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Pyongyang intends to deploy the most powerful strategic assets in key waters and will continue to build up its military strength, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un said.

Respected Comrade Kim Jong Un made a speech at the commissioning ceremony of the destroyer Kang Kon.

China is committed to maintaining peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region and does not seek confrontation, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning said at a briefing on Monday.

Exercise Talisman Sabre 2027 has taken a significant step forward with military representatives from participating nations gathering at Gallipoli Barracks, Brisbane, for the exercise's Initial Planning Conference (IPC).

By CIVICUS
Sep 7 2026 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses struggles for abortion rights in Liechtenstein with Gabriella Alvarez-Hummel, a journalist and reproductive rights activist who works with Fristenlösung für Liechtenstein, an organisation that campaigns for the introduction of a legal time-limit abortion model.

Gabriella Alvarez-Hummel

Liechtenstein recently modernised its succession rules to allow female heirs to inherit the throne, a symbolic step forward in a country where women only won the right to vote in 1984. Women’s rights remain a live political battleground. Civil society continues to campaign for reform of one of Europe’s strictest abortion laws, but Prince-Regent Alois has the power to veto laws and has vowed to block any change. The clash pits a citizen-led campaign for women’s reproductive rights against monarchical power.

What’s the current state of abortion rights in Liechtenstein?

Liechtenstein has one of the strictest abortion bans in Europe. Abortion is only allowed in cases of rape or life-threatening circumstances. As a result, women travel abroad for abortions, usually to Austria or Switzerland. Since 2015, doing so is no longer a criminal offence under Liechtenstein law. But those seeking abortion care are entirely on their own. An information ban – the last of its kind in Europe – keeps them from learning what their options are and where to go. Many don’t realise that since the law changed in 2015, only doctors face criminal liability, not patients. But the fear of legal consequences persists regardless. The ban is also inherently stigmatising, and many internalise that stigma.

Women who travel abroad to get an abortion must pay for the procedure in advance, all while racing against the clock, as neighbouring countries only allow medication abortions up to eight or nine weeks of pregnancy and surgical abortions up to 12 weeks.

Once abroad, the obstacles continue, because despite more liberal laws, access isn’t seamless in neighbouring countries. In the Austrian province of Vorarlberg, only a single clinic performs abortions. On the Swiss side, the regional hospital in Grabs, just across the border, doesn’t perform them. Most women travel to Chur or St Gallen, a 45-minute drive if you have a car. Simply getting this information often takes call after call.

What are women’s rights groups doing to change the law?

A popular initiative is under way that calls for the decriminalisation of abortion up to 12 weeks, repeal of the national information ban and health insurance coverage for the procedure.

We have collected almost 5,000 signatures, five times the number required, equivalent to a quarter of all eligible voters.

A parliamentary vote on the legalisation bill is scheduled for 2 September, to be followed by a popular vote. Prince-Regent Alois must then sign the bill into law, but he has already said he won’t and will use his veto instead.

How have activists responded to the veto threat?

The veto threat came as no surprise, given that the Prince-Regent took the same stance on the same issue 15 years ago. It should be noted, however, that he has traditionally shown restraint. He’s only ever announced he’d use his veto power once before. That time, it sparked a year-long discussion about the Prince-Regent’s veto rights before over 75 per cent endorsed him in a public vote.

While his veto power does have democratic legitimacy, the timing is troubling. He made his announcement before a single signature had been collected, representing a problematic interference in the democratic process and public debate.

Ultimately, this pre-emptive strike backfired. Instead of deterring people, it energised them, motivating a surge of volunteers whose dedication helped us secure a historic number of signatures.

For now, we’re focused on the upcoming vote. A resounding, high-turnout victory would send an undeniable message about what people want, hopefully putting pressure on the Prince-Regent to reconsider. He would be using his veto for the first time, against women’s rights of all things.

What other obstacles stand in the way of reform?

On top of the veto threat, the prime minister, who happens to be the first woman to hold the office, has publicly called the initiative unnecessary, arguing that women can simply cross the border for an abortion. That shows how little she understands what those affected go through.

With the country’s two most powerful people opposed, the odds look stacked against reform. Yet a recent poll found that over 70 per cent support legalisation. The public seems to be on the side of not criminalising anyone for having an abortion.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.

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SEE ALSO
Gender rights: rollback and resistance CIVICUS | State of Civil Society Report 2026
Malta: ‘Young people see the value in protecting women’s health over enforcing religious doctrine’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Natalia Psaila Stabile 29.May.2026
France: ‘The inclusion of the right to abortion in the constitution is a true feminist victory’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Floriane Volt 17.Apr.2024

 

 

 

 

Le Gouvernement a réduit de 83,3% le coût d'une séance de dialyse au Burkina Faso, le faisant passer de 15 000 à 2 500 francs CFA depuis le 1er avril 2024. La mesure s'est accompagnée de la suppression de la caution de 500 000 francs CFA exigée jusque-là pour les patients en dialyse chronique, afin de réduire les barrières financières à l'accès à ce traitement vital.

Le tarif de la séance a ainsi diminué de 12 500 francs CFA, allégeant directement la facture supportée par les patients atteints d'insuffisance rénale chronique et leurs familles. La décision a été prise le 13 mars 2024 par le Gouvernement et est entrée en vigueur quelques semaines plus tard, le 1er avril. Elle concerne un traitement dont la régularité est essentielle pour les personnes souffrant d'insuffisance rénale chronique.

