By CIVICUS
Aug 29 2024 (IPS)
CIVICUS discusses recent leadership changes in Vietnam with David Tran, coordinator of the Alliance for Vietnam’s Democracy, a civil society platform that promotes democracy in Vietnam and the region through international cooperation and the strengthening of local civil society.
On 3 August, President Tô Lâm was confirmed as General Secretary of the Communist Party, Vietnam’s top position, following the death of long-serving General Secretary Nguyễn Phú Trọng. Lâm, who has been president since May, is known for leading an aggressive anti-corruption campaign that has seen many officials jailed and others forced to resign. He will continue as president while assuming the duties of general secretary, potentially enabling him to consolidate power ahead of the 2026 party congress, which will choose Vietnam’s top leaders for the next five years. Civil society fears the regime could become even more autocratic and repressive if Lâm retains both positions.
David Tran
What’s Vietnam’s political system like, and what’s the likely impact of the recent leadership change?Vietnam is an authoritarian one-party state led by the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP). There are four key positions of authority: the president, who is the ceremonial head of state, the prime minister, who heads the government, the chair of the National Assembly, the unicameral legislature, and the most powerful, the general secretary of the VCP.
Although the president is elected by the National Assembly, this body is overwhelmingly made up of VCP members, who usually approve all incumbents unopposed. On 3 August, following the death of the last VCP general secretary, Nguyễn Phú Trọng, Tô Lâm was confirmed as the new VCP leader.
This appointment is particularly significant because it puts a lot of power in the hands of one person. His dual role gives Tô Lâm considerable influence over the state and party, as well as greater control over the public security apparatus. While he appears set to continue the policies of his predecessor, there are several cracks beneath the surface. His power is likely to be challenged by several VCP members who’ve been forced into retirement by his ‘anticorruption’ campaign, effectively an initiative to eliminate competing factions. We can expect this infighting to continue and intensify.
What does Tô Lâm’s rise mean from a human rights perspective?
Tô Lâm has had a long career, including stints as minister of public security and a member of the politburo. The key role he played in the previous general secretary’s ‘anticorruption’ campaign saw him elected president in May, after his investigations into several high-profile politicians and businesspeople led to the resignation of his predecessor and other top officials.
The accumulation of power in the hands of the architect of a purge is unlikely to lead to improvements in civic space or human rights. Tô Lâm has been closely associated with the worsening human rights situation, as the Formosa and the Trinh Xuan Thanh cases clearly illustrate.
In April 2016, the Formosa company caused an environmental disaster when it discharged heavily polluted waste off Vietnam’s central coast. This caused widespread damage in at least four provinces and sparked protests. Instead of prosecuting Formosa, Tô Lâm, then minister of public security and in charge of the environmental police, suppressed peaceful protests and had 220 people sentenced to a total of 133 years in prison, not including probation after release. He said he was protecting Formosa from what he called ‘hostile forces’ – essentially anyone who criticised the company.
The second case involves Trinh Xuan Thanh, a former vice chair of Hau Giang Province, who fled to Germany in 2016 after being accused of ‘deliberately violating state regulations, causing serious consequences’. He was abducted on German soil by the Vietnamese secret service, which is under the Ministry of Public Security, and returned to Vietnam. Tô Lâm was directly involved in this operation, which Germany condemned as a ‘scandalous violation’ of its sovereignty and a ‘gross breach of international law’.
Given Tô Lâm’s track record, we expect human rights conditions to worsen under his leadership as Vietnam descends into a police state where human rights and the rule of law are ignored. The already limited space for civil society in Vietnam has shrunk under his watch, and we expect this trend to continue.
What are the challenges facing civil society in Vietnam?
Tô Lâm’s rise to power has been marked by his consistent efforts to stifle dissent. Under his leadership, the authorities, particularly the Ministry of Public Security, have increasingly tightened their grip on civil society organisations (CSOs). They have implemented new decrees that overregulate the registration and management of foreign CSOs and applied stricter rules to domestic organisations.
They have also weaponised tax laws and the criminal code to target civil society leaders, charging them with offences such as tax evasion and ‘abuse of democratic freedoms’. This has led to the imprisonment of prominent activists, including environmental and labour rights advocates.
Independent CSOs are subject to strict surveillance, with some being dismantled or forced to reorganise to conform to the authorities. This was exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, which the authorities used as a pretext to impose further restrictions on civil society under the guise of public health measures.
