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Submarine ESM success [INDODEF16-D3]

Jane's Defense News - Fri, 04/11/2016 - 01:10
Aselsan, a Turkish Armed Forces Foundation company, is continuing to develop its capability in submarine electronic warfare (EW) on the back of recent contracts for the Turkish Naval Forces Command and export.
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China pushes SAM [INDODEF16-D3]

Jane's Defense News - Fri, 04/11/2016 - 01:09
China Aerospace Long-March International (Hall B, Stand 038) is expanding its product range of surface to air missiles (SAM) with the introduction of the FB-10, which is described as a “mobile light air defence missile system”.
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Canadian Navy’s CH148 helicopter conducts first anti-submarine warfare events

Naval Technology - Fri, 04/11/2016 - 01:00
The Royal Canadian Navy’s CH148 Cyclone helicopter has conducted its first anti-submarine warfare (ASW) events with the Victoria-class submarine HMCS Windsor off the coast of Nova Scotia.
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SAIC receives $383m contract to manufacture MK 48 Mod 7 torpedo components

Naval Technology - Fri, 04/11/2016 - 01:00
Science Applications International Corp (SAIC) has received a contract from US Naval Sea Systems Command (NAVSEA) to manufacture components of MK 48 Mod 7 heavyweight torpedoes.
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Deals this week: Bechtel Plant Machinery, BAE Systems, Raytheon Missile Systems

Naval Technology - Fri, 04/11/2016 - 01:00
Bechtel Plant Machinery has received a contract modification to supply naval nuclear propulsion systems to the US Navy.
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NG to Help in Development of SHiELD | Dubai Testing Ways of Tracking Drones to Avoid Flight Disruptions | UK MoD Selects Bidders for Challenger 2 LEP

Defense Industry Daily - Fri, 04/11/2016 - 00:58
Americas

  • After much wrangling, Lockheed Martin and the Pentagon have concluded negotiations on the ninth lot of the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter program with a unilateral agreement that will see 57 jets produced for $6.1 billion. At $107 million per plane, this is the lowest price per plane thus far. The deal will give profit margin certainty to Lockheed and its partners who have been producing the jet under a placeholder agreement known as an “undefinitized contract action,” something the company would have preferred to not have to deal with. Lockheed said that the latest lot is “not a mutually agreed upon contract, it was a unilateral contract action, which obligates us to perform under standard terms and conditions, and previously agreed-to items.” Lot ten negotiations, for 94 aircraft, are still underway.

  • Northrop Grumman will help to develop a directed energy laser system for self-protection of next-gen jets for the USAF. The Air Force Research Laboratory contract has tasked the company to develop and produce the beam control piece of an airborne laser weapon demonstration array that the laboratory is developing as part of the Self-Protect High Energy Laser Demonstrator (SHiELD) program. Testing is to begin in 2019. The laser would reside in a pod that could be attached to fighter-sized aircraft, with the system tested on aircraft flying at supersonic speed.

Middle East & North Africa

  • Following a number of high-profile drone incidents, Dubai is testing out ways to detect and track drones in order to prevent them from disrupting flights at its airport. Trials are currently underway to create a tracking system to detect the real-time location of any nearby drone and the radio frequency on which it is being operated. Other measures suggested by aviation associations representing airlines, pilots and airports across Europe have called for mandatory registration and training of drone users following a number of near-misses.

Europe

  • Consortiums led by BAE Systems and Rheinmetall have been selected by the the UK MoD for the assessment phase of the Challenger 2 life extension project (LEP). Both groups were selected as the preferred bidders by the government, aimed at modernizing up to 227 of the aging Challenger 2 tanks currently in service with the British Army. Two $23 million contracts for the assessment phase are expected before the end of the year for a 24-month assessment program ahead of selection of a winning proposal in 2019. The winners stand to earn $802 million from the project.

  • An F-16 with the 416th Flight Test Squadron at Edwards Air Force Base, USA, is carrying out risk-mitigation testing of the Joint Strike Missile (JSM), a fifth-generation, long-range, precision-guided, stand-off missile system designed by Kongsberg Defence Systems and being developed for the Norwegian armed forces. While the weapon will be eventually integrated on Norwegian F-35s, testing on the F-16 will allow for easier integration on the next-generation stealth fighter. The JSM is designed to be carried in the F-35A’s internal weapons bay and is the only powered, anti-surface warfare missile to do so according to Norwegian officials.

  • The German high court will soon rule on Germany’s decision to lease a Heron TP UAV from IAI, following legal action mounted by rival bidder General Atomics Aeronautical Systems. Berlin decided earlier this year to lease the Israeli-made drone based on previous experience with the Heron I but met opposition from GA based on the fact that the decision was made without a competition. German sources have called the legal action “a very rude intervention in Germany’s sovereignty.”

Asia Pacific

  • A Chinese company is to receive three Russian helicopters following an announcement at the Airshow China 2016. Jiangsu Baoli Aviation Equipment Co. is set to receive Mi-171A and Ka-32 helicopters as well as an Ansat light helicopter in a medevac configuration. Delivery is slated for next year.

  • India is expected to announce its new blacklisting policy for foreign defense companies guilty of corruption next month. While the exact details are yet to be known, companies will not be given a blanket ban and will be allowed to participate in future competitions following the payment of an economic penalty. It remains to be seen whether the six foreign companies currently blacklisted under the current graft regime will be allowed back into the fold.

Today’s Video

ANSAT Light multi-role helicopter:

Categories: Defence`s Feeds

Germany Leases IAI’s Herons for Afghanistan

Defense Industry Daily - Fri, 04/11/2016 - 00:55
IAI Heron
(click to view full)

Germany has just added itself to the list of countries leasing UAV services for the Afghan conflict, by signing a contract with Rheinmetall Defense and their partners at Israel Aerospace Industries to provide an unspecified number of Heron UAVs as the SAATEG (System zur Abbildenden Aufklarung in der Tiefe des Einsatzgebietes). Rheinmetall’s KZO tactical UAV began operating in Afghanistan in 2009, but the Heron is a larger UAV with much better endurance and payload.

Contracts & Key Events ImLite
(click to view full)

November 4/16: The German high court will soon rule on Germany’s decision to lease a Heron TP UAV from IAI, following legal action mounted by rival bidder General Atomics Aeronautical Systems. Berlin decided earlier this year to lease the Israeli-made drone based on previous experience with the Heron I but met opposition from GA based on the fact that the decision was made without a competition. German sources have called the legal action “a very rude intervention in Germany’s sovereignty.”

July 13/11: German defense minister Thomas de Maiziere travels to Israel. On the agenda: extension of the Heron contract to 2014. Der Spiegel [in German].

July 8/11: Aviation Week reports on Germany’s high-end UAV plans, beyond its planned 6 RQ-4 Euro-Hawk surveillance and SIGINT drones. The publication states that Germany is looking to field 16 systems of MALE drones over the next decade, to replace the current Heron UAV lease.

Nov 8/10: It’s not just about UAVs. Defense Update reports that the German Air Force has become RAFAEL’s 1st international customer for the ImiLite “multi-intelligence” Intelligence Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) processing system. The Luftwaffe already uses Rafael’s Reccelite pods on Tornado strike aircraft in theater, though engagement restrictions have basically the turned the fighters into fast reconnaissance jets.

With ImiLite, information from leased Heron UAVs and Tornado aircraft can now be shared on the ground, avoiding delays created by sending all of the data to a central facility. ImiLite links directly to both pod and UAV feeds, hence its “multi-intelligence” designation, and is capable of processing multiple sources in parallel. Analysts can “peel away” layers to focus on specific sensor types, and track back through feeds for forensic analysis. Defense Update.

Sept 17/10: Rheinmetall Defence announces that the follow-on SAATEG contract option has been picked up, for another 2 years of UAV services in Afghanistan. It will run from Oct 23/10 to Oct 22/12, in return for a “substantial 8-figure euro” sum.

The fleet of 3 Heron-1 UAVs has already completed its first 1,000 hours of flight time on behalf of the Bundeswehr in Afghanistan, flying for up to 24 hours at a stretch. Rheinmetall Defence

March 18/10: Oops. The Luftwaffe confirms that one of its Heron UAVs struck a parked aircraft while being rolled back after landing at Mazar-e Sharif air base. “There was damage to both aircraft,” the air force confirms, without providing further details. It has launched an investigation to determine the cause of the accident. Luftwaffe | Flight International.

Luftwaffe: Heron-1
by M. Bertram
(click to view full)

March 17/10: The leased “SAATEG Intermediate Solution” system of “two different unmanned aerial vehicles, including three Heron 1 aircraft and two ground control stations, which Rheinmetall makes available as part of an operator solution” at Mazar-e-Sharif AB, Afghanistan, goes into full operation. The other UAV is presumably Rheimetall’s own KZO.

The German acronym SAATEG stands for “system for imagery reconnaissance deep in the area of operations,” and is is used for real-time aerial surveillance and reconnaissance throughout the German ISAF contingent’s North-Central area of operations. They are supported by a complete maintenance organization in Afghanistan, staffed it with Rheinmetall personnel. Overall operations and control of the aircraft during reconnaissance missions is of course in the hands of German military personnel. Rheinmetall Defence.

Oct 28/09: A “multi-million Euro” contract will see the Bundeswehr lease a Heron UAV system and support from Rheinmetall for 1 year, with an option for a 2 year-extension. Flight operations will commence by mid March 2010, backed by an in-theater 24/7 maintenance and support center. Rheinmetall | IAI.

Different IAI Heron variants are already serving in Afghanistan, with the Canadians and Australians leasing Heron-1 UAVs operated by MDA, while France fields a larger “SIDM” Heron TP variant that’s built and maintained by EADS. The pictures put forward in the Rheinmetall and IAI releases suggested that the German system would be IAI’s Heron TP, but subsequent Luftwaffe pictures established them as conventional Heron 1s.

The Herons will join other leased UAVs in theater with Australia (Heron-1, Boeing’s ScanEagle), Britain (Elbit Systems’ Hermes 450), Canada (Heron-1, ScanEagle), the Netherlands (Aeronautics DS’ Aerostar), and Poland (Aerostar).

Oct 28/09: At least one article [in German] claims that negative experiences with American weapons export bureaucracies and laws shifted the competition away from the MQ-9 Reaper, undermining trust that Germany’s Aug 1/08 DSCA request would result in UAVs that were available on time for the Afghanistan deployment.

It remains to be seen whether the Herons end up serving as an interim bridge to future systems like the Franco-German-Italian Talarion, or an MQ-9 order follows later.