Lefaso.net
Source : Ministère de la Santé

Oemwa Johnston, a fourth-generation nuclear survivor from Kiribati Island. Credit: Naureen Hossain/IPS

By Naureen Hossain
UNITED NATIONS, Sep 7 2026 (IPS)

More and more, global disarmament discussions are encompassing the humanitarian and environmental impacts of the testing and use of nuclear weapons, as it becomes clear that the legacy of nuclear weapons leaves its mark on multiple generations.

This was the purpose of the international meeting on ‘Victims Assistance and Environmental Remediation’ for countries affected by nuclear weapons. The meeting, held on September 1 in UN Headquarters, convened member states, academia, and civil society organizations, along with representatives from communities directly affected by nuclear weapons use and testing.

The meeting was convened at the direction of the General Assembly under resolutions 79/60 and 80/56, which called for a meeting to be held by 2026 on the lived experiences of communities affected by nuclear weapons and the measures that member states and the international community at large can take to address their concerns. The meeting was chaired by Kazakhstan and Kiribati, two countries that were once sites for nuclear tests in the 20th century. Since then, they are among the former testing states avidly advocating for nuclear disarmament.

This meeting examined the humanitarian and environmental impacts of nuclear weapons use and testing. Many speakers present remarked on the long-lasting effects of exposure to nuclear radiation. The physical, social, economic, and psychological consequences of nuclear use are felt across multiple generations. Persistent health issues are an all-too-common reality among affected communities. People exposed to radiation are more susceptible to noncommunicable diseases like cancer or leukemia or to living with lifelong health conditions.

“The consequences of nuclear weapons do not end when an explosion is over. As the enduring suffering of the Hibakusha—the survivors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki—and the legacy of more than 2000 nuclear tests around the world make clear, the effects of nuclear weapons persist for decades and across generations,” said Izumi Nakamitsu, UN Under-Secretary-General and High Representative of the Office of Disarmament Affairs (UN-ODA).

Nakamitsu said that the efforts to provide remediation should be sustainable; responses to the issues should not depend on “individual projects or temporary initiatives,” but rather on sustained cooperation across national and multilateral systems that have the capacity to preserve knowledge and technical expertise over long periods of time. “Communities need confidence that support will not disappear when a particular project or funding cycle comes to an end.”

Environmental remediation also constitutes, as the representative from Guatemala put it, “an indispensable responsibility” for the international community. The damage inflicted on the environment has rendered farmlands untenable, water systems altered, and impacted areas inhabitable due to radiation.

The first UN international meeting on victims’ assistance and environmental remediation for countries affected by nuclear weapons use and testing. Credit: Manuel Elias/UN Photo

Algeria’s representative remarked on the visible impact left by nuclear testing as evident in the Algerian Sahara, where testing was conducted near the towns of Reggane and In-Ekkar. One such result was radioactive lava flowing out from a mountain in the region, which cooled and hardened over time. The state carried out monitoring and environmental assessments of the affected, but as Algeria remarked, this effort cannot be done alone.

The impact also did not occur in a vacuum, as communities in those sites, including pastoralists, were forced to relocate or otherwise live with the outcomes. “Communities near these sites carry the burden that physics imposes: illness, land they cannot cultivate, and the harm of uncertainty,” he said.

States are encouraged to share knowledge and expertise on the methods taken to resolve their issues, such as environmental records for testing sites.

For Pacific Island states, remediation is paramount, for the environment is deeply linked to their cultural heritage. It is made more tragic as they risk losing their connection due to the consequences of nuclear testing.

Oemwa Johnston, a fourth-generation nuclear survivor from Kiribati, spoke on how she and other young people continue to carry this impact. “As a young woman and descendant of nuclear survivors, I belong to a generation that did not create nuclear weapons or conduct the nuclear tests of the past. Yet, we have inherited their legacy,” she said.

There was an unanimous call for affected individuals and communities to be at the center of disarmament talks and assistance efforts. Their lived experiences should shape the policies that are meant to support their needs.

“Affected communities cannot be seen only as recipients of assistance or subjects of research. They are knowledge holders,” said Mohamed Ambrosini, Soka Gakkai International’s (SGI) UN Representative for Disarmament.

Interactive dialogue and intergenerational exchanges between hibakusha, affected communities, and younger generations can create the spaces for people to reflect on the impacts of nuclear weapons. Preserving these testimonies and learning from them becomes more urgent as the hibakusha, the survivors of the atomic bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, are aging, Ambrosini warned.

Ambrosini and other civil society members also emphasized that in centering their experiences and recognizing their dignity, this sets the path for them to receive nuclear justice and repatriation for their suffering. These efforts should also respect their dignity and provide them with meaningful spaces to be part of decision-making processes.

There were calls for States to take the responsibility to support affected communities. This should come in two forms: compensation from states through national and federal support programs and official recognition, even apologies, from nuclear powers for their testing.

In the context of Japan, hibakusha and other affected communities receive relief from the government, but not state compensation. While hibakusha are eligible for certain benefits like free health care, the terms for who qualifies for these benefits may be too narrow. Emilie McGlone from Peace Boat, a Japan-based civil society group, argued that the current systems for victim assistance do not include non-Japanese or overseas hibakusha, or people who lived outside the specific geographic boundaries from the hypocenter of the bombings.