Despite this repressive environment, some social service CSOs and philanthropic groups continue to operate and strive to make a positive impact. But their independence is severely restricted as they and their activists are constantly targeted.
What international support does Vietnam’s civil society need?
Human rights organisations and international bodies have raised concerns about the shrinking space for civil society in Vietnam. They have called for respect for freedoms of assembly, association and expression and urged the authorities to ease restrictions. While these statements are important, they must be accompanied by trade sanctions and other enforcement mechanisms. Words alone are not enough.
Unfortunately, human rights in Vietnam are also falling victim to geopolitics. As tensions with China escalate, the USA is increasingly seeing Vietnam as a counterweight to China. In this context, human rights and civic space are often sidelined, if not ignored altogether. We believe that a democratic Vietnam would be the best partner and ally in promoting a peaceful, open and stable Indo-Pacific region.
Even if Tô Lâm has a long way to go before he reaches a position comparable to Xi Jinping’s in China, consolidation of power is a general trend we’re seeing among the region’s communist states. Oddly enough, given how these two leaders came to power, it could be a sign that pressure for human rights and civic space, both domestically and internationally, is working. If the authorities feel compelled to respond by consolidating power and positioning figures like Tô Lâm to counter these movements, there is still hope we are on the right track.
Civic space in Vietnam is rated ‘closed’ by the CIVICUS Monitor.
Get in touch with the Alliance for Vietnam’s Democracy through its webpage or Facebook page.
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Credit: Adobe Stock
By Ann-Sophie Böhle
STOCKHOLM, Sweden, Aug 29 2024 (IPS)
The consequences of climate change are disproportionately impacting fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCS). Climate shocks can exacerbate security risks in FCS, conflict and instability compromise a region’s ability to adapt to climate change, leaving its population ever more vulnerable to future climate shocks.
This creates a risk of mutually reinforcing crises spiraling out of control.
By the same token, climate adaptation—measures to increase resilience to climate change—can reduce conflict risks and possibly contribute to lasting peace. This is why international meetings, such as last year’s COP28 climate summit (November 30-December 12 2023) and the (February 27-29 ) World Bank Fragility Forum, have emphasized the need for increased climate action in FCS and for approaches that address climate adaptation and peace simultaneously.
However, climate adaptation in FCS is made particularly challenging by, among other factors, the volatility of the context, security risks to people associated with the work and high costs. Various approaches have been suggested to address some of these issues and to make adaptation projects in FCS more effective—not only in terms of building climate resilience but also in addressing conflict risk.
A review of policy and strategic documents published by five donors that are actively supporting climate adaptation in FCS—the African Development Bank (AfDB), the Global Environmental Facility (GEF), the World Bank, and the Dutch and Danish foreign ministries—suggests that such approaches are starting to take root at the policy level. This blog focuses on how five such approaches were reflected in the documents.
Integrated climate–security assessments
It has been argued that integrated assessments covering both climate and conflict dimensions are crucial to designing climate adaptation measures that do not increase conflict risk and ideally help create conditions for lasting peace.
While each of the five donors acknowledges the links between climate change and security at the policy level, only some conduct integrated assessments. For example, a few of the World Bank’s climate change country risk profiles delve into the intersection with security concerns.
Among others the profiles for Ethiopia and Yemen highlight the risk of projected climatic change and extreme weather events worsening tensions around natural resources, food insecurity and migration.
Yet even in these country profiles, the analysis of climate–security links seems somewhat ad hoc; none of the five donors appears to use a systematic method for assessing these links and how adaptation can influence them.
Peace-positive ambitions and activities
A ‘peace-positive’ approach to climate adaptation entails, for example, defining peace-related objectives and indicators of success for an adaptation project. The approach could also include, for example, activities aimed at fostering dialogue, ensuring the equitable distribution of resources and building state capacity to alleviate local tensions.
Denmark’s programme for the fragile border areas of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger combines climate adaptation with facilitating community dialogue and mediation over resource access. In a 2018 report, the GEF’s Scientific and Technical Advisory Panel (STAP) urged the GEF to take opportunities ‘to contribute actively to conflict prevention, not only by mitigating the vulnerabilities affecting particular stakeholder groups but also by strengthening institutions of environmental cooperation and equitable resource governance’.
