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In overlearning the lessons of China, Washington risks squandering the most important relationship it needs to counter China: India.

"Je ne cherche pas à plaire." Après deux César, deux prix d’interprétation au Festival de Cannes, un Golden Globe, Isabelle Huppert n’a plus rien à prouver. Marraine du Trophée Chopard, qui distingue chaque année deux révélations du cinéma, l'actrice est aussi venue présenter "Histoires parallèles" d’Asghar Farhadi, en compétition officielle au Festival de Cannes 2026. Elle répond aux questions de Nina Masson pour France 24.

Le 20 mai, le président bolivien Rodrigo Paz Pereira — élu en novembre 2025 —, annonçait un remaniement ministériel sous la pression d'un mouvement de contestation qui réclame désormais sa démission. Depuis plusieurs semaines, les mobilisations contre la hausse des prix et les pénuries de (…) / Économie, Amérique latine, Bolivie, États-Unis, Chine, Matières premières

Chinese President Xi Jinping is raising the floor for punishing purge targets.

The first airtight Chinese closure forecloses gradual reform – and American policy must be calibrated accordingly.

Plymouth Argyle striker Owen Oseni says he was in "disbelief" after being called up to the Nigeria squad.

International donors commit substantial resources to GovTech projects (the application of information and communication technologies to government functions). World Bank GovTech investments alone have exceeded $118 billion over the last three decades. Donor strategy documents consistently frame digital transformation not only as a vehicle for improved effectiveness but also for strengthening democracy.
Autocrats are equally invested in these tools. Globally, at least 88 authoritarian regimes currently operate GovTech projects, and electoral autocracies receive the largest share of GovTech aid (48.6 per cent of commitments). Beyond well-known surveillance applications, autocracies deploy GovTech for service delivery, grievance redress and even citizen engagement. These platforms are deployed to project an image of responsiveness and legitimacy. Our experimental evidence from Turkey shows how efficiency-enhancing GovTech tools, when paired with sophisticated regime communication, can durably entrench autocratic rule. We designed a survey experiment focused on CIMER, Turkey’s widely used citizen petition platform, to examine how citizens respond to the government propaganda surrounding it. The results show that the government’s framing of CIMER as an effective tool that “gets things done” significantly increased trust in authoritarian institutions, even among regime opponents. The effect extended beyond attitudes to behaviour: Asked to allocate a hypothetical donation of money among state institutions, independent non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or themselves, anti-government respondents exposed to messages on the platform were significantly more likely to give the money to state institutions. Our recommendations are as follows:
• Donors must take the second-order effects of GovTech initiatives seriously and develop mechanisms to carefully evaluate the risks of unintended consequences. In many cases, support for GovTech projects is overly optimistic regarding their effects on political openness. Adopting a more context-sensitive and realistic approach demands detailed political economy assessments before supporting GovTech projects and developing monitoring metrics that capture potential regime-legitimation effects.
• Donors need to build stronger safety guardrails into these projects. Depending on the political economy assessments, such measures could include the institutional involvement of international organisations or, if feasible, local NGOs (as conditionality) in platform oversight, mandatory independent audits and open data standards by design, among others.
• Finally, donors need to consider actively participating in public communication on these platforms, with visible donor branding, to counter government-controlled propaganda, claim credit for service delivery and strengthen trust in donor countries and organisations.

International donors commit substantial resources to GovTech projects (the application of information and communication technologies to government functions). World Bank GovTech investments alone have exceeded $118 billion over the last three decades. Donor strategy documents consistently frame digital transformation not only as a vehicle for improved effectiveness but also for strengthening democracy.
Autocrats are equally invested in these tools. Globally, at least 88 authoritarian regimes currently operate GovTech projects, and electoral autocracies receive the largest share of GovTech aid (48.6 per cent of commitments). Beyond well-known surveillance applications, autocracies deploy GovTech for service delivery, grievance redress and even citizen engagement. These platforms are deployed to project an image of responsiveness and legitimacy. Our experimental evidence from Turkey shows how efficiency-enhancing GovTech tools, when paired with sophisticated regime communication, can durably entrench autocratic rule. We designed a survey experiment focused on CIMER, Turkey’s widely used citizen petition platform, to examine how citizens respond to the government propaganda surrounding it. The results show that the government’s framing of CIMER as an effective tool that “gets things done” significantly increased trust in authoritarian institutions, even among regime opponents. The effect extended beyond attitudes to behaviour: Asked to allocate a hypothetical donation of money among state institutions, independent non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or themselves, anti-government respondents exposed to messages on the platform were significantly more likely to give the money to state institutions. Our recommendations are as follows:
• Donors must take the second-order effects of GovTech initiatives seriously and develop mechanisms to carefully evaluate the risks of unintended consequences. In many cases, support for GovTech projects is overly optimistic regarding their effects on political openness. Adopting a more context-sensitive and realistic approach demands detailed political economy assessments before supporting GovTech projects and developing monitoring metrics that capture potential regime-legitimation effects.
• Donors need to build stronger safety guardrails into these projects. Depending on the political economy assessments, such measures could include the institutional involvement of international organisations or, if feasible, local NGOs (as conditionality) in platform oversight, mandatory independent audits and open data standards by design, among others.
• Finally, donors need to consider actively participating in public communication on these platforms, with visible donor branding, to counter government-controlled propaganda, claim credit for service delivery and strengthen trust in donor countries and organisations.