“The starting point for all victim assistance is defining who is recognized. Japan’s experience shows that while official definitions may be narrow, victims themselves as well as civil society in affected areas advocate for broader rights. Civil society and diverse impacted voices must therefore be involved in the design of victim assistance policies,” said McGlone.

The meeting recognized the current international frameworks that limit or prohibit nuclear weapons use and testing, such as the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). It also held up the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), which carries provisions for victim assistance and environmental remediation, as outlined in Articles VI and VII of the treaty.

As Bangladesh’s delegate noted, the TPNW recognizes that “addressing the use of nuclear weapons must go hand in hand with preventing their future use.” As of now, 100 countries have either signed or ratified the treaty, which calls for complete nuclear disarmament, though this does not include the current nuclear-armed states.

Note: This article is brought to you by IPS Noram in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with ECOSOC.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

 

 

 

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Having fled Sudan's besieged city of el-Fasher, a photographer turn his lens on more positive aspects of life.

Having fled Sudan's besieged city of el-Fasher, a photographer turn his lens on more positive aspects of life.

Május 15-én egy kis csapat gyűlt össze a HungaroControl Igló utcai épületében, hogy élve a nem mindennapi lehetőséggel, a Liszt Ferenc Nemzetközi Repülőtér ikonikus irányítótornyának teraszáról dokumentálja a péntek délutáni forgalmat. Erre a napra nyoma sem maradt az addig verőfényes májusi időjárásnak. Az idei év első komolyabb zivatarrendszere borult időt és esőt ígért, de ki az, akit egy kis csapadék elrettent egy ilyen lehetőségtől?

Ahhoz, hogy az Igló utcából eljussunk a toronyba, a HungaroControl minibuszába szállunk és belépünk a repülőtér üzemi területére. Ez nem egy „rendben, hajtson tovább” mozzanat és éppen úgy zajlik, mintha repülőgépre szállnánk: minden nálunk lévő csomag és tárgy – beleértve a nadrágból kihúzott övet is - tálcára kerül, jómagunk pedig átballagunk a detektoros kapun. Minden rendben találtatik, elköszönünk a kedves hölgyektől, és visszaülünk a buszba. A toronyhoz vezető szervizút megkerüli az 1-es pálya város felőli végét, a 13R küszöböt. A túloldalon haladva elmaradt mellettünk a kompenzáló betonon parkoló Airbus A340-es, a bozót mellett hasaló ex-Malév Boeing 767-es, a tűzoltógyakorlatokra használt, hajtóműveitől megfosztott A321-es és végül leparkolunk az irányítótorony lábainál.

[...] Bővebben!

Rund ein halbes Jahr vor der Präsidentschaftswahl droht Frankreich zum Stresstest für die Eurozone zu werden: Politische Krise, angespannte Haushaltslage und wachsende Zweifel der Märkte an der Fähigkeit des Landes, seine wachsende Schuldenlast zu finanzieren, treffen zusammen.  Frankreich hat ein tiefes Ungleichgewicht der öffentlichen Finanzen. Das Haushaltsdefizit übersteigt 5 Prozent des BIP, die Staatsquote liegt bei etwa 57 Prozent. Gleichzeitig steigt die Staatsverschuldung stetig an und könnte, ohne ausreichende Konsolidierungsmaßnahmen, bis 2030 sogar 130 Prozent des BIP überschreiten. Die Zinslast der öffentlichen Verschuldung steigt rasant  und könnte bis 2030 auf über 120 Milliarden Euro oder 3,5 Prozent des BIP steigen. Das größte Problem könnte sich jedoch nicht in der reinen Haushaltsarithmetik zeigen, sondern in der politischen Fähigkeit, diese zu ändern. Einerseits sind die Kosten des Sozialsystems nicht mehr tragfähig, andererseits fordert die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung weiterhin ein Eingreifen des Staates. Verschärft wird die Situation durch das Fehlen einer Mehrheit im Parlament und die geringen Aussichten, eine solche in naher Zukunft zu erreichen. Auch das globale Umfeld belastet: Die Spannungen um den Iran treiben die Treibstoffpreise und schüren Inflationserwartungen, während Haushaltsprobleme in den USA den Anleiherenditen zusätzlichen Auftrieb geben.

Wahlkampf ohne Konsolidierungswillen

Etwas mehr als sechs Monate vor der ersten Runde der Präsidentschaftswahlen wird die französische Wirtschaftsdebatte von Versprechen über weitere Ausgaben beherrscht, etwa Ankündigungen zur Senkung des Renteneintrittsalters, von Ablenkungsthemen wie Verfassungsreferenden sowie von einer nationalistisch-protektionistischen Rhetorik mit stark EU-skeptischem Unterton. Forderungen nach einem Teilerlass der französischen Schulden im Besitz der Banque de France, die Teil des Eurosystems ist, wie sie Jean-Luc Mélenchon erhebt, verstärken das Misstrauen der Märkte gegenüber Frankreich. Auch Marine Le Pens Ankündigungen, das niedrige Rentenalter beizubehalten oder Konflikte mit der EU – Schengen, Migrationspolitik, EU-Haushalt – zu eskalieren, könnten den Druck auf Staatsanleihen erhöhen und über Kapitalabflüsse die Konjunktur zusätzlich schwächen. Der hohe und steigende Anteil ausländischer Investoren an der französischen Schuldenstruktur, der bei 56 Prozent liegt, macht das Land noch anfälliger für Stimmungsumschwünge an den Märkten.