Aug 13/09: Flight International reports that Germany considered the MQ-9 Reaper, Heron-1, and Heron-2/TP for its UAV needs, but decided to look at leasing the Israeli UAVs instead of buying Reapers:

“Germany is going a different path,” says GA-ASI chief executive officer Thomas Cassidy. “They are looking at leasing from an Israeli company. Whether or not that continues or not I don’t know. We have Predator Bs available if they want to switch to Predator Bs.”

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Successful seminar on EU funding opportunities in Spain

EDA News - Thu, 03/11/2016 - 15:14

The Chief Executive of the European Defence Agency (EDA), Jorge Domecq, today addressed Spanish security and defence stakeholders at a seminar in Seville on European Union funding opportunities. The event was jointly organised by the EDA, the Spanish Ministry of Defence and the Agency of Innovation and Development of Andalusia (IDEA).

Around 130 representatives from the Spanish Ministry of Defence, defence industry and business associations, defence-related research and technology organisations and universities participated in the seminar, which included awareness raising and in-depth know-how building sessions.

The seminar showed in concrete terms how to access funding and other instruments available within two major European Union funding programmes running until 2020, i.e. COSME (EU Programme for COmpetitiveness of SMEs) and the Structural Funds. Rear Adm. Jesús Manrique Braojos, Deputy NAD of the Ministry of Defence of the Kingdom of Spain, welcomed the audience followed by introductory remarks by the Andalusian regional minister for Employment, Enterprise and Commerce, José Sanchez Maldonado.

In his opening speech, EDA Chief Executive Jorge Domecq said: "A 'window of opportunities' was opened by both the June 2016 EU Global Strategy of the High Representative of the Union, Federica Mogherini, and the State of the Union speech by Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker in September. The Global Strategy clearly stated that Union funds - to support defence research and technologies and multinational cooperation - are essential prerequisites for European security and defence efforts, underpinned by a strong European defence industry. EDA’s work has already provided a positive answer to the question whether Structural Funds may co-fund dual-use research and technology projects, which clearly have a favourable impact on both the civilian and the defence fields. EDA has also recently clarified the conditions legitimizing access - for both defence and dual-use related SMEs and clusters - to the opportunities of the EU COSME Programme 2014-2020. Altogether, considering EDA encouraging results on Structural Funds and COSME so far, one can say that the time for action is now”.

Both the European Commission and the Spanish Ministry of Enterprises and Public Administrations’ Directorate in charge for the coordination of the national deployment of Structural Funds made presentations about currently available EU funding for the defence sector.

A particular focus was put on dual-use R&T funding and on the Enterprise Europe Network’s local free services in native languages.

Additionally, more than 40 Spanish project managers were trained to apply for the European Regional Development Fund during a dedicated coaching session. Finally, around 60 business-to-business meetings were arranged during a conclusive matchmaking session.

The seminar raised interest across all attending stakeholders, who have established promising contacts in view of an effective follow-up aimed at accessing EU funding opportunities.

Taking into account the increasingly blurred lines between internal and external security on the one hand and civil and defence technology on the other hand, different stakeholders exchanged views with Mr Domecq on how to take advantage of EDA’s work, through close cooperation with the Ministry of Defence of the Kingdom of Spain, in order to promote civil/military synergies wherever appropriate.

 

More information:
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Larsen & Toubro-Interceptor Boats, Fast Patrol Vessels, Repairs and Shipyards

Naval Technology - Thu, 03/11/2016 - 13:40
Larsen & Toubro (L&T) is a multi-billion dollar engineering, construction and financial services conglomerate with extensive proven capabilities in providing equipment and systems for the defence sector for several decades.
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iXBlue-Navigation, Imaging and Positioning Solutions for Maritime Applications

Naval Technology - Thu, 03/11/2016 - 13:25
iXBlue is a leading provider of navigation, imaging and positioning solutions for first-rank ships, submarines and autonomous underwater vehicles (AUV).
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Trasfor-Dry-Type Transformers and Inductors

Naval Technology - Thu, 03/11/2016 - 13:22
Situated for over 40 years on its original site in Lugano, in the south of Switzerland, Trasfor has developed a global reputation for the design and manufacture of custom-built dry-type transformers and inductors.
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Noske-Kaeser-Air Conditioning, Ventilation, Fire Fighting, Refrigeration and Heating Equipment

Naval Technology - Thu, 03/11/2016 - 12:53
With more than 130 years of experience, Noske-Kaeser is one of the most successful suppliers of marine equipment. As a reliable partner of the shipbuilding industry, Noske-Kaeser provides customised,...
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Calzoni-Marine Handling & Lighting Solutions

Naval Technology - Thu, 03/11/2016 - 12:10
Calzoni S.r.l. (former Riva Calzoni) is an Italian Company, part of Kollmorgen EO, which has been operating in the naval market for more than 40 years.
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EDA Workshop on Materials 2050

EDA News - Thu, 03/11/2016 - 11:29

As the defence and security landscape moves into more complex and uncharted areas, studying and developing the capabilities of the future is becoming increasingly challenging. The emergence of new platform concepts and the lead times, often spanning over decades, for materials used in major platforms result in a pressing need to start research efforts in the present. On 18 October 2016, 25 experts from various European Ministries of Defence, the U.S. Department of Defense, European institutions, and industry participated in an EDA workshop to identify materials envisioned to be used by military forces in the year 2050.

High-level experts on materials and defence technologies gathered to discuss the types and functionalities of materials with a potential to improve military operations in 35 years as well as major advances that might be foreseen. Thought-provoking presentations from the European Defence Agency (EDA), the Swedish Defence Research Agency (FOI), the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD), the European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) and the European Space Agency (ESA) underlined the importance of long-term defence R&T strategic planning. They showed how innovative materials and manufacturing can be used in a wide range of applications - lowering the burden of the soldier, stealth and protection, ammunition enhancements - and can improve the lifespan, logistical aspects and functional capabilities of existing & future platforms – air, naval and land.

Using a structured brainstorming method, the organizers dynamically combined the various experts in groups to create a maximum level of interaction and balance between governmental and non-governmental actors. The main outcome of the workshop was the identification of promising ideas and possible Research & Technology needs in 4 main areas: additive manufacturing, advanced smart materials, functional materials and structural materials. Computer-assisted modelling, deployed 3D printing, multifunctional materials, integrated sensors, frequency-adaptive signature control materials, and biomimetics were among the topics viewed to be of especially high interest for military forces in the next decades.

Although the participants recognized that predicting the future poses difficulties in the context of evolving political, technological, economic and legislative factors, they considered that defence technology in 2050 will be shaped by capitalizing on the windows of opportunity opened in the present.

The seminar was co-organized by the EDA’s CapTech on Materials & Structures, Fraunhofer INT, ISDEFE, FOI, FFI.

More information:
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Kafka in Cuba: New AAN report on the Afghan experience in Guantánamo

The Afghanistan Analysts Network (AAN) - Thu, 03/11/2016 - 06:31

Afghans make up more than a quarter of the inmates ever held at Guantánamo Bay, the largest national grouping among United States ‘war on terror’ detainees taken to Cuba. Most were picked up in the early years of the US-led military intervention when US forces carried out mass, arbitrary detentions of Afghans. In a major new report, AAN’s Kate Clark looks at the Afghan experience in Guantánamo, honing in on the cases of eight of the longest-serving Afghan detainees. Five are still in Cuba, while three were transferred to the United Arab Emirates in August where they are believed still to be in some form of detention. She finds the Afghans’ documents to contain outlandish errors of fact, bad translations, testimony obtained under torture, fantastical allegations and cases based on hearsay and unverified intelligence reports.

Reading through the files of the eight Afghans still in Cuba at the start of 2016 is to enter a Kafkaesque world. None of the eight were detained on the battlefield – six were handed over by Pakistan or Afghan forces and two were detained after tip-offs from unknown sources. Instead, intelligence forms the basis for all the detentions and that intelligence is threadbare.

The US military gets dates wrong, provinces wrong, mixes up non-belligerent groups and jihadists and reaches back to make ahistorical allegations – assuming bin Laden had set up al Qaeda a decade before he did, or deciding association with Hezb-e Islami in the 1980s (when it was part of the mujahidin fighting the Soviet occupation and, incidentally, America’s favourite faction) is proof of malign intent in the 2000s. Three of the detainees had associations with the mass, quietest, missionary organisation Tablighi Jamaat; the US holds that as proof of terrorist intent, even though the organisation is anti-jihadist, believing that now is not the time for fighting (jihad), but for preaching (dawa) and persuading Muslims to live better lives.

Thousands of Afghans (the exact figure is unknown) were detained in the early years of the US-led intervention. The 220 Afghans taken to Guantánamo (the total population of all nationalities was 781) included some Taleban, but the vast majority were non-combatants. They included men who had opposed the Taleban or were part of the new post-2001 establishment, old men with dementia or physical ailments and minors, including two boys who had suffered gang rape by a commander. There was also at least one Shia Muslim.

To determine why a particular Afghan was arrested, when looking at the case files, it often makes more sense to look at his personal circumstances than try to work out what links he might have had to the Taleban or al Qaeda: what factional or tribal conflicts was he involved in, did he have enemies who were allies of US forces or the CIA, was there an opportunity for an informer to make money?

In five of the cases, money or personal enmity appear to have been behind their detentions. This was a common feature in the early years of the US-led military intervention as the US military and the CIA sought to hunt down ‘remnants of the Taleban’ when remnants, in terms of forces offering resistance, did not exist (it would be some years before an insurgency took off in Afghanistan).

Haji Wali Mohammed, for example, a money changer in the central money market in Kabul, was captured by the Pakistani intelligence agency, the ISI, in January 2002 and handed over to the US. He believes the ISI turned him over to the US because a tribal jirga had earlier ruled that he was owed money by an Afghan ISI informer. The US has accused Wali Mohammed of being a financier of both the Taleban and al Qaeda, although his files contain no evidence of him having any role beyond that of a publically-known money changer at a time when the Taleban were in power. Another man detained at Guantánamo, Kamin, an imam from Khost, looks to have been captured and handed over to US forces by the 25th corps of the Afghan army, a Khalqi communist militia originating from his home district. (The militia later escaped demobilisation under the DDR programme because of its close links to US forces. It subsequently became the Khost Protection Force, a CIA-allied militia which still operates and stands accused of abuses, including of detainees).