However, it is unclear whether this advice has been followed. Otherwise, there was little sign of peace-positive activities on the part of any of the five donors. Similarly, there were no examples of climate adaptation projects having specific indicators for impacts on peace.
It is important to acknowledge that peace-positive efforts may exceed the mandates and capacities of many climate adaptation actors.
Collaboration and coordination with other actors
The 2016 World Humanitarian Summit underlined the fact that collaboration and coordination between humanitarian, development and peacebuilding (HDP) actors is necessary to better address issues linked to climate change and conflict, such as population displacement.
For example, climate adaptation actors new to an area can benefit from the knowledge, experience and local connections of humanitarian and peacebuilding actors already operating there.
Calls for such cooperation and collaboration have become commonplace among international actors in the HDP fields. Yet it is rarely seen in practice: HDP and climate adaptation projects still occur in isolation. Challenges to collaboration and cooperation include the varying engagement timelines and methodologies of different actors.
There are positive signs, however. For example, the African Development Bank’s Strategy for Addressing Fragility and Building Resilience in Africa (2022–2026) emphasizes the value of collaboration ‘across many actors’, playing to each one’s comparative advantages in the ‘multidimensional challenge’ of tackling fragility.
Some of the AfDB’s recent country strategies indicate that it has taken steps to map the other development partners operating in the country, suggesting a will to put this principle into practice.
Participatory and inclusive approaches
Another widely accepted principle is that projects are more likely to succeed with the participation of key stakeholders and the inclusion of different groups affected by the project—because, among other things, this makes the project more likely to respond to local needs and realities, which in turn builds a stronger sense of local ownership.
In FCS, it is even more important to understand how different groups may benefit or lose out from a project and how interventions may create or deepen local tensions. Inclusive, participatory approaches are therefore essential to ensure conflict sensitivity and peace-positive outcomes.
The Netherlands’ Global Climate Strategy advocates for a people-centred approach, setting equity and inclusion as guiding principles. ‘Locally led adaption’ and ‘meaningful participation’ are prioritized in order to better understand local needs and benefit from the knowledge and experiences of local people, especially vulnerable groups.
Similarly, the AfDB’s policies promote intensified engagement with civil society. An example of this in practice is seen in a project on sustainable water management in the Eastern Nile region, which integrated community-based feedback and validation processes that provided insight into local perceptions of the project.
Flexibility and adaptability
Various past climate adaptation projects have had to be abandoned or relocated when conflict has broken out. This has been blamed in part on inflexibility in the projects’ designs: being only suitable for a fixed set of pre-conflict circumstances.
As volatility is a characteristic of FCS, flexible approaches that allow timelines, budgets and activities to be adapted in response to changing contexts allow projects to be more effective and to stay relevant.
The Netherlands mentions ‘modular’ programme design as one of the ‘special methods’ it uses for development cooperation in fragile areas. This allows different parts of a programme to be modified in response to changes in the situation on the ground without jeopardizing the entire programme.
The World Bank reports that while its current guidance offers a ‘range of operational flexibilities’, project teams have not always used them. It acknowledges that ‘efforts are needed to ensure that teams are aware and feel empowered to draw on flexibilities as needed so that practice aligns with policy’.
Looking ahead
Major donors appear to be aware of key ways to facilitate effective, peace-positive climate adaptation in FCS, based on their policies and strategies. This is promising, but there is limited evidence of how, or whether, this awareness is being translated into practice. There is an urgent need to share insights and experiences on how this can be done effectively.
The findings build on a document analysis conducted by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) for the Global Center on Adaptation’s Water and Urban programme.
Ann-Sophie Böhle is a Research Assistant in the SIPRI Climate Change and Risk Programme.
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US President Donald Trump (2017-2021) presiding over a meeting of the UN Security Council. Credit: United Nations
By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Aug 29 2024 (IPS)
The Communist Manifesto of a bygone era, authored by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, begins with an implicit warning: “A specter is haunting Europe—the specter of Communism.”
And today another specter is haunting– this time at the United Nations — the specter of a second Trump presidency.
When Trump first took office back in January 2017, he either de-funded, withdrew from, or denigrated several UN agencies and affiliated institutions, including the World Health Organization, the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees (UNRWA), the World Trade Organization (WTO), the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the UN Human Rights Council, among others.
In the unlikely event of a second Trump presidency, should the UN be preparing for another political nightmare?