Hier stellt sich die entscheidende Frage: Was passiert, wenn der Markt weiterhin Druck auf Frankreich ausübt, es keine Mehrheit für die Haushaltskonsolidierung gibt? Die Eurozone verfügt über keinerlei rechtliche oder politische Mechanismen für den Fall, dass das politische System eines Schlüsselmitglieds handlungsunfähig wird. Der einzige glaubwürdige Schutzschirm bleibt die Europäische Zentralbank mit ihren Anleihekäufen (TPI-Programm). Das Problem ist jedoch, dass die EZB das französische Defizit nicht einfach finanzieren oder französische Anleihen nach Belieben aufkaufen kann, nur weil deren Renditen steigen. Sollte eine umfassendere Intervention nötig werden, ohne dass Paris einen glaubwürdigen Konsolidierungspfad zusichert, stünde der EZB-Rat vor einer rechtlich und politisch schwierigen Entscheidung. Die EZB befände sich dann im Zielkonflikt zwischen der Pflicht, die Stabilität der Eurozone zu schützen, und der Pflicht, zu verhindern, dass die gemeinsame Geldpolitik die Finanzpolitik der französischen Regierung ersetzt.

Der eigentliche Test für die Eurozone

Die vorherige Krise der Eurozone wurde an ihren Peripherien von kleinen Volkswirtschaften ausgelöst und brachte dennoch das gesamte Gefüge der Währungsunion beinahe zum Einsturz. Ein möglicher zunehmender Vertrauensverlust der Märkte gegenüber Frankreich wäre für die Eurozone ein ungleich schwererer Test. Anleihekäufe entschärften das akute Liquiditäts- und Refinanzierungsrisiko, verschieben das Problem jedoch in eine chronische, strukturelle Fiskalkrise, deren weitere Eskalation die Möglichkeiten der Geldpolitik irgendwann überfordern könnte. Der wahre Test für die Eurozone wird sein, ob sie die Stabilität des Anleihemarktes in der zweitgrößten Volkswirtschaft Europas aufrechterhalten kann, ohne sie zugleich von der Verantwortung für ihre eigene Finanzpolitik zu entbinden. Fällt dieser Test negativ aus, könnte das Eurosystem kurzfristig mit seinen Instrumenten akute Marktverwerfungen der Anleihemärkte begrenzen. Das könnte jedoch nicht dauerhaft die Folgen einer strukturell unhaltbaren Finanzpolitik auffangen. Je länger die fiskalischen Probleme ungelöst bleiben, desto stärker belasten sie die politischen Spannungen über die Grenzen europäischer Solidarität und die Zukunft der Währungsunion – und damit auch das Vertrauen in die europäischen Institutionen und den Zusammenhalt der Europäischen Union.

Die AfD beißt sich in das eigene Parteiprogramm: Sie verspricht etwas, das sie nie wird einhalten können. Ihre Politik würde Probleme sogar verschärfen., Bei den Landtagswahlen am 6. September in Sachsen-Anhalt droht ein politischer Einschnitt. Die AfD könnte erstmals eine Regierung bilden und den Ministerpräsidenten stellen. Für welche politischen Positionen steht die AfD in Sachsen-Anhalt? Mit welchen Parteien hat sie Überschneidungen? Und wo ...

In poor areas such as Jamtara and Mewat, cyber scams have become an important source of household income.

Ein Ingenieurspaar aus Leipzig, zwei Kinder, ein Jobangebot in Lissabon. Auf dem Papier ein Aufstieg: 18 Prozent mehr Gehalt und kürzere Winter. Beim ersten Blick in die portugiesischen Wohnungsportale kippte die Stimmung. Für ihre 92 Quadratmeter in Leipzig zahlt die Familie rund 890 Euro Kaltmiete, gut 9,70 Euro je Quadratmeter. Vergleichbare Objekte in Lissabon kosten je nach Lage 15 bis 25 Euro. Aus 890 Euro werden schnell 1.600 Euro und mehr.

So geht es derzeit vielen, die innerhalb der EU umziehen. Die Immobilienpreise haben sich in den einzelnen Ländern seit der Zinswende völlig auseinanderentwickelt.

Was hinter dem Preissprung steckt

Zwei Werte erklären den Schock der Familie besser als jede Marktprognose. Portugal verzeichnete zu Jahresbeginn 2026 einen Anstieg der Preise für Wohnimmobilien von 17,8 Prozent im Jahresvergleich. Deutschland kam im selben Zeitraum auf 1,4 Prozent. Wer aus einem der ruhigsten Länder in eines der heißesten zieht, trifft nicht auf eine Preisdifferenz, sondern auf zwei völlig verschiedene Zyklen.

Wer über einen Umzug nachdenkt, sollte die aktuellen Immobilienpreise deshalb vorher nüchtern durchrechnen.

Hauspreise Europa: die aktuellen Daten

Der Hauspreisindex von Eurostat misst, wie sich die Preise aller von Haushalten erworbenen Wohnimmobilien entwickeln, also Eigentumswohnungen ebenso wie neu gebaute und bestehende Häuser. Im ersten Quartal 2026 stiegen die Hauspreise in der EU um 5,1 Prozent gegenüber dem Vorjahresquartal, im Euroraum um 4,7 Prozent. Zum Vorquartal betrug das Plus 1,2 beziehungsweise 1,0 Prozent. Schon im vierten Quartal 2025 hatte die Entwicklung ähnlich stark nach oben gezeigt.