Many of the allegations against the eight Afghans featuring in the report are strange. Hamidullah, for example, who comes from a prominent Hezb-e Islami family in Kabul, was handed over by the NDS in what looks to have been a case of factional enmity; the Afghan intelligence agency was then controlled by Hezb-e Islami’s historical enemies, Jamiat-e Islami. The US military accused Hamidullah of working to bring former king Zaher Shah back to power in 2002 and of plotting with the “extremists” of Mahaz-e Milli (the National Front led by Pir Gailani, now head of the High Peace Council) against the Karzai government. Mahaz was always known as the most moderate of the mujahedin factions, monarchists who were dismissed by hardliners as ‘Gucci guerrillas.’ It has not fought since 1992. The US also alleged Hamidullah had plotted with Hezb-e Islami, the Taleban, various figures in the (pro-intervention) Jamiat-e Islami establishment, like MPs Mullah Ezat and Haji Almas, and the Iranians.

These sort of ‘alphabet soup’ accusations are common in the files. These were the allegations made against Kamin, the imam picked up in Khost city in 2003, for example:

It is assessed detainee is a key member of the Anti-Coalition Militia (ACM) and/or the Al-Qaida Network. Detainee has participated in weapons trafficking, explosives training, operational planning, and attacks against US and Coalition forces in support of the Al-Qaida network. Detainee is affiliated with Al-Qaida, the North African Extremist Network (NAEN), Taliban, and Jayshe-Mohammed (JEM) terrorist Organizations and leaders; further more detainee has admitted ties to the Harakat ul-Mujahidin (HUM). 

Neither ACM or NAEN, despite their appearance, are actual organisations or exist anywhere outside US intelligence reporting. Nowhere is it explained why or how one man could be affiliated with so many groups. From intelligence and legal perspectives, such allegations of multiple, overlapping memberships of disparate (Afghan, Arab and Pakistani) organisations make no sense. Usually, chains of command form the basis for trying to understand an enemy like al Qaeda or the Taleban, and for making a case as to whether war crimes have been committed. Moreover, in Afghanistan where membership of an armed group is usually based on a solidarity grouping (clan, ethnic group or former comradeship), such lists are nonsensical. All the eight Afghans are accused of having been members of at least two groups.

The gap between allegations and evidence

Getting information on the detainees in Guantánamo has been a long, hard struggle given the Bush administration’s desire for secrecy. Transcripts of military review boards were finally published in 2006, after a two-year battle by the Associated Press using Freedom of Information Act requests and litigation. In 2011, WikiLeaks also published secret assessments of the detainees, revealing much of the sourcing on which US allegations had been based. Many assertions, it turned out, were based on weak, or indeed non-existent evidence. There was a heavy use of hearsay and double hearsay (X said Y said Z was a terrorist) and testimony from those who had been tortured. Six of the eight Afghans under study have said they were tortured in ways which match the methods the US military and CIA are known to have used. There is corroborating evidence (from the Senate report on torture or in testimony presented in court) for the use of torture in two of these cases. Accusations by fellow detainees, including those made under torture, are also accepted as evidence.

Unverified and unprocessed Intelligence Information reports (IIRs) are cited both in the military reviews and in court. One former intelligence officer described IIRs as a “generalized reporting vehicle that collects unprocessed and unverified summaries of claims made to U.S. intelligence agencies, usually by foreign sources.” The FBI has described them as raw intelligence reports which usually bear cautions such as: “WARNING: THIS IS AN INFORMATION REPORT, NOT FINALLY EVALUATED.” The US military also uses summaries, rather than the actual transcripts of interrogations – which may have been lost or never made. It is easy to see how mistranslations, misunderstandings and incorrect inferences could creep in, given that these are summaries, not verbatim transcripts.

The US military also uses also strange, associational notions of suspicion. Bostan Karim, a seller of plastic flowers from Khost, is said to have “admitted” to meeting Jalaluddin Haqqani, of the ‘Haqqani network’. The encounter turned out to have been a, presumably obligatory, meeting of all the shopkeepers in Khost at a time when Haqqani was the pre-eminent commander in Khost: all the shops in the bazaar were closed for the event. At one of Karim’s review boards in Guantánamo, the military goes on to say that Haqqani had formed an alliance with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar which was being supported, guided and funded by al Qaida and the Jamat Ulma Islami [sic] which the US refers to as “Pakhtoon tribe” (it is a Pakistani political party) which “regularly recruited from a mosque in Abdabot [sic], Pakistan,” and “[a]fter Friday prayers, members of the organization solicited for volunteers to fight in the jihad.” It does not say which jihad they were recruiting for or what any of this had to do with Bostan Karim.

No way to plead one’s innocence

Once sent to Cuba, detainees found there was no way to persuade anyone that they were not combatants. In 2001, the Bush administration had believed America was facing a uniquely dangerous enemy and the old rules could not apply. It took unprecedented and unusual measures – keeping all details of the detentions secret, not applying the Geneva Conventions (including the minimum protection given by common article 3), withholding protections given to those suspected of crimes, and using torture in interrogations. This meant those arriving in Cuba were left unprotected by any of the usual measures (whether criminal or military) which aim to safeguard individuals from arbitrary detention by the state.

The administration eventually set up military review boards to try to prevent detainees seeking redress through the federal courts. These review boards never managed even to clean out the obvious factual mistakes in the files, let alone question substantive accusations. There was a presumption that detainees were guilty unless they could prove themselves innocent, but they were not told the specifics of the allegations against them and nor were they allowed to call witnesses or have lawyers.

Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of AAN’s study is that the civilian courts in the US completely failed to hold the executive to account. Supreme Court decisions in 2004 and 2008 ruled that detainees could seek redress through habeas corpus petitions made in the federal courts. One of the oldest human rights, a habeas petition forces the state to come to court to justify its detention of an individual. However, in the cases of the three Afghans under study who have made habeas petitions, the courts accepted evidence that would have been unacceptable in criminal trials (this was usually admitted on grounds of ‘national security’). Judges have accepted hearsay and evidence kept secret from the petitioners and their lawyers and allowed the government to repeatedly delay proceedings in ways which lawyers told AAN off the record they thought were deliberate.

Money changer Wali Mohammed, for example, had to wait for three years for a judge to rule on his case, as the government sought to re-open the record and present more evidence (some of it secret). In other cases, judges have accepted the testimony of those who have been tortured; they have weighed up whether testimony could be classed as voluntarily given if was made to a different US agency from the one which carried out the torture, or after a period of time had lapsed between torture and confession.

Federal courts have thus generally accepted the state’s evidence and its interpretation of evidence, without much question. Bostan Karim, the plastic flower seller from Khost, for instance, was turned over to the US by the ISI in 2003. The ISI claimed he matched the description of an al Qaeda terrorist and had a broken satellite phone in his possession while passing the border, which they claimed was used as a detonator for IEDs. Karim’s judge took this allegation at face value – as the US military had done before him – even though at the time, before a mobile phone network was established in Khost, satellite phones were in common use by those who could afford them. The judge accepted Karim’s possession of the phone as proof of terrorist intent.

Some end, for some, in sight

It seems likely that now, after between nine and fourteen years in detention, most of the remaining Afghans in Guantánamo will finally be released. A newish body, the Periodic Review Board, which has a mix of military and civilian officials, has been reviewing the case files of all the detainees still incarcerated. In the last year, all eight of the remaining Afghans have had their cases re-assessed. Six of them have been deemed safe for transfer (ie sent from Guantánamo to another country with security guarantees; this is not yet freedom). One was told his role with the Taleban had been “limited” and that he had been “misidentified as the individual who had ties to al-Qaeda weapons facilitation” – as he had contended all along. Another was told there was a “lack of clear information regarding his involvement with al-Qa’ida or the Taliban.” The other four were judged to pose no risk to the US, or a risk that could be mitigated. In August 2016, three of the men were transferred to the United Arab Emirates, where they were put into a ‘de-radicalisation’ programme. Afghan and US officials told AAN it is not clear how long they will have to stay there and whether they will be allowed, eventually, to return to Afghanistan.

One of the Afghans looks likely to remain in indefinite detention, however. In September 2016 the Periodic Review Board decided to keep Muhammad Rahim in detention. The ISI had captured him in 2007 and handed him over to the CIA, saying he was a close associate of Osama bin Laden. The CIA then ‘rendered’ him to Afghanistan where he was tortured, the last ‘participant’ in the CIA’s global rendition programme. Rahim was subject to eight sessions of sleep deprivation including three which lasted for more than four days and one for almost six (138.5 hours). The interrogation resulted in no useful intelligence. Still, Rahim was transferred to Guantánamo and the CIA told the world they had captured bin Laden’s translator.

The US has classed Rahim as a ‘high value’ detainee, which means much of the substance of the allegations against him is classified, even from Rahim himself. He has had no opportunity, even in the limited ways open to other detainees, to defend himself. His lawyer, Carlos Warner, has complained that, while the state can say what they like about his client, he cannot even say why he thinks he is innocent, because to do so would be to reveal classified information. Warner has written extensively about what he calls the unconstitutional abyss that lawyers find themselves in, when trying to represent detainees in Guantánamo.

… this is a system where as counsel I usually cannot share the Government’s allegations with my own client. I cannot investigate the charge because I cannot share the allegations with the subject of the investigation. Imagine trying to get to the bottom of a bar fight that resulted in a death. I can’t tell my client who was killed or why the Government says he’s involved. I can’t even tell him when the assault occurred or in what bar the assault took place. I certainly cannot interview or cross-examine his accusers. Moreover, I can’t visit the bar or talk to any other witness to the fight. I am also prohibited from speaking with the coroner or any of the investigating officers. Sometimes, the Government will say “we have important evidence about your client regarding our allegation, but we can’t tell you what that evidence is.” Sometimes, the Government just tells the judge without telling or notifying me at all. All of my communications with my client are observed and recorded. All of my legal correspondence is read and inspected by the Government. Guantanamo has been referred to as “Kafka-esque,” and that reference is right. “Catch-22” also aptly describes the legal malaise that is currently called Guantanamo habeas corpus. Nothing in my legal training prepared me for this endeavor.

Rahim’s is the only one of the eight cases where the US accusations somewhat coherently point to an Afghan working with the al Qaeda leadership before the fall of the Taleban. Proof that he played a role after the collapse of the Taleban regime, however, is far less evident. We cannot see the evidence against him, but scrutiny of court documents shows the nature of the evidence against him. It is similar to the other cases: Rahim’s own testimony and that of two other detainees (one of whom has also said he was tortured) and unprocessed and unverified intelligence reports. Given what we know about the evidence used against the other detainees, it cannot be assumed that the secret evidence against Rahim is either accurate or true.