According to a report on Cable News Network (CNN) last October, Trump was quoted as saying that if elected again to the White House, he would reinstate and expand a travel ban on people from predominantly Muslim countries, suspend refugee resettlements and aggressively deport those whom he characterized as having “jihadist sympathies.”
He cited the Hamas attacks on Israel as the reason for his hard-line immigration policies. Trump also said he would ban travel from Gaza, Syria, Somalia, Yemen, Libya “or anywhere else that threatens our security.”
When Trump first walked onto the podium at the General Assembly hall, he looked at the hundreds of foreign delegates from 192 countries, and reportedly asked: “How the hell did you guys get into this country?”, according to a joke in circulation in the UN’s watering hole, the delegate’s lounge.
There was also a widespread rumor of a new slogan promoting tourism during Trump’s presidency: “Visit us on a one-way ticket – and we will deport you free”.
Meanwhile, at a 2017 White House meeting, Trump apparently said all Haitians “have AIDS’; that Nigerians should “go back to their huts in Africa’; and questioned why US should welcome people from “shithole countries” in Africa, according a report in the New York Times.
And he also displayed his ignorance by asking whether UK was a nuclear power – and whether Nepal (which he pronounced as Nipple) and Bhutan (pronounced Button) were part of India?
Asked about a possible second Trump presidency, Kul Gautam, a former UN Assistant Secretary-General and Deputy Executive Director of the UN children’s agency UNICEF told IPS: “Yes, there will be considerable potential danger and a great deal of unpredictability to the UN system in the unlikely event of a 2nd Trump Presidency”.
However, he pointed out, the extent of the danger will depend on what happens in the US Congress. If Trump wins and the US House of Representatives and the Senate are also captured by the Republicans, the UN could face a mortal risk.
And also, recall that earlier this year the House Republicans zeroed out funding for the UN regular budget and more than a dozen UN entities, including UNICEF and WHO.
So, the worst-case scenario for the UN would be Trump in the White House and Republican majority in both chambers of the US Congress.
But if one or both Houses of Congress are held by the Democratic Party, Trump alone cannot cause irreparable harm to the UN. Still, US defunding of certain UN agencies will cause great harm to those UN entities and the important services they provide, said Gautam, author of “My Journey from the Hills of Nepal to the Halls of the United Nations”. (www.kulgautam.org).
Stephen Zunes, Professor of Politics and Director of International Studies at the University of San Francisco, who has written extensively on the politics of the United Nations, told IPS: “Yes, this would indeed be disastrous and UN funding for these agencies and affiliated institutions would indeed be cut”.
It should be noted, however, that Biden has already eliminated U.S. funding for the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees (UNRWA) and has threatened to eliminate funding to any organization that has Palestine as a full member. Though Harris has generally been less hostile to international legal norms than Biden, I have seen no indication that Harris would reverse these policies, said Zunes.
“Given Trump’s disrespect for domestic laws and institutions, it’s not surprising he would have a similar contempt for international laws and institutions,” he declared.
Samir Sanbar, a former UN Assistant Secretary-General and head of the former Department of Public Information (DPI), told IPS besides welcoming senior UN officials at Trump Tower, across from U.N. Headquarters, the former US President also enjoyed being seated at the main table at the luncheon for heads of state at the opening of the General assembly session.
Under a Trump presidency, he said, there is however a serious risk of blocking payments for certain U.N. Agencies and Funds, particularly UNRWA, which offers assistance to Palestinian refugees and advocates their right of return. Also, WHO and possibly UNICEF would face cuts particularly for their assistance in Gaza.
“And I read somewhere that Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner would prefer to clear Gaza from its two million human beings in order to turn it into a tourist resort,” said Sanbar.
Commenting on the on-again, off-again US threat to cut funds to the UN, Gautam said a blessing in disguise of drastic US defunding of the UN would be for the organization to seriously explore a more robust alternative long-term funding mechanism of the UN and reduce its heavy dependence on US funding.
To avoid the perpetual threat and blackmail of the US and occasionally some other member states defunding the UN, “I am all for resurrecting, reconsidering and reformulating a very creative proposal presented by former Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme way back in 1985.
Palme proposed that no country should be asked or allowed to contribute more than 10 percent to the UN’s budget.”
That would have meant a significant reduction in the US share of the UN budget from 25 % to 10 %; and a modest increase in contribution by most other countries.
