrated that it will be impossible to return to the conditions that existed before October 7, 2023.
Regardless of how insurmountable the difficulties that lay ahead, the Arab states have a unique historic opportunity to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict first by initiating and participating in a process of reconciliation between Israel and the Palestinians, culminating with a two-state solution with airtight security arrangements, involving Israel, the Palestinians, Jordan, and the US.
The world will be watching. Will the Arab states muster the courage and rise to the historic occasion when they convene on March 4 in Cairo, take charge, stop Trump and Netanyahu’s deadly and morally bankrupt idea of exiling the Palestinians from Gaza, reach a historic breakthrough, and avoid a looming catastrophe?
These are not ordinary times. Let this serve as a warning. If Trump and Netanyahu have it their way, they will destroy Israel as we know it and set the Middle East ablaze on an unprecedented scale.
IPS UN Bureau
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Excerpt:
Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at New York University. He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.Prime Minister of Barbados, CARICOM Chair Mia Mottley at the opening ceremony of the 48th Regular Meeting of the Conference of CARICOM Heads of Government. Credit: Alison Kentish/IPS
By Alison Kentish
BRIDGETOWN, Barbados , Feb 20 2025 (IPS)
Leaders of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) are meeting in Bridgetown from Feb. 19-21, as the world grapples with multiple crises, including escalating geopolitical conflicts, climate change and rising food insecurity.
“The only way that we will make it through these difficult times is if we are prepared to be more unified and bolder than ever,” Barbadian Prime Minister and CARICOM Chair Mia Mottley said at the opening of the CARICOM 48th Heads of Government Meeting in Bridgetown, Barbados, on Feb. 19.
“We don’t need anyone to tell us about the climate crisis,” she said, adding that “we know what it is each summer to have to hold our breath and to wait and to hope that this is not going to be our turn.”
Mottley urged heads of government of the 15 member nations to agree on a common platform on critical issues, a common vision and to work for what the people of the Caribbean need. The climate crisis is a critical agenda issue, with CARICOM leaders seeking partnership in protecting the lives, livelihoods, and cultures of those most vulnerable to climate change.
“We are in Barbados and if you don’t think that Barbados is worth fighting for, or the Bahamas is worth fighting for, or Dominica is worth fighting for, then I don’t know what is worth fighting for,” said Outgoing CARICOM Chairman, Grenada Prime Minister Dickon Mitchell.
United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres addressed the multiple crises of geopolitical tensions, the socio-economic impacts of COVID-19, soaring debt, the rising cost of living and climate disasters.
He stated that the solution requires a global approach.
“International solutions are essential to create a better today and a brighter tomorrow for this wonderful region and for the world. We have progress on which to build—hard-won global commitments to address the immense challenges we face. But we need the world to deliver.”
“The irrepressible strength of a unified Caribbean and commitment to multilateralism—which have done so much to advance global progress—are vital to achieving that aim,” he said.
European Union President Ursula von der Leyen, a special guest at the meeting, stated that the days of ‘might is right,’ where large nations drown out the voices of smaller ones, are over and that Europe is ready to listen and engage. She said, “Europe understands how the fight against climate change is paramount to the Caribbean states because it is intrinsically linked to your very existence.”
“We understand how fundamental it is for small islands to have a front seat at the table, where you can be the strong voice you deserve to be for this cause. And let’s be very clear—all continents will have to speed up the transition to climate neutrality as we all have to deal with the growing burden of climate change. Its impact is impossible to ignore.”
The 48th regular meeting of the Heads of Government of CARICOM is being held under the theme “Strength in Unity: Forging Caribbean Resilience, Inclusive Growth and Sustainable Development.”
The themes for discussion by the leaders are Food and Nutrition Security, CARICOM Single Market and Economy, Climate Change and Sustainable Development, Foreign Policy, Air and Maritime Transport and Regional Digital Resilience.
A closing media conference is scheduled for Feb. 21 to discuss key decisions and the way forward.
IPS UN Bureau Report
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