Most of the last Afghans in Guantánamo may soon be out, although not yet back and living freely in Afghanistan. Yet there has been a huge cost in lives wrecked. Hamidullah, the ‘Mahaz-e Milli extremist’ has requested not to be returned to Afghanistan or Pakistan. Those who told US forces he was a terrorist are still in power and he fears for his safety if he goes home; he asked the Periodic Review Board to send him to any other Muslim country. Other detainees have suffered depression or other mental health problems. “Prison usually damages people,” said Shayana Kadial, the lawyer for Kamin. “[M]ost of our clients leave not angry but rather broken and depressed.”

The Afghan experience in Guantánamo shows the perils of arbitrary detention. The miscarriages of justice are clear, but the consequences go beyond the harm done to individuals and their families. The early mass arrests – often accompanied by torture by US forces and Afghan allies of US forces, as well as looting and extortion – was one of the main reasons driving some Afghans to become insurgents. Arbitrary detentions, therefore, helped re-kindle a war which Afghans thought was finally over and one which they, and the US, are still now embroiled in. For the US, the costs have been high too; eight years after promising to shut Guantánamo down, President Obama is still struggling with what to do with America’s ‘war on terror’ legacy.

 

Download Executive Summary here.

Read the full report here.

 

 

 

Categories: Defence`s Feeds

Hacking the sting out of Scorpene: DCNS leak exposes secrets

Naval Technology - Thu, 03/11/2016 - 01:00
Keeping secrets has never been easy, but in today’s infinitely connected, network-enabled world, it has become a great deal more difficult, especially when the tools necessary to steal sensitive information are readily available and sitting in almost…
Categories: Defence`s Feeds

Cobham to support production of Lockheed Martin’s AN/SPY-1D radar

Naval Technology - Thu, 03/11/2016 - 01:00
Cobham has been contracted by Lockheed Martin to support production of its AN/SPY-1D three-dimensional fixed-phased array radar, which serves as the primary air sensor for the Aegis combat system.
Categories: Defence`s Feeds

US Navy commissions AGOR vessel R/V Sally Ride

Naval Technology - Thu, 03/11/2016 - 01:00
The US Navy has commissioned its auxiliary general purpose oceanographic research vessel, R/V Sally Ride (AGOR 28) at the Broadway Pier Port Pavilion in San Diego, US.
Categories: Defence`s Feeds

CACI Lands $1.7B to Support US JIDO | Pilatus PC-21 Trainer Contract with France is Close | UK Funding $2.3B in Cyberdefense Over Next 5 Years

Defense Industry Daily - Thu, 03/11/2016 - 00:58
Americas

  • A number of F-35Bs will conduct developmental and operational testing aboard the USS America amphibious assault ship. Two of the Short Takeoff & Vertical Landing (STOVL) variant will be used in third phase development testing, evaluating the jet’s short take-off vertical landing operations in a high-sea state, shipboard landings, and night operations. Another five will undergo operational testing which involves the simulation of extensive maintenance on a ship. The USS America is the first ship of its class that incorporates design elements specifically to accommodate the new Joint Strike Fighter.

  • Lockheed Martin has won a number of US Navy & USAF contracts for work on the Aegis Weapon System and F-22 Raptor aircraft. A $536 million deal will see Lockheed conduct sustainment services for the F-22 through to December 2017 while a $60 million award covers Aegis ship integration and test efforts for five new Arleigh Burke-class ships, as well as the modernization of five existing ships of that class. Completion of the Aegis contract is expected for November 2017.

  • CACI International has landed a massive deal to support the US Joint Improvised-Threat Defeat Organization (JIDO). Valued at $1.7 billion, CACI will provide JIDO with deployable analytical operations, intelligence and training services to support the organization’s Focused Support/Decisive Effort mission worldwide. The deal will seek to enhance the ability of deploying joint forces to integrate capabilities, technologies and lessons learned against improvised-threat weapons, including improvised explosive devices, or IEDs.

Middle East & North Africa

  • Israeli Air Force officials plan to have its fleet of F-35I “Adir” fighters operational as soon as possible, with service technicians due to visit the US in order to participate in a series of test flights manufacturer Lockheed Martin plans to perform at its Fort Worth, Texas facilities. The test flights aim to familiarise the crew with maintaining the fighter and preparing it for a combat mission and also includes a visit to the USAF’s base in Utah to observer operational procedures for the F-35. With the first two Israeli F-35s slated to arrive next month, immediate work is expected to begin on installing Israeli-developed systems.

Europe

  • Swiss firm Pilatus is confident that a contract with the French government to sell Paris PC-21 trainers is very close. It’s expected that between 20-25 of the turboprop aircraft will be sold in a procurement deal designed to replace the French Air Force’s aged fleet of Dassault Alpha Jet trainers. A decision on the competition is expected in 2017 with the PC-21 the only trainer being offered by the two shortlisted consortia, respectively led by Airbus Defence & Space and Babcock. Leonardo’s Aermacchi M-345 had also been in the mix but did not make it to the competition’s latter stages.

  • The UK’s finance minister has announced funding worth $2.3 billion in order to counter cyberattacks. Speaking at a technology conference in London on Tuesday, Chancellor of the Exchequer Phillip Hammond added that “we will not only defend ourselves in cyberspace, we will strike back in kind when we are attacked.” The spending over the next five years represents a doubling of funding on cyberdefense in the 2011 to 2016 period.

  • Planning to visit Crimea? Well, some of the Soviet-era tourist attractions once available may have been commandeered for Russian defense in the region. Previously abandoned Soviet missile bunkers, once open to the public (for a $50 fee), are now off limits as Moscow has blocked roads to the area which locals now believe “is a functioning military base with an anti-ship missile system.” The bunkers are just one of several previously abandoned military installations being used as the militarization of the Crimean peninsula continues, as reciprocal NATO buildups occur within Russia’s east European neighbors.

Asia Pacific

  • AAI Corp has won a $206 million US Army contract to carry out work as part of Australia’s RQ-7B Shadow drone program. The foreign military sale includes contractor logistics sustainment services for Shadow, and is expected to be completed by October 2017. Australia’s first Shadow drones have been in operation since 2011 and provides reconnaissance, surveillance, target acquisition and force protection for brigades in all weather and at all hours.

Today’s Video

Higher quality look at Chinese J-20s:

Categories: Defence`s Feeds

Adir Who? Israel’s F-35i Stealth Fighters

Defense Industry Daily - Thu, 03/11/2016 - 00:50
(click to view full)

In an exclusive June 2006 interview, Israeli Air Force (IAF) chief procurement officer Brigadier-General Ze’ev Snir told Israeli media that the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter was a key part of their IAF recapitalization plans, and that Israel intended to buy over 100 of the fighters to replace their fleet of over 300 F-16s.

Since then, however, the expected cost of that purchase has more than doubled. Israel’s F-35 contract had to deal with that sticker shock, with issues like the incorporation of Israeli technologies and industrial work, and with major schedule slips in the core F-35 program. Israel was even contemplating delaying its purchase, which would have removed an important early adopter for the Lightning II. In the end, however, Israel decided to forego other fighter options, and became the first foreign buyer of operational F-35s. So, how is the “F-35i Adir” shaping up?

F-35 for Israel: Key Issues F-16B & X-35
(click to view full)

The IAF currently flies 27 F-15I “Raam” Strike Eagles and 102 F-16I “Soufa” fighters as its high-end strike force. Another 72 F-15 A-D Eagle and 224 F-16 A-D Falcon models form the backbone of its force, making Israel the world’s 2nd largest F-16 operator behind the United States.

The plan was that Israel would phase out its F-16A “Netz” models in particular. A smaller number of new F-35s would first replace the Netz fighters, and then replace more advanced F-16 A-D models. That plan is underway, but it has run into turbulence at every step. The F-35i “Adir” will need to address those issues as it competes with other options for future IAF dollars.

Cost

Israel’s original estimates made their F-16 replacement plan seem feasible. They pegged a 100-plane F-35A deal at around $5 billion, and Gen. Snir added that:

“The IAF would be happy to equip itself with 24 F-22s but the problem at this time is the US refusal to sell the plane, and its $200 million price tag.”

Unfortunately, Israel’s September 2008 request for its first 75 F-35s revealed an estimated $15 billion price tag – or about $200 million per plane. All in return for a fighter with poorer air-to-air performance than the F-22, and less stealth. Defense News quoted an official in the IDF General Staff as saying that:

“It’s unbelievable, first it was $40 million to $50 million, and then they [the IAF] told us $70 million to $80 million. Now, we’re looking at nearly three times that amount, and who’s to say it won’t continue to climb?”

Unless its price drops sharply, the F-35 can expect to experience continued competing against other options for each successive IAF offer. A pending gusher of oil and gas revenues from offshore fields may make the Israelis less price sensitive, but Israel’s jets aren’t just for show. If the F-35s are seen as too expensive to support the fleet size Israel needs, the IAF will look at more affordable options to supplement their F-35is.

Capability F-22A Raptor
(click to view full)

Israel originally wanted a different fighter, and pressed the USA for F-22EX aircraft, in order to maintain the IAF’s traditional requirement of regional air superiority. The F-33 offers far fewer weapon choices than the F-35, but it would have been available immediately, while offering better air-to-air performance and higher stealth capabilities against the most advanced air defense systems and fighter radars. Ultimately, America’s shut-down of its F-22 program removed that option.

For Israel, F-35 capability is linked to progress in its testing and integration schedule, which has slipped very badly over the last 5 years. The F-35A Block 3, which will be fielded in 2018, will arrive with a weapon set that hardly distinguishes it from an F-22, and is far inferior to the array its existing fighters already carry.

Longer term, F-35 capability is also linked to another variable: Israel’s ability to customize it, as the IAF has done to its F-15 and F-16 fleets.

Customization Spice bomb
click for video

Access to the F-35’s software source code remains a live issue for the Israelis, as it has been with the Australians [PDF], British, and others. That access is necessary when air forces want to upgrade the aircraft’s computers, and/or integrate new weapons, communications, or electronic warfare systems. Israeli planes generally undergo heavy modifications to incorporate Israeli electronics and weapons systems, and the USA has allowed the Israelis access to the F-15 and F-16’s software. Israel has since exported a number of those enhancements for F-16 and F-15 customers in Asia and Latin America.

The USA doesn’t seem willing to bend on the software code issue for anyone, and insists on routing upgrade and change requests through Lockheed Martin, with attendant costs and possible delays.

Israel has gone ahead with an initial buy anyway, while negotiating to add key items. Israeli “F-35i Adir” fighters will include compatible communications systems and datalinks, and provisions to insert some locally-built ECM and defensive electronics.