International donors commit substantial resources to GovTech projects (the application of information and communication technologies to government functions). World Bank GovTech investments alone have exceeded $118 billion over the last three decades. Donor strategy documents consistently frame digital transformation not only as a vehicle for improved effectiveness but also for strengthening democracy.
Autocrats are equally invested in these tools. Globally, at least 88 authoritarian regimes currently operate GovTech projects, and electoral autocracies receive the largest share of GovTech aid (48.6 per cent of commitments). Beyond well-known surveillance applications, autocracies deploy GovTech for service delivery, grievance redress and even citizen engagement. These platforms are deployed to project an image of responsiveness and legitimacy. Our experimental evidence from Turkey shows how efficiency-enhancing GovTech tools, when paired with sophisticated regime communication, can durably entrench autocratic rule. We designed a survey experiment focused on CIMER, Turkey’s widely used citizen petition platform, to examine how citizens respond to the government propaganda surrounding it. The results show that the government’s framing of CIMER as an effective tool that “gets things done” significantly increased trust in authoritarian institutions, even among regime opponents. The effect extended beyond attitudes to behaviour: Asked to allocate a hypothetical donation of money among state institutions, independent non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or themselves, anti-government respondents exposed to messages on the platform were significantly more likely to give the money to state institutions. Our recommendations are as follows:
• Donors must take the second-order effects of GovTech initiatives seriously and develop mechanisms to carefully evaluate the risks of unintended consequences. In many cases, support for GovTech projects is overly optimistic regarding their effects on political openness. Adopting a more context-sensitive and realistic approach demands detailed political economy assessments before supporting GovTech projects and developing monitoring metrics that capture potential regime-legitimation effects.
• Donors need to build stronger safety guardrails into these projects. Depending on the political economy assessments, such measures could include the institutional involvement of international organisations or, if feasible, local NGOs (as conditionality) in platform oversight, mandatory independent audits and open data standards by design, among others.
• Finally, donors need to consider actively participating in public communication on these platforms, with visible donor branding, to counter government-controlled propaganda, claim credit for service delivery and strengthen trust in donor countries and organisations.

The same networks involved in illegal fishing are becoming logistical arteries for transnational drug trafficking. It’s a growing challenge for Indo-Pacific security.

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The Trump regime has told us again and again precisely what they are.

During the first Trump term and even into the second, commentators would frequently pose the rhetorical question of asking how some Trump outrage would have been perceived if it had been done by Barack Obama. The point of this exercise was to note how Trump continues to get away with pretty much everything and has never been held to the same standards as Obama. A subtext of that comparison was to suggest that Trump was a president in some way similar to Obama, and to downplay the regime change that Trump began in his first term and has accelerated during his second term.

L’article Christian Nationalist Rally Led By A Christian Nationalist Regime est apparu en premier sur IRIS.

Taiwan's stateless and undocumented population, numbering in the tens of thousands, has no access to basic rights, including healthcare, legal residency, and in some cases, education.

In the face of the Chinese irredentist claims over Arunachal, New Delhi has attempted to transform a geopolitically sensitive frontier into a living, breathing part of the Indian nation.

Over 90,000 ethnic Koreans were enticed to leave Japan by North Korean propaganda in the early 1960s. Most remain trapped in North Korea.

L'ancien Premier ministre et secrétaire général du parti Renaissance Gabriel Attal a officialisé vendredi sa candidature à l'élection présidentielle de 2027 pour faire de la France "le pays de l'avenir", lors d'un déplacement à Mur-de-Barrez, petite commune de l'Aveyron.

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Written by Györgyi Mácsai

Rising EU imports of goods from Mexico compensated for a slight decrease in exports, and reversed the trend of a growing trade surplus, which still amounts to €19.1 billion in favour of the EU. Mexico ranks as the EU’s 11th most important trade partner, with a share of 1.7 % of total EU trade with the world, while the EU ranks third on the list of Mexico’s main trade partners, with a share of 6.7 %, slightly lower than in 2024.

Read this ‘at a glance’ note on ‘EU-Mexico trade and investment relations‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Iliman Ndiaye insists Senegal are African champions in "many people's eyes" despite a legal wrangle over the ultimate destination of the 2025 Afcon title.

Delegations

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP