Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Europæiske lande modarbejder hinanden i det kaotiske Libyen. Konsekvensen kan både blive mere uro og flere flygtninge i Europa, konstaterer seniorforsker Hans Lucht i Morgenavisen Jyllands-Posten

Europæiske lande modarbejder hinanden i det kaotiske Libyen. Konsekvensen kan både blive mere uro og flere flygtninge i Europa, konstaterer seniorforsker Hans Lucht i Morgenavisen Jyllands-Posten

Zusammenfassung:

Unterschiede in den Renteneinkommen zwischen den Geschlechtern sind in Europa teils riesig – In Deutschland große Unterschiede zwischen West und Ost – Länderübergreifender Zusammenhang zwischen Rentenlücken und geschlechtsspezifischen Unterschieden am Arbeitsmarkt – Bessere Aufteilung von Sorge- und Erwerbsarbeit, etwa durch Abschaffung des Ehegattensplittings, könnte Erwerbsbiografien von Frauen stärken und Rentenlücken verkleinern

Männer erhalten in fast allen untersuchten Ländern Europas höhere Renten als Frauen – auch wenn man die Gender Pension Gaps um Alter und Bildung bereinigt. Diese Rentenlücken variieren allerdings sehr stark: Während in Estland fast kein Gender Pension Gap zu erkennen ist, liegt er in Luxemburg mit knapp 74 Prozent am höchsten. Die Rentenlücke in Ostdeutschland ist nur knapp halb so groß wie die Lücke in Westdeutschland. In der Regel fallen die Lücken in den skandinavischen und osteuropäischen Ländern am geringsten aus.

In an interview with FRANCE 24 in The Hague, IPI President Terje Rød-Larsen discussed the stalled Israeli-Palestinian peace process, and also shared his thoughts on the merits of the Trump administration’s plans for peace between Israelis and Palestinians.

On Friday, June 21st, IPI is hosting a speaker series event featuring Mr. Pierre Krähenbühl, Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East.

Remarks will begin at 10:15am PST / 1:15pm EST

Appointed by the secretary-general in November 2013, Pierre Krähenbühl became commissioner-general of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees on March 30, 2014. As commissioner-general, he serves at the level of under-secretary-general. A Swiss national, Mr. Krähenbühl has nearly 30 years of experience in humanitarian, human rights and development work.

Prior to joining UNRWA, Mr. Krähenbühl served as director of Operations at the International Committee of the Red Cross from July 2002 to January 2014, responsible for the conduct, management, and supervision of 12,000 ICRC staff working in 80 countries. In this position, he directly oversaw that organization’s response to conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Colombia and Libya, among others. He led senior-level negotiations with a range of governments, armed forces, and other groups to secure access to conflict-affected populations.

Mr. Krähenbühl’s experience also includes diverse and demanding field assignments in places experiencing profound social change and armed conflict, including El Salvador, Peru, and Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The event will be moderated by Dr. Adam Lupel, vice president of IPI.

Verdensmål og global orden

Verdensmål og global orden

Mila Staneva, who worked at the Education and Family Department, has successfully defended her dissertation at the Freie Universität Berlin.

The dissertation with the title “Employment alongside Bachelor’s Studies in Germany. Implications for Education Outcomes, the School-to-Work Transition, and Social Inequality” was supervised by Prof. Dr. Heike Solga (WZB Berlin, Freie Universität Berlin) and Prof. Dr. C. Katharina Spieß (DIW Berlin, Freie Universität Berlin).
We congratulate Mila on her success and wish her all the best for her future career!

Ny podcast om de politiske beslutninger, der dannede grundlag for Danmarks deltagelse i krigen i Kosovo

The definition of peace has shifted in the United Nations community from the absence of conflict to a more active, “positive peace.” Looking at peace from this perspective requires a shift in focus from identifying and combating the causes of wars to understanding the factors that foster peace and inclusivity. To view a holistic perspective of peace, it is necessary to explore the connections among culture, peace, security, and development.

The “culture of peace” recognizes the link between peace, development, and human rights. Defined in 1999, the term seeks to tackle the root causes of conflicts emphasizing the importance of dialogue, negotiation, and cooperation among individuals, groups, and nations.

On June 13, 2019, the first annual World Forum for the Culture of Peace took place in The Hague on “Peace Education for the Protection of Cultural Heritage.” It was organized by the Abdulaziz Saud Albabtain Cultural Foundation with support from IPI, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the University of Leiden, and the Carnegie Foundation.

High-level representatives from around the world discussed the importance of peace education for the protection of cultural heritage with a particular focus on Iraq, Yemen, and the Central African Republic. The day-long forum ended with “Messages for Peace” from global leaders including:

• María Fernanda Espinosa Garcés, President of the 73rd Session of the UN General Assembly (Video Message)
• Marzouq Al-Ghanim, President of the Kuwaiti National Assembly
• Abdulaziz Saud Albabtain, Chairman, Abdulaziz Saud Albabtain Cultural Foundation
• Faustin-Archange Touadera, President of the Central African Republic
• Marie-Louise Coleiro Preca, President Emeritus of Malta
• Abdullah Gül, Former President of Turkey
• Hassan Arfaoui, Representative of the President of Tunisia
• Laurence Konmla, Special Envoy of the President of Liberia
• Ammar al-Hakim, President of the Reform and Reconstruction Alliance of Iraq

In Session III of the forum, IPI President Terje Rød-Larsen moderated a panel on Promoting the Culture of Peace through Education.

Other Attendees Included:

• Joke Brandt, Representative of the Dutch Government and the Secretary-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
• Erik de Baedts, President, Peace Palace / Carnegie Foundation
• Prince Turki Alfaisal Alsaud
• George Vella, President of Malta
• Haris Silajdžiž, Former President of Bosnia and Herzegovina
• Yousef bin Ahmad Al-Othaimeen, Secretary-General, Organization of Islamic Cooperation
• Taieb Baccouche, Secretary-General of the Arab Maghreb Union and Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Tunisia
• Khaled al-Yamani, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Yemen
• Peter Maurer, President, International Committee of the Red Cross
• Hilal Al Sayer, President of the Red Crescent Society, Kuwait
• Leoluca Orlando, Mayor of Palermo
• Shaikh Mohammed Sabah Al-Salem Al-Sabah, Former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Kuwait
• Ali Al-Shukri, Representative of President of Iraq
• Shaikha Mai bint Mohammed Al-Khalifa, President, Bahrain Authority for Culture and Antiquities, Kingdom of Bahrain
• Abdullah Lamlas, Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research, Government of Kurdistan Region, Iraq
• Yusuf Goran, Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research, Government of Kurdistan Region, Iraq
• Michael Frendo, Speaker Emeritus of the Parliament of Malta and former Minister of Foreign Affairs
• Hamed Al-Azemi, Minister of Education of the State of Kuwait
• Madame Sylvie Baipo Temon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Central Republic of Africa
• Tokia Saïfi, Member of the European Parliament
• Moukadas Noure, Minister of Education of the Central African Republic
• Mounir Bouchenaki, Advisor to UNESCO for Cultural Heritage
• Abdulqawi Ahmed Yusuf, President of the International Court of Justice
• Carl Stolker, President of the University of Leiden

The UN Security Council is expected to renew the mandate of the United Nations–African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) in June 2019. As Sudan undergoes an uncertain political transition and security gains in Darfur remain tenuous, these negotiations represent a critical moment to reflect upon the Security Council’s strategic engagement in the country.

In this context, the International Peace Institute (IPI), the Stimson Center, and Security Council Report organized a workshop on May 23, 2019, to discuss UNAMID’s mandate and political strategy. This workshop provided a forum for member states, UN stakeholders, and outside experts to share their assessments of the situation in Darfur. The discussion was intended to help the Security Council make more informed decisions with respect to the strategic orientation, prioritization, and sequencing of the mission’s mandate and actions on the ground.

The workshop focused on the evolving political and security situation in Darfur, the implications of Sudan’s ongoing national political transition for the Darfur region, divisions within the international community, and the challenges facing the mission’s drawdown and reconfiguration. Among the recommendations emerging from the discussion were for the mandate to provide UNAMID the flexibility to maneuver, consolidate recent gains, and articulate a clear political strategy that prioritizes long-term peacebuilding and development.

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With a collective responsibility for 80% of global greenhouse gas emissions, while representing 80% of global wealth, it is imperative that the countries of the G20 throw their weight behind the implementation of both the Paris Climate Agree-ment and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Develop¬ment. In the past, the G20 has demonstrated that it can do that. The G20 Summit in November 2015 in Antalya, Turkey, provided strong support for the climate agreement signed a month later at the UN Climate Change Conference (COP21) in Paris. In 2016 in Hangzhou, China, the G20 adopted an Action Plan on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Develop¬ment and committed to “further align its work” with the 2030 Agenda. Even though both agendas have emerged in the multilateral context of the United Nations system, the G20 is expected to exert strong political leadership to address global climate change and to achieve sustainable development.
Yet, since 2017 the G20 has struggled to provide such leadership, as support for multilateral commitments, especially those involving ambitious climate actions, appears to be fading. Crucially, opposition to strong multilateral climate policy in the US and Brazil resorts to outright climate denialism at the highest levels of government. These developments are challenging the G20, and BRICS and the G7 for that matter, to sustain support for multilateral commitments on climate and sustainable development. The rise of populist and unilaterally minded parties in European club members may further the risk of side-lining climate and sustainability-related issues in the G20 process. This does not bode well at a time when the G20’s support could be a vital ingredient for the success of the United Nations’ summits on climate action and sustainable development, both scheduled to convene in New York in September 2019 – less than three months after the Osaka G20 Summit in Japan.
Following our analysis, we identify four ways forward that should be conducive to harnessing the G20’s economic weight and political clout to push more ambitious global action towards climate-friendly sustainable development, in spite of apparent discrepancies between domestic agendas and global understandings:

1. Strive for strong political declarations in support of the multilateral commitments on climate and sustainable development. Yet, focus at the same time on advancing specific issue-centred initiatives that are palatable to domestic audiences and compatible with the objectives of the Paris Agreement and 2030 Agenda, without framing them as “climate policy” or “sustainability policy”.
2. Embrace non-state and subnational actors as strategic partners to safeguard continuity in times of antagonistic member governments and volatile policies, as well as to build capacities and strengthen implementation of pertinent policies. The so-called G20 Engagement Groups representing business, labour, civil society, women and think tanks are key partners in this respect.
3. G20 workstreams should strive to co-produce specific climate- and sustainability-related initiatives across G20 workstreams as a means to overcome policy silos and to increase ownership and uptake beyond the “usual suspects”.
4. The Think20 (T20) should concentrate – rather than further expand – pertinent expertise and policy advice to leverage crosscutting action by G20 workstreams. Furthermore, detaching its working approach from the official G20 calendar could improve its ability to inform strategic agenda setting.

Danmarks udviklingssamarbejde har forandret sig markant over de senere år. Nedskæringer, omprioriteringer og kortsigtede interesser har stået i vejen for tydelige strategiske retninger og langsigtede mål. Dette DIIS Policy Brief opridser ti nødvendige skridt for at få udviklingspolitikken og -bistanden tilbage på et konstruktivt spor.

The Russian vision of the BSR after Crimea and Trump

Danmarks udviklingssamarbejde har forandret sig markant over de senere år. Nedskæringer, omprioriteringer og kortsigtede interesser har stået i vejen for tydelige strategiske retninger og langsigtede mål. Dette DIIS Policy Brief opridser ti nødvendige skridt for at få udviklingspolitikken og -bistanden tilbage på et konstruktivt spor.