Israel will also want to broaden the plane’s weapons array to include Israeli weapons, as a subject of future agreements. Items mentioned in reports to date include Python short-range air-to-air missiles, and dual-mode guidance Spice GPS/IIR smart bombs. Those items are still being negotiated, and Israel’s top-of-the-line strike fighter will need even more weapons than these in order to be fulfill its role.

Israel’s Leverage

Israel didn’t get everything it wanted in its initial buy, and ended up paying considerably more than it had expected. On the other hand, it did get the USA to move on the subject of ECM defensive systems as of 2010, and may succeed in getting more changes made.

On the seller’s side of the table, Israel’s buy is a respected vote of confidence that the F-35 needs. Lockheed Martin is trying to ramp up orders for the F-35 quickly, even though the aircraft are now expected to remain in testing until 2018. A large order book would allow the firm to offer early buyers much lower prices for each plane, using dollar averaging over a substantial initial batch, instead of charging $130 – $170 million for early production aircraft, and $100 million or so for the same plane 3 years later.

That wide difference in purchase costs is standard for military aircraft of all types, but the F-35 is about 5-7 years late versus its ideal market window. Worse, American budgets are already slowing orders, with over 150 planned fighters removed from the latest 5-year plan. Potential customers with air fleets that are reaching their expiry dates are reluctant to pay those high early production costs. If enough of them defect, the F-35 program as a whole could find itself in trouble. By adding an Israeli endorsement, and adding orders during a critical period for the program, Israel’s 20-plane order assumes an importance out of proportion to its size.

The final leverage point for Israel is its solid commitment to its fighter force, and known need for future upgrades. Over time, 326 F-16s have to be replaced with some something, and an early order puts the F-35 in a strong competitive position for further orders. If volume purchases from other countries can help drive costs down closer to $80 million, and new approaches can beat current estimates of high F-35 operating and maintenance costs, the F-35 could become very hard to compete against.

Beyond the F-16s, The IAF’s F-15 Eagles will also require replacement in the coming years, which will be a competition all its own. If the F-35 falters, sharply closer defense relations with Italy could turn the Eurofighter into an option, and Boeing is spending private funds to develop a stealth-enhanced F-15SE “Silent Eagle.” The F-15SE would offer longer range, twin engines for reliability, a much wider set of integrated weapons, and IAF fleet commonalities, in exchange for less stealth than the F-35. If costs are even close to equivalent, the F-35 will have a serious competitor.

Contracts and Key Events 2016

November 3/16: Israeli Air Force officials plan to have its fleet of F-35I “Adir” fighters operational as soon as possible, with service technicians due to visit the US in order to participate in a series of test flights manufacturer Lockheed Martin plans to perform at its Fort Worth, Texas facilities. The test flights aim to familiarise the crew with maintaining the fighter and preparing it for a combat mission and also includes a visit to the USAF’s base in Utah to observer operational procedures for the F-35. With the first two Israeli F-35s slated to arrive next month, immediate work is expected to begin on installing Israeli-developed systems.

July 29/16: The Israeli Air Force has announced that its first F-35I “Adir” fighter has flown in the USA and the flight of a second jet is expected shortly. A pilot from lead manufacturer Lockheed Martin will conduct a number of further tests prior to the fighters’ delivery to Israel on December 12. As with its existing fleets of F-15 and F-16s, Israeli F-35As will be heavily customized to suit the IAF’s needs.

May 5/16: Testing of newer versions of Israeli-made weapons systems is currently underway, and will be eventually installed on Israel’s coming F-35I Adir fleets. While specifics regarding the systems being tested have not been released, the list includes versions of Rafael’s Spice precision-guided bombs and infrared- and radar-guided air-to-air missiles. Testing has been conducted using Boeing F-15s and Lockheed F-16s.

May 4/16: The first F-35I for the Israeli Air Force will be rolled out by Lockheed Martin on June 22 at the manufacturer’s Forth Worth plant. The ceremony will be met by an Israeli delegation led by Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon. Israel’s order of F-35s will then be fitted with the indigenously developed C4 software system designed to meet the Israel Defense Force’s requirement that all Israeli aircraft have unique electronic systems in order to keep a technological edge.

April 6/16: Israel is seeking to gain greater autonomy in its participation and design of its F-35I Joint Strike Fighter procurement. This will include its own command, control, communications and computing (C4) system, indigenous weaponry and the ability to perform heavy maintenance in country rather than at predetermined regional overhaul facilities. Delivery of the first F-35Is are expected to commence this December, and it is expected that Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) will begin installing a tailor-made C4 system on top of the central avionics embedded in the joint strike fighter. At present, Lockheed Martin is working with Elbit subsidary, Cyclone Ltd., for external fuel tanks to mount on the F-35A.

January 21/16: Despite their commitment to the F-35 acquisition program, Israel plans to conduct a deep upgrade of their Boeing F-15I Ra’am fleet, with plans to keep it as the backbone of their strike capabilities. The modifications, including structural changes, the addition of an active electronically-scanned array (AESA) radar, updated avionics and new, unspecified weapon systems, will allow for the aircraft’s continued use as a strategic aircraft even after the F-35I comes into operation. While it’s been said that some missions will be switched over to the F-35I, the F-15 will continue to be used as the air force integrates weapons systems on the newer fighter.

2011 – 2014

F-35i development contract; Major sub-contract for F-35 wings; Nevatim will be the F-35’s base; Israel may want to buy other fighters to keep its fleet numbers up.

IAF pilot training in the USA has been pushed back steadily as the F-35 program faltered, and is now expected to start in 2016. The 1st F-35A would arrive in Israel around 2017, and modifications toward F-35i Adir standards would follow soon thereafter.

LMCO Touts the F-35
click for video

Nov 18/14: Politics.

Strategic Affairs Minister Yuval Steinitz says that the 25-31 plane deal now has majority opposition, and will probably be cut in a compromise solution. In addition:

“Steinitz declined to go into detail about the closed-door discussions, but he cited misgivings about whether the F-35’s range, payload and manoeuvrability would suit Israel’s needs.”

If true, that creates some interesting longer-term questions. Meanwhile, Reuters quote an unnamed “Israeli defence official” re: a staggered plan of 13 F-35s now, then another 18 in 2017 to make 31. Once Israel figures out an acceptable compromise, the next challenge is that terms for the Citibank loan guarantees to pay for the F-35 buy were due to expire on Nov 15/14. That could force renegotiation, if an extension hasn’t already been secured. Sources: Jewish PRess, “Will Israel Reduce F-35 Order From US?” | Reuters, “Israel may halve second order of F-35 fighters: minister”.

Nov 6/14: Industrial. IAI Lahav formally opens its production line for F-35 wings, which has been operating since September 2014. Initial deliveries under the current contract for 20 wings will begin around May 2015, with ongoing production of about 4 wings per month. A wider Memorandum of Understanding could expand IAI’s eventual production totals as high as 811 wings, worth about $2.5 billion.

“The wings will be attached to the F-35A stealth fighters, some of which will enter the service of the IAF during 2017 and be upgraded with Israeli systems to become the F-35I (“Adir” in Hebrew). Therefore, it is not unreasonable to believe that some of the wings will return to Israel.”

Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman have worked with IAI before, as a supplier of wings for F-16 fighters and T-38 super sonic lead-in fighter trainers. The firm was also a producer of its own unique fighter aircraft designs until 1987, and continues to upgrade its Kfir design to this day. Even so, F-35 wing production has required “tens of millions of dollars” in investment from IAI, given the advanced materials and extreme fit tolerances involved. Sources: Israel IAF, “F-35 Wings Production Line Inaugurated” | IAI, “IAI Began Serial Production of the F-35 Fighter Wings”.

Nov 2-5/14: Politics. Israeli defense minister Moshe Ya’alon is recommending the cancellation of several deals with the USA, including 6 MV-22 tilt-rotors, more KC-135 aerial tankers, radar-killing missiles, and radar upgrades for Israel’s F-15s – but the potential purchase of more F-35s (q.v. Oct 28/14) has survived.

After a Nov 5/14 meeting of high-level ministers, however, the $3+ billion F-35i’s prospects are in some doubt as well. Opponents reportedly include Strategic Affairs Minister Yuval Steinitz, Finance Minister Yair Lapid, retired IAF General and Agricultural Minister Yair Shamir, former defense minister Moshe Arens, and IDF ground commanders.

Recent fighting in Gaza, and developments in Lebanon and Syria, are pushing the critics to recommend buys of precision weapons, UAVs, and ground forces equipment instead. The weak protection of Israeli M113s has come in for particular criticism, and hundreds of modern armored vehicles could be bought for the same $3+ billion. Sources: Defense News, “Israeli Brass Urge MoD To Stick With V-22 Deal” | Times of Israel, “Ya’alon said to cancel aircraft purchase from US” | Times of Israel, “Ministers may look to shoot down F-35 jet deal”.

Oct 28/14: 2nd tranche? Reuters reports that Israel is looking to buy a 2nd lot of 25 more F-35s for about $3+ billion, with delivery beginning in 2019.

That timeline would force an order no later than 2017, and Israel might expand its order to 31 planes if Lockheed Martin can make good progress on promises to bring the plane’s flyaway cost down to $80 million by 2018. The approval process is still underway within the Israeli government. Sources: Reuters, “UPDATE 1-Israel to buy 25 more F-35 Lockheed stealth fighters -sources.”

Oct 28/14: F-35i. Lockheed Martin Aeronautics Co. in Fort Worth, TX receives a $220.7 million cost-plus-incentive-fee contract modification for Israel’s F-35 System Development and Demonstration Phase I Increment 2. This modification includes the development and demonstration of the hardware and software for the Israel F-35A/i. $77.8 million in FMS funds are committed immediately.

Work will be performed at Fort Worth, TX, and is expected to be complete in March 2019. US NAVAIR in Patuxent River, MD manages the contract on behalf of their Israeli client (N00019-12-C-0070).

F-35i SDD

Oct 27/14: LRIP-8. Lockheed Martin announces that they’ve reached an agreement in principle for the LRIP-8 contract for 43 F-35 Lightning II aircraft, including Israel’s first 2, with deliveries beginning in 2016. They don’t have a price tag, but it’s only an agreement in principle.

As of Oct 24/14, 115 F-35s have been delivered, including test aircraft. The key isn’t the aircraft, however, it’s the software required to make it an effective combat aircraft. They aren’t there yet; indeed, that effort is behind schedule. Sources: LMCO, “DOD and Lockheed Martin Announce Principle Agreement on Purchase of F-35s”.