“I am FOR the Palme proposal to reduce the UN’s over-dependence on a handful of large donors, and correspondingly decrease the undue influence of those countries in the appointment of high-level UN jobs, and other decision-making processes”.
“Today, many UN activities benefit from voluntary contribution of governments, as well as the private sector, and philanthropic foundations. I believe we must seriously explore more such innovative possibilities, including income from the Global Commons and the Tobin Tax, to liberate the UN from the perpetual threats of arbitrary cuts and defunding by major donors.”
And it is worth recalling that in the larger scheme of international finance, in a world economy of $103 trillion and global military budgets of $2.4 trillion per year, the UN’s regular annual budget is less than $4 billion, and the totality of the UN system’s budget for humanitarian assistance, development cooperation, peace-keeping operations, technical assistance and other essential normative functions, amounts to less than $50 billion per year.
“This is a modest amount to respond to the huge challenges that the UN is asked and expected to help tackle. To put it in perspective, the total UN system-wide spending annually is far less than one month’s US spending on defense, and less than the US military aid to Israel or Ukraine alone.”
With similar investment, bilateral aid and national budgets of much bigger proportions could hardly achieve results comparable to what the UN and international financial institutions achieve, declared Gautam.
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President of the General Assembly, Dennis Francis, meets with internally displaced Sudanese civilians at a displacement camp in Juba. During his visit, he met with the President of the Republic of South Sudan to discuss a peace agreement and plans for humanitarian assistance. Credit: Nektarios Markogiannis/UN Photo
By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Aug 28 2024 (IPS)
The ongoing humanitarian crisis taking place in Sudan, which is a result of the civil war which began last year, continues to escalate as hunger and displacement plague the population, according to spokesperson for the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Stéphane Dujarric, during an August 21st press briefing.
The civil war broke out in April 2023 when the Sudan Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces began a fierce armed conflict in the capital city of Khartoum. According to reports by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), over 18,800 civilians have been killed and over 33,000 have been injured in the crossfire.
Additionally, Edem Wosornu, Director of Operations and Advocacy at OCHA, stated in a press briefing on August 6th that extended siege and conflict between the two parties has resulted in many women and girls being raped.
Food insecurity is currently the most pressing issue facing Sudan. Stephen Omollo, Assistant Executive Director for Workplace and Management of the World Food Programme (WFP), highlighted that “there is famine in Zamzam camp near El Fasher in North Darfur and that other areas in Darfur and elsewhere are at high risk, with more than half of the country’s population facing crisis levels of hunger”.
The WFP and the International Organization for Migration is currently in the process of providing food to areas most affected by famine, such as West Darfur, where 13,000 people are facing the risk of starvation. Wosornu added that the 26 million people facing acute hunger in Sudan is three times the population of New York City.
A spokesperson for the United Kingdom’s UN Representative added that approximately 100 Sudanese people will die of starvation every day until the conflict is settled.
Additionally, as a result of heavy armed conflict in the capital city Khartoum and the Darfur region, many communities have been pushed into displacement. The Sudan conflict is considered to be the world’s largest displacement crisis, with as many as 10.7 million people being displaced to other areas of Sudan and more fleeing to neighbouring nations, according to OCHA.
“Since the start of the current round of hostilities in Sudan, more than 780,000 men, women and children have crossed the border and headed to Renk town”, Dujarric stated.
Furthermore, over 5 million children have been internally displaced and 19 million children lack access to education as a result of 90 percent of schools being shut down. This makes Sudan one of the worst education crises in the world.
For the effective use of humanitarian aid, it is imperative that the conflict stops as soon as possible. Constant sieges and battles prevent the humanitarian community in Sudan as well as the United Nations from providing life-saving assistance.
Aid trucks have been severely obstructed in Sudan. Sudanese authorities have impeded the use of the Adre crossing, which is the most effective route in delivering assistance. In addition, many humanitarian workers have been attacked, kidnapped, and harassed.
Wosornu states “the conflict must stop to allow for the rapid delivery of humanitarian assistance across the country. The warring parties must uphold their obligations under international humanitarian law. Also needed are rapid, safe and unimpeded humanitarian access across Sudan through all possible routes and more resources, including flexible funding”. She adds that if these conditions were met, the current situation in Sudan would be far less dire.