Zusammenfassung:

DIW Berlin erwartet BIP-Wachstum von 0,9 Prozent für dieses und 1,7 Prozent für kommendes Jahr – Konjunkturbild ist unverändert: Binnenwirtschaft trägt das Wachstum, Auslandsgeschäft bleibt vor Hintergrund zahlreicher Risiken verhalten – Arbeitslosigkeit geht weiter zurück – Handelskrieg stellt bedeutendes Risiko für deutsche Wirtschaft dar – Kommunen müssen finanziell gestärkt werden     

Herr Michelsen, das Wachstum der deutschen Wirtschaft hat zuletzt deutlich an Schwung verloren. Wird das in diesem Jahr so weitergehen?

Wir haben in der Tat eine Verlangsamung der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung in Deutschland. Das hat sich schon im vergangenen Jahr abgezeichnet, als die Auftragseingänge und die Industrieproduktion graduell immer mehr abgeschmolzen und dann im Sommer auch das Wirtschaftswachstum zum Erliegen gekommen ist. Das Jahr 2019 ist dann aber äußerst positiv gestartet. [...]

Conventional economic wisdom has long maintained that there is a necessary trade-off between pursuit of the efficiency of a system and any attempts to improve equity between participants within that system. Economist Robert Lucas demonstrated the implications of this common economic axiom when he wrote: “Of the tendencies that are harmful to sound economics, the most seductive, and in my opinion the most poisonous, is to focus on questions of distribution [...] the potential for improving the lives of poor people by finding different ways of distributing current production is nothing compared to the apparently limitless potential of increasing production.” (Lucas, 2004)
Indeed, many economists have suggested that too little inequality or too generous a distribution of benefits may undermine the individual’s incentive to work hard and take risks. Setting aside the harsh rhetoric used by Lucas, the practical and ethical acceptability of such a trade-off is debatable. Moreover, evidence from recent decades suggests that the trade-off itself is, in many cases, entirely avoidable.
A large body of research has shown that improved competition and economic efficiency are indeed compatible with government efforts to address inequality and reduce poverty, as assessed in a World Bank report (World Bank, 2016). Contrary to another common belief about economic interventions, this research indicates that such policy interventions can be tailored to succeed in all countries and at all times; even low- and middle-income countries in times of economic crisis can successfully pursue policies to improve economic distribution, with negligible negative impacts on efficiency and, in many cases, even positive ones. Some examples of such pro-equity and pro-efficiency measures include those promoting early childhood development, universal health care, quality education, conditional cash transfers, rural infra-structure investment, and well-designed tax policy.
Overall, four critical policy points stand out:

1. A trade-off is not inevitable. Policymakers do not need to give up on reducing inequality for the sake of growth. A good choice of policies can achieve both.
2. In the last two decades, research has generated substantive evidence about which policies work to foster growth and reduce inequalities.
3. Policies can redress the inequalities children are born into while fostering growth. But the wrong sets of policies can magnify inequalities early in life and thereafter.
4. All countries can, under most circumstances, implement policies that are both pro-equity and pro-efficiency.

Nach langem Hin und Her hat sich die Bundesregierung zu einem Fachkräfteeinwanderungsgesetz durchgerungen. Grundsätzlich ist es zu begrüßen, dass die Zuwanderung von Fachkräften aus Drittstaaten erleichtert werden soll. Die Menschen und deren kulturelle Vielfalt bereichern Deutschland, und wirtschaftlich profitieren wir alle: Zuwanderer können Arbeitsmarktengpässe abmildern – also die Jobs annehmen, für die es hierzulande nicht genug geeignete Bewerberinnen und Bewerber gibt. Entweder, weil die Konjunktur punktuell so brummt, dass kurzfristig nicht alle Stellen besetzt werden können. Oder, weil wir langfristig als älter werdende Gesellschaft schlichtweg nicht mehr genug Nachwuchs für bestimmte Berufe haben.