Oct 20/14: F-35i/ ALIS. Lockheed Martin Aeronautics Co. in Fort Worth, TX receives a $7.7 million cost-plus-incentive-fee contract modification to provide updates for the Israeli effort to develop their F-35A/i and the Autonomic Logistics Global Sustainment system, under the Foreign Military Sales program. $2.6 million is committed immediately.

Work will be performed in Orlando, FL (70%), and Fort Worth, TX (30%), and is expected to be complete in December 2017. US NAVAIR in Patuxent River, MD manages the contract on behalf of their Israeli client (N00019-02-C-3002).

April 22/13: Industrial. Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) signs a 10-15 year contract with Lockheed Martin to produce F-35 wings, with deliveries to begin in 2015. Their production will reach beyond Israel, and the contract could be worth up to $2.5 billion over its lifetime.

IAI’s Lahav production line already produces F-16 and T-38 wings, but the F-35’s manufacturing methods and challenges are a few steps ahead. IAI is investing in the required advanced systems and technologies, and working with Lockheed martin to get the new line set up. IAI.

Major sub-contract: wings

Aug 28/12: F-35i. Lockheed Martin Aeronautics Co. in Ft. Worth, TX receives a $206.8 million cost-reimbursement contract modification to pay for Phase I Increment 1, of Israel’s F-35i System Development and Demonstration. This modification includes the development of hardware and software, from the initial requirements development to the Preliminary Design Review (PDR). In addition, a hardware-only post PDR will continue through finalized requirements, layouts, and build to prints, including production planning data.

Note that Pentagon contract announcements are often for the 40-50% of the total expected costs, in order to get work underway. As such, previous figures of $450 million to add Israeli radio, datalink, and electronic warfare systems could still be true. Work will be performed at Fort Worth, TX (60%); Los Angeles, CA (20%); Nashua, NH (15%); and San Diego, CA (5%), and is expected to be complete in May 2016. US Naval Air Systems Command in Patuxent River, MD will manage this effort, on behalf of its Israeli Foreign Military Sale client (N00019-12-C-0070).

July 26/12: F-35i ECM. Reuters reports that Lockheed Martin has changed their minds and reached a $450 million agreement to include Israeli ECM/electronic warfare systems within the F-35i. This has been a long-standing and consistent concern for Israel, who needs to adapt immediately to new threats once information is gathered.

If an agreement is signed, the Israeli F-35Is would initially be distinguished by their radio, datalink, and electronic warfare systems, which would theoretically be available to other F-35 customers as an option. “Sources familiar with the negotiations” say that the Israeli systems would be integrated beginning in 2016, and that the deal is “to be finalized in coming weeks.”

F-35i Initial SDD

F-15I, Red Flag 04
(click to view full)

Dec 26/11: Other options. The Jerusalem Post reports that Israel is looking for ways to bolster its fleet before the the F-35s arrive. Phased elections in Egypt, which are beginning to hand significant power to Taliban-style Salafists and the Muslim Brotherhood, are creating a new strategic situation. Meanwhile, the possibility of slowdowns to the F-35 program or further cost increases leaves their affordability and timeliness in question.

Beyond upgrades to existing platforms, the Israelis are reportedly considering scenarios in which American budget cuts lead to retirement of serving F-15s and F-16s, and hence the availability of used planes at a bargain price.

Dec 12/11: Other options. The Jerusalem Post reports that delays to the F-35 program appear to be pushing Israel toward further F-16C/D upgrades, and may even trigger new aircraft buys if the multi-national program’s delivery dates slip beyond 2017.

Nov 22/11: Basing. The IDF has decided to base its F-35s at Nevatim AB, in the Negev, between Be’er Sheva and Arad. Arutz Sheva | Jerusalem Post.

June 30/11: F-35i. The IAF has sent 2 servicemen to the United States to serve as the lead technical team in the development of the F-35i, and integrate Israeli technology. It’s now believed that deliveries won’t begin until 2016-2017, and the IAF is reportedly looking at 2016 as the date for pilots to go through training in the USA. Jerusalem Post.

2010

Negotiations lead to Cabinet approval and a contract for 20 “F-35i” planes. F135 Engine Test
(click to view full)

Oct 14/10: Engines. To no-one’s surprise, Israel’s F-35As will fly with Pratt & Whitney engines. Israel’s early delivery schedule meant that the F135 was the only practical engine option.

There’s also a relationship angle to this buy. Unlike the USAF, Israel has remained a steadfast Pratt & Whitney (F100 engine) client for all of its F-16s, as well as its F-15 fleets. Pratt & Whitney.

Oct 7/10: Israeli Ministry of Defense Director General (Maj. Gen. Ret.) Udi Shani signs the F-35A Letter of Offer and Acceptance at a ceremony in New York, covering 20 F-35A fighters with an option for another 55. Lockheed Martin.

Sept 16-20/10: Approval. Israeli Prime Minister’s Office:

“The Ministerial Committee on Security Affairs, chaired by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak, has decided to approve the deal to purchase 535 [sic, they mean F-35] stealth aircraft.”

A Sept 19/10 release adds that:

“I would like to commend the staff work that was done by the security establishment and the IDF and which led to the integration of [Israeli] systems into the plane. The plane is currently being developed and will be equipped in the coming years. This is one of our answers to the changing threats around us, to maintain our attack capabilities, along with other actions to improve both our defensive and offensive abilities in the decades to come. We will hold separate discussions on these, but I think that this step, acquiring the most advanced plane in the world, more advanced than any plane in the area, is an important and significant step for the security of Israel.”

On Sept 20/10, the Knesset (Parliamentary) Finance Committee approves the purchase of 20 F-35As plus spare parts, initial maintenance and training, and simulators, for up to $2.75 billion. That approval gives the Israeli Ministry of Defense permission to make a commitment to Lockheed Martin for the purchase of the aircraft.

20-75 F-35s

Aug 30/10: Industrial. Reuters reports that Israel’s F-35 industrial work package may well include wing assemblies, which would be done by Israel Aerospace Industries. A final deal is expected by late September 2010. Reuters adds:

“An Israeli official said reciprocal purchase deals worth $4 billion had been secured for Israeli companies for their participation in the plane’s manufacture and might be increased to $5 billion although it would be conditional on Israel exercising its option to buy the additional 55 planes.”

Aug 27/10: F-35i. Aviation Week reports that Israeli F-35s will be designated F-35i. Initial cockpit interfaces will allow installation of IAF command, control, communications, computer and intelligence (C4I) systems, via a plug-and-play feature in the main computer. They will also be able to carry a 600-gallon external drop tank to boost range. The biggest weakness will be electronic warfare systems. The U.S. will not grant Israel the source code to alter threat and jamming libraries, and so Israel must rely on an arrangement by which the U.S. will “make the required software changes to meet any new threat that might emerge in the region.” If they’re willing. When they get around to it.

Other priorities whose exact future is less certain include installing Python 5 and subsequent air-air missile in the F-35’s internal bays; initial F-35As will be restricted to American AIM-9Xs externally. Israel is reportedly interested in adding a version of the Stunner radar/infrared dual-mode anti-air missile from the David’s Sling anti-missile system, and will have to make changes to Rafael’s Spice GPS/IIR guided bombs, in order to fit within the F-35’s weapon bays.

The air force reportedly plans to receive the first JSF for test flights in the U.S. in 2015, with 3 more fighters delivered by the end of the year, another 3 in 2016, and the other 13 in 2017.

Aug 24/10: The F-35A will have to make a wider case in Israel. Finance Minister Yuval Steinitz believes that a decision with such great defense and economic implications, should not be left solely to the defense minister and the Israel Defense Forces. Instead, the F-35 will be considered by a forum of senior ministers. Ha’aretz.

August 15/10: Defense Minister Ehud Barak announces formal approval for purchasing the American F-35A. Reports indicate that Israel will buy 20 jets for about $2.75 billion, and add that the deal is a “closed package” with few to no Israeli modifications. The aircraft would be delivered from 2015-2017. If Israel chooses to buy more F-35s from later production blocks, they may have more Israeli systems.

Defense Ministry Director-General Udi Shani reportedly said that one of the considerations in approving the deal was an American offer of $4 billion in industrial offset contracts to Israeli defense industries. Their exact composition will be part of negotiations and future agreements with Lockheed Martin, who already has good relations with Israeli defense firms in a number of spheres. The entire deal will be funded by American military aid dollars, and still needs the Israeli cabinet’s approval before a contract can be signed and announced. Arutz Sheva | Globes | Ha’aretz | Jerusalem Post | Ynet News || Agence France Presse | Bloomberg | Reuters.

MoD F-35A approval

July 27/10: Customization. A Ha’aretz op-ed article claims that:

“And now Israel goes hat in hand pleading for a chance to be allowed to acquire the F-35 aircraft, at a price tag of $150 million each. But it’s not only the astronomical price. Israel is told that the F-35 must be taken as is – no changes or modifications to suit Israel’s specific needs, and absolutely no Israeli systems included. Take it or leave it.

Just imagine Israel’s position today had the Lavi project not been canceled…”

That claim contradicts other reports.

July 19/10: Negotiations. Reuters reports that Israel may be just “days away” from a $3 billion contract to deliver 19 F-35s. Outgoing DSCA head Vice Admiral Jeffrey Wieringa is quoted saying that: “The ball is in their court… I am waiting for them to make a decision any day.”

Lockheed Martin VP for F-35 business development, Steve O’Bryan, added that the firm is close to reaching a FY 2010 LRIP-4 production agreement with the U.S. government for another 32 planes, adding that classified briefings have been given to other countries, including Greece and Belgium, and that Finland and Spain have expressed interest.

July 8/10: F-15SE. Boeing flies its stealth-enhanced F-15SE “Silent Eagle,” for the first time, demonstrating the weapon bay operation in flight. The next stage will involve firing an AIM-120 air to air missile from the recessed weapon bay, which is part of the plane’s conformal fuel tank.

Boeing executives are also quoted as saying that they expect export approval for the F-15SE, and have received interest for Korea. A Jerusalem Post report adds Israel to this list, citing several conversations between Israeli defense officials and Boeing about F-15SE capabilities, and possible interest in a cheaper Silent Eagle bridge buy that allows full Israeli customization, while the F-35A achieves greater cost certainty and lower production costs. The F-15SE could also fit South Korea’s interest in a KFX-3 development program, which would involve both Korean research and equipment, but use a foreign fighter as the base. Both South Korea (F-15K) and Israel (F-15I) already fly Strike Eagle variants, and the 2 countries have begun to cooperate in a number of advanced defense programs. This raises interesting speculation about the possibility of tripartite cooperation on the F-15SE. Boeing | Defense News | Jerusalem Post.