Der Durchschnitt verdeckt allerdings, wie unterschiedlich sich die einzelnen Länder entwickeln:

Land Hauspreise Anfang 2026 (Jahresvergleich) Portugal +17,8 % Bulgarien +14,8 % Slowakei +14,4 % EU insgesamt +5,1 % Euroraum +4,7 % Deutschland +1,4 % Finnland -2,0 %

Finnland war zuletzt der einzige Mitgliedstaat mit sinkenden Preisen. Ein Jahr zuvor führte Ungarn die Liste mit über 20 Prozent an, ein Hinweis darauf, wie schnell die Spitzenposition hier wechselt. Auch beim Kaufpreis ist die Spanne groß: Neu gebaute Wohnungen kosten in Luxemburg durchschnittlich etwa 8.760 Euro pro Quadratmeter, in Bulgarien, Rumänien oder der Türkei sind Objekte teilweise unter 1.500 Euro zu haben. Häuser in ländlichen Regionen liegen oft noch darunter.

Deutschland: der ruhige Pol im europäischen Vergleich

Für deutsche Käufer klingt das fast beruhigend. Das Statistische Bundesamt meldete für das erste Quartal 2026 ein Plus von 1,4 Prozent im Jahresvergleich und 0,3 Prozent zum Vorquartal. In den sieben deutschen Großstädten von Berlin bis Stuttgart stiegen Preise für Eigentumswohnungen sogar nur um 0,3 Prozent. Für den deutschen Markt berichtet der Markt Spiegel von einer ähnlichen Spreizung zwischen Metropolen und Umland, wie sie sich europaweit zwischen den Ländern zeigt: Der Speckgürtel holt auf, während die teuren Innenstadtlagen seitwärts laufen.

Häuser im zweiten Ring gewinnen dadurch an Wert, wie der Blick auf die Chancen eines Wohnungswechsels in mittelgroße Städte zeigt. Diese Ruhe hat allerdings einen Grund: Es wird zu wenig gebaut. Wo kaum neue Wohnfläche entsteht, verschiebt sich der Druck vom Immobilienkauf auf den Mietmarkt.

Warum die Preise im Süden und Osten so stark steigen

In den dynamischen Ländern wirken vier Treiber zusammen:

• Nach den Korrekturjahren der Zinswende finanzieren Käufer wieder, und die hohe aufgestaute Nachfrage trifft auf ein knappes Angebot.
• Käufer aus Nord- und Westeuropa zahlen in Lissabon, Porto oder Split Preise, die für sie moderat wirken und die lokalen Einkommen deutlich übersteigen.
• Hohe Baukosten haben Projekte verschoben. Fertiggestellt wird heute, was vor drei Jahren kalkuliert wurde.
• In den Küstenregionen konkurrieren Dauermieter mit Ferienwohnungen um denselben Bestand.

Anders sortiert sich der Immobilienmarkt dort, wo die Wirtschaft schwächelt und die Bevölkerung schrumpft. In Italien blieb die Entwicklung deshalb verhalten, ähnlich wie hierzulande und in Frankreich. Wer statt einer eigenen Immobilie lieber breiter streut, findet in der Einschätzung zur Prognose europäischer Immobilienfonds eine Gegenrechnung dazu.

Hauspreisentwicklung Anfang 2026 nach Angaben der EU-Statistikbehoerde.

Mieten: das eigentliche Problem der Zuzügler

Wer umzieht, kauft selten sofort. Er mietet. Und dort ist die Lage angespannter, als die moderaten Durchschnittswerte vermuten lassen: In der EU stiegen die Preise für Bestandsverträge zu Jahresbeginn 2026 um 3,0 Prozent im Jahresvergleich, zum Vorquartal um 0,7 Prozent. Laut Eurostat gilt das für nahezu alle Mitgliedstaaten, siehe die Auswertung zu Hauspreisen und Mieten.

Bei Neuvermietungen fällt der Sprung deutlich höher aus. Entscheidend ist deshalb das absolute Niveau in den Metropolen. Für eine durchschnittliche Zweizimmerwohnung zahlen Mieter im Juni 2026:

Stadt Monatsmiete Genf ca. 3.350 € London ca. 3.050 € Dublin und Stockholm je ca. 2.650 € Sofia ca. 900 € Nikosia ca. 910 €

Zwischen der teuersten und der günstigsten Hauptstadt der EU liegt fast der Faktor drei. Wichtiger als der Vergleich der reinen Kosten ist daher das Verhältnis von Miete zu lokalem Nettoeinkommen. Ein Gehaltssprung von 15 Prozent trägt keine Bleibe, die doppelt so viel kostet.

Rechnen vor dem Umzug: Miete, Gehalt und Nebenkosten gehoeren in dieselbe Tabelle.