April 25/10: Customization. Jane’s Defense Weekly reports that earlier expectations of an F-35 contract by the end of 2010 appear to have faded. Instead, the IAF is looking at buying 18-24 F-15 or F-16 variants as a stopgap, and may even postpone its fighter replacement program and retain F-16As in its inventory instead. Leading candidates for the additional squadron, and possible follow-on buys, would be more F-16I or F-15Is, or collaboration with Boeing to develop and field the stealth-enhanced F-15SE Silent Eagle.

With respect to 3rd party equipment issues, Jane’s adds that the Americans have approved the installation of Israeli electronic warfare systems, but no decision has been made concerning RAFAEL’s Python 5 short range air-air missile, or the dual GPS/IIR guidance Spice guided bomb. UPI.

March 8/10: Negotiations. With the American F-35 program facing a delay of a year or more before its variants enter operational service, and testing going very slowly, Israel is reportedly delaying its own contract signing. A contract was originally expected in March 2010, but media reports indicate that spring 2011 is more likely.

The reports also characterize issues of Israeli technology insertion as largely resolved, but adds that delivery delays and the $130 million minimum expected cost may give a leg up to Boeing’s F-15SE “Silent Eagle,” which could be offered for $100-100 million and be available in 2011 instead of 2014-2015. Jerusalem Post | Brahmand | Jane’s | UPI.

Feb 12/10: Negotiations. UPI reports that discussions between Israel and the USA concerning the F-35 are also covering the potentially contentious area of exports to Arab countries.

Traditionally, American weapons exported to Arab countries have been less sophisticated than the same weapons sold to Israel. Saudi Arabia’s F-15S Strike Eagles are an example of achieving that through downgrade, while Israel’s F-16I “Soufa” is an example of achieving that by letting the Israelis fully customize their aircraft with Israeli equipment. Option #2 is currently a sticking point of its own in negotiations, and non-NATO downgrades or Israeli upgrades in the stealth arena would each create their own issues.

2009

Negotiations as cost and customization concerns come to the fore; Boeing unveils stealth-enhanced F-15SE Silent Eagle; F-15SE unveiled
(click to view full)

Nov 25/09: Customization. Jon Schreiber, who heads the Pentagon’s F-35 international program, told Reuters that an Israeli version of the F-35 could include command and control systems developed in Israel, as well as the ability to carry Israeli Python 5 air-air missiles and Spice dual-mode GPS/IIR guided bombs in early model jets. Israel would also get “a relatively inexpensive path for hardware and software upgrades to add future weapons,” by which he may mean the planned reprogramming facility for the global fleet. Ha’aretz says that the boost of an Israeli endorsement has become more important to the program:

“The Americans’ willingness to soften their stance is the result of a series of meetings held by Lockheed officials and Israeli defense establishment officials three weeks ago, and also difficulties with the project, particularly concerns that orders by countries participating in the development project will be low.”

The JSF program office is still reportedly opposed to the introduction of an Israeli electronic warfare suite, but the need for fast reprogramming and tight national security regarding Israel’s knowledge of enemy signals makes that a key Israeli condition. Schreiber is quoted as saying that policy or circumstances would have to change, in order for that restriction to change. At present, the plan is for a centralized F-35 fleet signals database and electronic warfare update facility at the United States Reprogramming Laboratory in Fort Worth, TX.

Schreiber says that the United States plans to formally submit its offer and prices in January 2010. Israel must approve this no later than March 2010, and reach a deal with Lockheed on integrating the Israeli weapons and other systems by June or July 2010, in order to buy in FY 2012 and take delivery delivery in 2015. Reuters | Ha’aretz | Jerusalem Post.

Nov 24/09: Customization. Reuters reports that:

“The United States will keep to itself sensitive software code that controls Lockheed Martin Corp’s new radar-evading F-35 fighter jet… Jon Schreiber, who heads the program’s international affairs, told Reuters in an interview Monday [that] “That includes everybody,”…acknowledging this was not overly popular among the eight that have co-financed F-35 development – Britain, Italy, the Netherlands, Turkey, Canada, Australia, Denmark and Norway.”

Instead, the USA plans to set up a “reprogramming facility” to develop F-35-related software and distribute upgrades. The terms on which allies might use this facility, and Lockheed Martin’s ability to stall or block upgrades that might boost competing products, are not detailed. Reuters | UK’s Daily Mail | New Zealand TV | UK’s Spectator Op-Ed.

Nov 23/09: Cost. Reuters reports that order delays and reductions by several F-35 partner countries are likely to push up prices for early buyers. With respect to Britain’s F-35B orders (vid. Oct 25/09 entry), however, F-35 international program manager Jon Schreiber says:

“The only thing that they’ve told me is that they’re currently on plan – and don’t believe what you read in newspapers…”

Nov 10/09: Negotiations. The Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz reports on F-35 negotiations and the associated issues, and lays out the timetable:

“The United States is scheduled to respond next week to Israel’s express request for 25 of the jets. Jerusalem is to reach a final decision by early 2010, and there’s a good chance a deal will be signed by the middle of the year. Assuming Lockheed maintains its original production timetable the first fighters will be delivered in 2014. Two years later, Israel will have its first operational squadron of F-35s.”

Nov 4/09: Customization. Jane’s reports that Israel has decided not to integrate any Israeli equipment into its first F-35As, in order to curtail an expected price tag of over $130 million per plane. A follow-on Nov 11/09 article in Ha’aretz reports that Israeli defense firms are not at all pleased by this development:

“This time, the defense establishment skipped over this [consultation] stage and is willing to accept the American dictate that this aircraft is a closed package [technologically] and it is very difficult to make changes to it that are specific to each client,” the [industry] official said. “The air force urgently wants this aircraft and it looks like they are going to give in, which is going to result in the Israeli industry almost not participating in the largest procurement program in IDF history.”

The country is also debating the wisdom of the purchase as a whole, with the Ministry of Defence arguing for a 2-year delay in procurement. Israel’s air force has always believed in qualitative superiority over regional competitors, but the F-35A’s 2014 delivery/ 2016 in service dates would make it irrelevant to Iran’s expected hostilities. On the other hand, the funds required could buy a lot of Namer heavy IFVs and other equipment, which would be extremely valuable during the next war in Lebanon.

Lockheed Martin is trying to keep the pressure on, saying that by 2016, F-35 production slots will already be filled by other orders and may be unavailable. The question is whether this will spur Israel to begin F-35 payments on schedule in 2010, or spur them to find another aircraft.

Oct 5/09: Cost. Aviation Week reports that the proposed international consortium buy to get allies their F-35s in time, but avoid the vastly higher price tags of early-production aircraft, may have collapsed. If so, the cost repercussions are likely to affect Israel’s calculations as well:

“A plan for a five-year, eight-nation, 368-aircraft order for Joint Strike Fighters is dead, according to a senior Australian government official. According to Australian Financial Review (subscription site) Defence Management Organization chief executive Stephen Gumley has told Australia’s parliament that a lack of interest among partners, plus US procurement rules, has killed the plan. (To “cruel” something, in Australia, means approximately the same as “kibosh” – its implication is terminal.)

Gumley also told AFR that, as a result, Australia may defer its main JSF orders by two years, to 2015 (with delivery in 2017) to avoid buying high-priced low-rate initial production aircraft.”

Other reports, such as a recent Dutch KRO-Reporter TV show, quote Lockheed Martin representatives as saying that they hope to be able to offer a firm averaged price to international partners in Q1 2010.

Sept 8/09: Negotiations. The Jerusalem Post reports that the Israeli F-35 contract signing is likely to be delayed past the target of early 2010, and continues to face problems. That may delay the F-35A’s introduction past 2014:

“A continued Pentagon refusal to integrate Israeli systems into the stealth Joint Strike Fighter will likely cause delays in the arrival of the advanced fighter jet to Israel, senior defense officials and IDF officers told The Jerusalem Post… The negotiations are still ongoing and we do not even know yet what the price of the aircraft will be,” said a top officer involved in the negotiations… Israeli demands have focused on three issues – the integration of Israeli-made electronic warfare systems into the plane, the integration of Israeli communication systems and the ability to independently maintain the plane in the event of a technical or structural problem. The British have made similar requests and according to a recent report in the Daily Telegraph is also seeking independent maintenance capabilities as well as access to some of the more classified technologies.”

July 9/09: Letter of Request. The Jerusalem Post reports that the Israeli Air Force has submitted an official Letter of Request (LOR) to the Pentagon to purchase its first squadron of 25 F-35s:

“Defense officials said that… negotiations regarding the final price of the plane – estimated at around $100 million – as well as the integration of Israeli systems would continue. The LOR will be followed by the signing of a contract in the beginning of 2010. The first aircraft are scheduled to arrive in Israel in 2014…According to senior IDF officers, the Defense Ministry and the Pentagon have reached understandings on most of the major issues…”

See also: Arutz Sheva | defpro | Turkish Daily News | Al Jazeera | Pravda | China’s Xinhua.

April 19/09: F-15SE. The Jerusalem Post reports that Israel’s Air Force is reviewing Boeing’s new F-15 Silent Eagle (F-15SE, see March 17/09), as a potential alternative to Lockheed Martin’s F-35A, if export permission for a downgraded F-22 model is still refused. While the F-35’s high cost remains an issue for the Israelis, expected delivery delays to 2014 and the inability to install Israeli-made systems appear to be bigger stumbling blocks.

In contrast, the F-15SE would be available by 2011; like an F-22EX model, some additional development will be required to finalize the design. The F-15SE offers considerably more range and payload than the F-35, for less than the F-22 would cost; possibly for less than early-model F-35s would cost. Electronics and equipment flexibility would be similar to the other F-15s Israel flies, and the potential option of upgrading Israel’s 25 F-15I Strike Eagles to a similar standard offers an additional consideration.

On the flip side, the resulting aircraft would offer significantly less stealth than the F-22, and less than the F-35A as well. This would make precision strike attacks against advanced air defense systems more difficult. It would also lack the suite of integrated, embedded multi-spectral sensors, which reach their modern apotheosis on the F-35A.

April 17/09: Negotiations. Ha’aretz reports that Israel’s F-35 negotiations are still bogged down, with cost – and more so, technology transfer and control – as the key issues.

March 19/09: Negotiations. The Jerusalem Post relays word from Israel’s Ministry of Defense, who said that Israeli systems “have already been installed in the F-35… We are holding further discussions to install further systems.”

US-built models of the jet would incorporate Israeli-made data links, radios and other command and control equipment, but would reportedly exclude an Israeli-made electronic warfare suite due to the high cost of integrating the system into the plane.

March 17/09: F-15SE unveiled. Boeing unveils the F-15SE “Silent Eagle” variant. The aircraft has slightly canted vertical tails to improve aerodynamics and reduce weight, some minor radar shaping work, the addition of coatings to improve radar signature further, and a pair of conformal fuel tanks with cut-in chambers for 2 air-to-air missiles each, or air-to-ground weapons like the 500 pound JDAM and 250 pound GBU-39 Small Diameter Bomb. The tanks would be swappable for traditional conformal tanks if desired, and weapons could also be carried externally. BAE’s DEWS electronic self-protection system would be fitted, along with Raytheon’s AN/APG-63v3 radar that will equip all Singaporean F-15s and be retrofitted to the American fleet.

The intent appears to be to offer a “budget Raptor” in the $120 million range, with a basic radar signature that’s competitive with newer fighters like the similarly-priced Eurofighter Typhoon. Advantages would include better radar signature when internal carriage is used for long combat air patrols or limited precision strikes, a superior and proven AESA radar, longer range, and more total carriage capacity if necessary. On the flip side, it would not provide the same maneuverability options as canard equipped contenders like EADS’ Eurofighter or Dassault’s Rafale. The total package would come closer to parity with the SU-30MKI/M and subsequent versions of Sukhoi’s offerings, but may or may not measure up against longer-term opponents like Sukhoi’s PAK-FA or China’s J-XX. From Boeing’s release:

“Boeing has completed a conceptual prototype of the CFT internal-carriage concept, and plans to flight-test a prototype by the first quarter of 2010, including a live missile launch. The design, development, and test of this internal carriage system are available as a collaborative project with an international aerospace partner.”

March 17/09: Negotiations. Reuters quotes Pentagon official Jon Schreiber, who heads the Joint Strike Fighter’s international program, concerning potential buys by Israel and Singapore:

“I think our system will meet [Israel’s] requirements with some tweaking, and I think they’re starting to come around to that realization themselves. They have pretty tight budget constraints and we’re attempting to fit their requirements into their budget… We expect to get a revised letter of request from (Israel) within the next month or so…”

March 14-15/09: Dave Majumdar of Examiner.com proposes sending Israel the USA’s recently-decommissioned F-117A stealth attack aircraft, in order to meet Israel’s needs immediately and give them breathing room to buy the F-35 at a less expensive stage. That might be an interesting policy move for the USA, but it’s not in Lockheed Martin’s interest to do so. Part 1: The Problem | Part 2: The Solution.

Feb 25/09: Negotiations. Aviation Week quotes an Israeli Air Force general who says the F-35’s price is the biggest issue, industrial participation industries is 2nd, and the tiff about replacing U.S. electronic warfare systems with local products is 3rd.

The report adds that Elta is expected to provide its own AESA radar to replace the APG-81, without U.S. complaint, but the price tag of “more than $100 million” remains the biggest problem.

Feb 10/09: Customization. Aviation Week’s Ares publishes “JSF Secrets to Stay Secret“:

“After a long period of obtuse answers about whether foreign customers would be able to put their own systems in F-35 or customize the software themselves, the issue has been clarified.

“No,” says Maj. Gen. Charles Davis, program executive officers of the Joint Strike Fighter program… They are going to buy aircraft that have basically the same capability as all the others,” Davis says. “They are trying to do a requirements analyses for future missions. Those mission [refinements] would be submitted through Lockheed Martin [and other contractors]. That [customization] is doable through software. It is not doable by Israelis sticking boxes in the airplane. [Elbit and Elta being involved] is not an option…”

The Jerusalem Post notes that this is a significant departure; Israeli F-15s and F-16s have all been modified to carry Israeli electronic warfare, radars, munitions, and command and control systems. Israel believes that electronic warfare in particular must be local and flexible, in order to counter local, evolving threats in a timely way, rather than suffering on someone else’s schedule. Its weapons are another significant area of departure, and have become successful exports while offering their own form of insurance against both countermeasures and foreign diktat. In this case, however:

“…the US refused to conduct the negotiations [on these issues] with the [Israeli] MOD until an announcement that it would procure the plane had been made. The announcement was made in October in an official request to the Pentagon.

A defense industry source familiar with the negotiations between Israel and the US said that the talks were “tough” but predicted that a deal would be reached in the coming months and that Israel would finally place an official order.”

Feb 7/09: Cost. In a talk at the Brooking Institution, JSF program head USAF Maj.-Gen. Charles R. Davis has admitted that that the average cost of F-35 fighters will range from $80 – 90 million in current dollars, but IDF sources tell the Jerusalem Post that they believe the cost per aircraft will exceed $100 million, “making it very difficult for Israel to follow through with its initial intention to purchase 75 aircraft.” Jerusalem Post.

2007 – 2008

Plans for 100 F-35As; DSCA request for 25-75; Cost becomes a concern. F-35B features
(click to view full)

Nov 9/08: Cost. Israel remains relatively unaffected by the global financial crunch, has $3 billion per year in military aid dollars to spend within the United States, and faces growing regional threats to its existence. Lockheed Martin is seeking to finalize early orders for the F-35, in order to assure production. It seems like a natural fit. Israel is only an F-35 “security cooperation partner,” however, and its HMDS helmet-mounted display technology is its only contribution to date.

Israel traditionally incorporates an array of its technologies and weapons into American-bought fighters. A Reuters report adds that:

“A Lockheed source said seven Israeli companies had already been contracted to contribute to the [Israeli F-35] project.

On the other hand, uncertainty over the breadth of and timing that integration, questions about F-35 delivery schedules, and pricing issues are all working against contract negotiations. There are even reports that Israel is considering a renewed request for the $180 million F-22A, which could be delivered by 2011, or for additional purchases of upgraded F-16s instead.

Reuters reports that CEO Robert Stevens visited Israel in early November to lobby for an early 2009 contract, and advanced the argument that an earlier buy would translate into greater participation. The argument is also being used that Israeli investment in technology inserts would become potential export options for other F-35 customers, as was the case with the F-16. On the other hand, Defense News quoted an official in the IDF General Staff as saying that

“It’s unbelievable, first it was $40 million to $50 million, and then they [the IAF] told us $70 million to $80 million. Now, we’re looking at nearly three times that amount, and who’s to say it won’t continue to climb?”

See also: Israel’s Ha’aretz newspaper | Jerusalem Post | Israel’s Globes business paper | Reuters | StrategyPage.

Nov 10/08: F-22. Flight International reports that sticker shock over the proposed $200 million per plane price of F-35As, and a need for rapid delivery, may push Israel to renew its F-22EX request with the new Obama administration. An excerpt:

“This aircraft can be delivered in two years if the deal is approved [DID: 2011, vs. 2012-14 for F-35s], and that is very important for the security of Israel,” comments one Israeli source.”

Oct 16/08: Cost. The Jerusalem Post reports that:

“According to the officials, the IDF will likely hold off signing an official contract with the US Air Force to buy the jet, also known as the F-35, until the economic situation becomes clearer… One official said it was possible that if orders dropped, the cost of the plane would increase and that as a result Israel would need to reconsider the number of planes it will buy.”

Sept 26/08: Request. the US Defense Security Cooperation Agency announces [PDF] Israel official request to buy an initial 25 F-35A Joint Strike Fighters, with an option to purchase at a later date an additional 50 F-35A or F-35B Short Take-Off and Vertical Landing (STOVL) aircraft. The estimated cost is $15.2 billion if all options are exercised, or about $200 million per plane as the in-service cost.

While the notice states that the aircraft could contain either the Pratt and Whitney F-135 engine or General Electric/Rolls Royce’s F-136 engine, in practice, the F135’s development and testing is far ahead of its rival’s. The initial aircraft are almost certain to contain PW’s F135 engines, which raises the odds that any option purchases will also use F135s for fleet commonality.

Israeli F-35s would also be equipped with unspecified Electronic Warfare Systems; Command, Control, Communication, Computers and Intelligence/ Communication, Navigational and Identification (C4I/CNI); Flight Mission Trainer; Weapons Employment Capability, and other Subsystems, Features, and Capabilities; F-35 unique infrared flares; and External Fuel Tanks. These new aircraft would also require: Flight test instrumentation; Unique systems or sovereign requirements; Reprogramming center to add new threats to the F-35′ defensive systems; Software development/ integration; Hardware/ Software In-the-Loop Laboratory Capability. Finally, maintenance will involve F-35 Performance Based Logistics services including Autonomic Logistics Global Support System (ALGS); Autonomic Logistics Information System (ALIS); aircraft ferry and tanker support, support equipment, tools and test equipment, spares and repair parts, personnel training and training equipment, publications and technical documents, U.S. Government and contractor engineering and logistics personnel services, and other related elements of logistics and program support.

The prime contractors will be Lockheed Martin Aeronautics Company in Fort Worth, TX, and either Pratt & Whitney Military Engines in East Hartford, CT (extremely likely) or General Electric Fighter Engine Team in Cincinnati, OH (very unlikely). Because these systems are so new, implementation of this proposed sale will require multiple trips to Israel involving U.S. Government and contractor representatives for technical reviews/support, program management, and training over a period of 15 years. U.S. contractor representatives will be required in Israel to conduct Contractor Engineering Technical Services (CETS) and Autonomic Logistics and Global Support (ALGS) for after-aircraft delivery.

Official request

F-35A head-on
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Oct 25/07: Early delivery? Israel may begin taking deliveries of the F-35 in 2012, a couple years earlier than expected and only slightly after the USA begins receiving production aircraft of its own. The timing and technology agreements reportedly came in the wake of a Washington meeting between Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak and US Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, and may represent an attempt to deflect Israeli calls for an export version of the F-22A Raptor, which has more stealth and capability, and whose production line is currently scheduled to close in 2010.

Read “F-35s to Israel Early?” for full coverage.

June 21/06: Plans for 100. Israel’s globe’s Online interviews Brigadier-General Ze’ev Snir, who confirms that the IAF is looking to replace its F-16s with the F-35, at a cost estimated at at least $5 billion for 100 aircraft, or about $50 million per. That figure was always very questionable, given the F-35 program’s price increases and the additional costs associated with placing a new aircraft type in service.

The F-35 also fits into a broader modernization effort. Israel is also reportedly considering several near-term IAF procurements, including a possible buy of 6 C-130J Hercules transports plus associated support & equipment at a cost of about $500 million [requested July 2008, up to $1.9 billion], as well as a $100 million upgrade of Sikorsky CH-53 Super Stallion helicopters to extend their operational lifespan by 20 years. See full Globes Online article.

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