Standortwahl: eine kurze Checkliste

Bevor die Entscheidung fällt, gehören fünf Punkte auf den Tisch:

1. Nettomiete ins Verhältnis setzen. Zielwert: höchstens ein Drittel des lokalen Haushaltsnettos.
2. Nebenkosten getrennt prüfen. Strom, Wasser und Heizung folgen anderen Regeln als in Deutschland.
3. Kauf erst nach zwölf Monaten Miete erwägen. Wer eine Stadt nicht kennt, kauft die falsche Immobilie.
4. Steuern und Erbfolge klären. Nützliche Informationen bieten die Übersichten zu Steuersätzen in Europa und zum Erben im Ausland nach der EU-Erbrechtsverordnung.
5. Fernpendeln durchrechnen. Zwei Wohnsitze können günstiger sein als ein Umzug in eine teure Metropole, aber nur mit belastbarer Reisekostenschätzung.

Die Familie aus Leipzig hat sich für eine Zwischenlösung entschieden: Mietwohnung in Lissabon, die Eigentumswohnung in Leipzig bleibt vermietet. Ein Verkauf im schwächsten Jahr wäre die teuerste aller Varianten gewesen.

Häufige Fragen zu Immobilienpreisen in Europa In welchem Land sind die Preise am höchsten?

Beim Niveau liegt Luxemburg mit durchschnittlich etwa 8.760 € je Quadratmeter für Neubauten vorn. Bei der Wachstumsrate führte Portugal 2026 besonders stark mit 17,8 Prozent.

Wo sind Häuser in Europa am günstigsten?

Am günstigsten kaufen Interessenten weiterhin in Bulgarien, Rumänien und Teilen Südosteuropas sowie in ländlichen Regionen Spaniens und Portugals. Ein Kaufpreis unter 1.500 € je Quadratmeter ist dort keine Seltenheit, besonders bei sanierungsbedürftigen Häusern.

Wie teuer ist Wohnen in Deutschland im europäischen Vergleich?

Deutschland gehört beim Niveau zum oberen Mittelfeld, bei der Dynamik aber zu den ruhigsten Märkten. Mit 1,4 Prozent Preisanstieg erreichte es zuletzt einen deutlich schwächeren Wert als der EU-Schnitt von 5,1 Prozent.

Was misst der Hauspreisindex?

Er erfasst die Preisänderung aller von privaten Haushalten gekauften Wohnimmobilien, egal ob Neubau oder Bestand, Häuser oder Etagenwohnung. Die Daten erscheinen vierteljährlich und machen die Länder vergleichbar. Für den deutschen Teil der Erhebung veröffentlicht das Statistische Bundesamt die Ergebnisse.

Redaktion neurope.eu, Stand September 2026.

Der Beitrag Immobilienpreise Europa: Wo Wohnen 2026 teuer wird erschien zuerst auf Neurope.eu - News aus Europa.

The country is hitting a developmental wall because necessary structural reforms clash directly with the needs of an entrenched patronage system.

A female fish seller at a Saigon market was contacting her clients via her a smart phone. Digital technology has accelerated and facilitated business operations in South-East Asia. Credit: Unsplash / Robson Hatsukami Morgan

By Ruhimat Soerakoesoemah, Andrey Panteleev and Philip Diamant
BANGKOK, Thailand, Sep 7 2026 (IPS)

Physical borders are shrinking, and digital ones are quietly taking their place. As governments use digital transformation as a powerful driver of economic and sustainable development, the challenge is no longer simply a digital divide between those with technology and those without it. It is a question of digital fragmentation, where infrastructure, standards and regulations make cross-border cooperation more difficult.

This raises an important question of how economies in Asia and the Pacific can pursue digital sovereignty while remaining connected to trade, innovate and develop together. One promising answer lies in closer cooperation between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Both regions are trying to build stronger digital capabilities while keeping their economies open to cross-border trade. Despite their different economic structures and development pathways, the two blocs share many of the same digital ambitions and challenges.

Digital transformation has become a powerful driver of economic development, competitiveness and resilience. However, progress remains uneven within regions. While some countries are rapidly building digital infrastructure and services, others still face constraints in skills, financing and institutional capacity. This means digital transformation is no longer solely considered in terms of technology. Governments are increasingly seeing it as a strategic priority which is linked to competitiveness, national security, sovereignty and their citizens’ well-being. For regional blocs such as the EAEU and ASEAN, this makes cooperation and the exchange of experience more and more important.

In the EAEU, this ambition is reflected in the work of the Eurasian Economic Commission. In 2017, the EAEU launched its Digital Agenda, which serves as the overarching framework for digital transformation processes across members States. The EAEU’s regional approach is complemented by national efforts. A good example from Kazakhstan was how a dedicated ministry for artificial intelligence (AI) is established and that Kazakhstan already passed new laws on AI, cybersecurity and digital assets, and started running powerful computing centres. Kazakhstan’s nationwide AI training programme is already reaching thousands of people. This is a good example of what a push towards digital sovereignty can look like.

Such a similar ambition can be seen in the ASEAN region, where the ASEAN Digital Economy Framework Agreement (DEFA) is expected to be launched at the 49th ASEAN Summit this November. DEFA aims to create a more seamless regional digital economy by addressing areas, such as digital trade, cross-border shopping, e-signatures, cybersecurity, electronic payments and AI. The region has been asked for such a framework since SMEs account for 85% of jobs and 44.8% of GDP in South-East Asia, but they generate only around 18% of exports. At the same time, the region’s digital economy is already worth an estimated US$ 0.5 trillion and is expected to double to US$ 1 trillion by 2030. With an effective implementation of DEFA, this number can be further increased to US$ 2 trillion.

With all these developments, the complementary strengths of ASEAN and the EAEU are highlighted. The EAEU’s experience in building digital public platforms, solutions for critical infrastructure and cybersecurity frameworks is complemented with ASEAN’s dynamic markets, vibrant digital entrepreneurship and successful models for commercialising digital services. A stakeholder survey conducted by ESCAP across EAEU and ASEAN countries in 2025 found broad agreement on the nature of digital transformation, priority technologies and key risks. This suggests that, despite their different contexts, the two regions share significant common ground for cooperation.

This is where ESCAP can play an important convening role as the UN’s regional body for Asia and the Pacific. Through the project “Strengthening Regional Cooperation in Digital Transformation for Economic and Sustainable Development”, ESCAP is working with ASEAN and EAEU countries to help identify practical solutions, share experiences and advance opportunities for collaboration between the regions. Policymakers explored how both subregions can cooperate more efficiently across borders.

Interesting examples include the benefits of interoperability. Eleven South-East Asian economies now run their own QR-payment systems, with eight already working across at least one border. This same interoperability is starting to reach across other subregions, with a QR-code issued by a Russian bank already working in Viet Nam. These experiences demonstrate a clear scope to explore how similar approaches could support wider cross-border cooperation between ASEAN and the EAEU.

In hindsight, the first sentence of this blog could have been: Physical borders may be shrinking, but digital borders are still being drawn. Addressing digital fragmentation requires dialogue, shared standards, and practical cooperation that allows countries to benefit from the digital transformation. Initiatives like this aim to strengthen interoperability and knowledge sharing across subregions and promote a digital future of Asia that is connected, inclusive and supports sustainable development for all.

Ruhimat Soerakoesoemah, Head of Subregional Office for South-East Asia, ESCAP; Andrey Panteleev, Head of Economic Policy Strategies Section, Macroeconomic Policy Department, Eurasian Economic Commission; and Philip Diamant, Intern, Subregional Office for South-East Asia, ESCAP

IPS UN Bureau

 

 

 

 

David Etor grew up in poverty in Nigeria, but now teaches engineering at the University of Bristol

Ouattara, senior midwife and head of the maternity unit at the Ayaou-Sokpa Health Centre in Côte d'Ivoire, consults with Awa, a pregnant woman, during a routine antenatal visit. Credit: UNFPA Côte d'Ivoire/Miléquêm Diarassouba

By Diene Keita and Jean Kaseya
NEW YORK / ADDIS ABABA, Sep 7 2026 (IPS)

Tonight, thousands of women across Africa will give birth. Whether they survive to see daylight will largely depend on where they live, how quickly they reach care, and whether the health system around them is ready to respond.

Maternal deaths in Africa have dropped 40 percent since 2000, but progress is now stalling. Africa still accounts for more than 70 percent of all maternal deaths worldwide. A woman facing pregnancy complications on the continent is around 130 times more likely to die than a woman in Europe or North America.

Most of these deaths are preventable. Postpartum hemorrhage remains the leading direct cause of maternal death, while indirect causes such as HIV, malaria, and anemia also account for a substantial share. What connects them is delay: delay in seeking care, delay in reaching a health facility, and delay in providing the best treatment to save a woman’s life. The fact that so many maternal deaths occur within health facilities is telling: the problem is not only the absence of care but also weaknesses in facility readiness, referral systems, teamwork, and emergency response.

Throughout the continuum of maternal care, a well-educated midwife can recognize danger signs before they become emergencies: managing complications, including coordinating timely referrals; and delivering respectful and high-quality care. Midwives already deliver up to 90 percent of essential sexual, reproductive, maternal, and newborn health services, often in communities where health systems are weakest. But midwives cannot do this alone and their impact depends on the strength of the health system: functioning primary health care, community referral and transportation systems, reliable medicines and blood supplies, and access to emergency obstetrical and neonatal care when complications arise. Despite this indispensable role, midwives remain one of Africa’s most overlooked and underfunded health workers.

Based on the latest comparable WHO and UNFPA data, only four of 51 reporting African countries meet the WHO needs-based benchmark of 9.23 midwifery personnel per 10,000 population. Forty-seven remain below the benchmark. But the numerical shortage is only part of the story. Even where midwives are educated, roughly 34 percent of midwifery personnel in reporting countries are unemployed. The challenge, in other words, is not simply to educate more midwives—it is to integrate those already educated and deploy and retain them where needs are greatest.

Ending preventable maternal mortality by 2030 has become one of the continent’s greatest tests of leadership, equity, and health sovereignty.

With the appointment of H.E. Dr. Samia Suluhu Hassan, President of the United Republic of Tanzania, as the AU Champion on Maternal and Child Health, our collective quest to end maternal deaths is elevated with the highest level of political support. In a recent op-ed, President Hassan called on African leaders and partners to rally around a simple yet powerful roadmap: the Three Zeros framework. It includes achieving zero home deliveries where women are cut off from skilled care and emergency referrals; zero preventable maternal and newborn deaths by shifting from access alone to quality, respectful, and emergency-ready care; and zero unvaccinated children by placing zero-dose children at the center of primary health care and last-mile delivery. Investing in midwives is fundamental to achieving these Three Zeros.

The case for investment is not just moral — it is economic. The UNFPA midwifery investment case reveals that investing in midwives can generate as much as a ten-fold return through combined social and economic gains. In Sierra Leone, modeling shows that universal care provided by midwives could save 2,278 maternal lives, save 19,029 newborn lives, prevent 39,970 stillbirths, and avert almost 860,000 unintended pregnancies by 2035. Beyond these clinical and economic gains, midwifery is also a powerful engine for women’s economic empowerment. Since the vast majority of midwives are female, expanding this workforce translates directly into thousands of stable, skilled, and dignified formal-sector jobs for women—particularly in rural and underserved communities where employment opportunities are often scarce. Converting informal, unpaid caregiving into salaried careers saves lives and builds financial independence for women, while strengthening Africa’s broader economic development.

Investing in midwives alongside multi-skilled community health workers creates a stronger continuum of care—from the household and community to the primary health facility and referral hospital. Community health workers can support early identification of pregnancy risks, promote antenatal care attendance, encourage skilled birth attendance, strengthen immunization uptake, and facilitate timely referrals, while midwives provide the skilled clinical care required to prevent maternal and newborn deaths. Together, this workforce forms the backbone of a people-centered primary health care system capable of delivering the AU’s vision of health sovereignty.

Africa has already shown political leadership in achieving a strong health workforce. In 2016, Africa committed to train and deploy two million community health workers as part of addressing the chronic health workforce gap—a target already half met. Under the leadership of H.E. Bola Ahmed Tinubu, President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and AU Champion for Human Resources for Health and Community Health Delivery Partnership (CHDP), the continent is committed to accelerating progress towards the target of two million multi-skilled community health workers by 2030.

Midwifery deserves the same political ambition, together with a clear continental target to close the midwifery gap.

Any midwifery target must sit within a broader health workforce agenda. Accelerating the reduction of maternal deaths depends on a wider multidisciplinary workforce, including nurses, doctors, anesthesia providers, laboratory personnel, pharmacists, blood service staff, and emergency transport teams. This model promotes integrated community health systems where trained, supported, and professional community health workers deliver a comprehensive package of essential services, including health promotion for maternal and child health, disease prevention, immunization, early identification of pregnancy risks, referrals, and links to health facilities.

Just as Africa united around scaling up community health workers, leaders should now rally around a target to educate, deploy and retain the midwives needed to end preventable maternal and newborn deaths on the continent and enhance the health outcomes.

The following priorities, supported by the evidence-driven global initiative The Midwifery Accelerator, offer a practical roadmap:

First, increase and institutionalize financing for the health workforce, including midwives, as a strategic investment for health security and sovereignty.

This means accelerating the Lusaka Agenda and Accra Reset and prioritizing domestic funding for workforce compacts to strengthen primary health care systems in high-burden countries for maternal and child deaths. Establishing dedicated workforce budget lines, and improving the efficiency of workforce financial management through digitalization will require strengthened public finance management capacity and capabilities and cross-ministerial coordination. Aligning partner contributions strategically with national health workforce development plans will improve efficiency and address issues linked to the transition from donor support.

Second, expand equitable access to skilled maternal and newborn care by deploying midwives strategically to underserved high-burden and rural areas.

We must educate, deploy, and retain enough midwives to improve the quality, continuity, and responsiveness of maternal and newborn care. This will require ensuring quality midwifery education aligned to international and national standards, financing new posts and absorbing unemployed midwives, educating more only where the needs are unmet. Retention is equally critical as poor conditions; limited career growth, low pay and migration continue to drain skilled midwives from many African countries. Building a resilient workforce requires investing in decent work, professional recognition, and supportive, accountable workplaces.

Third, we must advocate and empower midwives, building midwifery leadership, strengthening coalitions, and amplifying the voices of women and communities.

Midwives should play a central role in designing models of care, not just delivering them. Professional associations must be seated at policy and financing tables, the Chief Midwifery Officer Network should be formalized, and communities need a stronger say in holding health systems accountable.

Fourth, maternal survival must be addressed as a whole-of-government responsibility.

Backed by political and financial commitments, this requires engagement beyond health ministries, including the finance, education, gender, and planning portfolios, alongside local government and civil society partners.

Through the AU Champion Roadmap on Maternal and Child Health, the AU Commission is collaborating with Member States, Africa CDC, UNFPA, and other partners to strengthen accountability, data systems and peer-to-peer learning. Accountability must drive this agenda: every maternal death should be counted, reviewed, and used to strengthen health systems. What gets measured gets prioritized, and what gets prioritized gets funded.

The AU Champion Roadmap calls for sustained, African-led domestic financing for maternal, newborn and child health. Investing in midwives is an investment in maternal and newborn survival, women’s economic empowerment, resilient primary health care systems, and Africa’s future prosperity. Preventing maternal deaths protects families, creates decent jobs, strengthens trust in public institutions, and safeguards the continent’s greatest asset—its people.

Africa has shown that shared ambition can drive transformative change. That same ambition must be matched with sustained resolve and support to ensure that no woman or newborn’s life is cut short for reasons we can prevent. A strong and resilient midwifery health workforce is within our collective reach – let us use it to secure Africa’s health sovereignty, sustainable development, and future prosperity.

Dr. Diene Keita, Executive Director, United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), and
Dr. Jean Kaseya, Director General, Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC)

IPS UN Bureau

 

 

 

 

The counterterrorism community struggles with how technology might be applied to novel use cases.