Dujarric added that “peacekeepers established a temporary base in the area (of Renk, Sudan) and are helping to ensure the safe delivery of aid, providing protection to deter violence between diverse communities forced to live together in congested conditions and share dwindling resources”.
Currently, Sudanese authorities deny that there is a severe hunger crisis and that there is no obstruction of humanitarian aid. A delegate for Sudan stated that conditions in a Zamzam displacement camp do not meet the criteria for a declaration of famine. Additionally, they stated that there are no deaths from starvation. They reiterated that aid is not being impeded by the Sudanese government, rather, fault lies with the Rapid Support Forces.
The UN and the WFP is currently negotiating with Sudanese authorities on an increase of aid trucks as well as increased use of the Adre Passage, which makes key distribution points much more easily accessible. It is essential for aid to be supplied on a constant basis as there are 12 areas that face significant levels of famine.
Additionally, the UN predicts that approximately 2.7 billion dollars will be needed for the Sudan Humanitarian Appeal. As of the publication date, this plan has only been 32 percent funded, with a total of 874 dollars being raised for this effort. It is crucial for donors to financially contribute as Sudan is currently on the brink of collapse, having the world’s biggest crises in displacement, hunger, education, and violence.
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A fishworker sells a limited variety of fish. Due to climate change, the size of the catch and the variety of the fish caught have significantly decreased over time. Graphic: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS
By Aishwarya Bajpai
NEW DELHI, Aug 28 2024 (IPS)
Climate change forces millions of India’s fishworkers to venture beyond the country’s exclusive economic zone into the perilous high seas.
In their search for a better catch, approximately 4 million of India’s 28 million fishworkers often face increased risks of capture by neighboring countries.
“Earlier, fish used to come close to the shore, but now we have to go farther out to find them. Our fishing season lasts about a month, and it takes several days just to reach our fishing spot. This time keeps increasing with each season, and lately, the number of days we spend at sea has doubled,” Jivan R. Jungi, a fishworker leader from Gujarat, India, told IPS.
It has not only made the lives of fishworkers challenging, but it also affects their families, accounting for about 16 million people, according to official data.
India, a South Asian country with a 7,500-kilometer coastline, relies on aquatic products such as fish and shrimp for its national income.
People involved in the fish and related industries. Source: Ministry of Fisheries, Animal Husbandry & Dairying Graphic: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS
According to a recent report by the Indian Express, India exported about 17,81,602 metric tons (MT) of seafood, generating a substantial revenue of ₹60,523.89 crore (USD 7.38 billion) in FY 2023–24.
“The government does not take care of us at all, despite the high profit margins in the fishing industry. They fail to provide even the basic benefits that the government can do, like fire safety,” Jungi told IPS. “Our boats are made of wood and run on diesel, which increases the risk of fire. We’ve been requesting safety measures or compensation for years, but nothing has been done, even as we face the growing challenges of climate change.”
Their plight is exacerbated by the Indian government’s policies, including a recent provision in the National Fisheries Policy 2020, which promotes “deep-sea fishing and fishing in areas beyond the national jurisdiction to tap under-exploited resources.” This policy aims to generate more revenue for the nation but does so at the expense of the fishworkers.
Temperature Rises Compare With Hiroshima Bomb
A report by Down to Earth, quoting a study by Science Direct, indicates that the Indian Ocean could experience a temperature rise of 1.7–3.8 degrees Celsius between 2020 and 2100.
To illustrate the severity, Roxy Mathew Koll, a climate scientist at the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology, is quoted as saying: “The projected increase in heat content is comparable to adding the energy of one Hiroshima atomic bomb explosion every second, continuously, for an entire decade.”
Fishworkers along the entire Indian coastline face mounting challenges, leading to conflicts with neighboring countries such as Pakistan, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, and Saudi Arabia.
According to India’s Ministry of External Affairs, between 2020 and 2022, more than 2,600 Indian fishworkers were imprisoned in ten countries across the Indian Ocean for maritime border incursions. The highest number of arrests occurred in Pakistan (1,060), followed by Saudi Arabia (564) and Sri Lanka (501).
People involved in the fish and related industries. Source: Ministry of Fisheries, Animal Husbandry & Dairying Graphic: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS
At Sea, In Danger
The issue of maritime boundaries and fishing rights goes deeper, often causing conflicts among fishworkers from different countries. When fishworkers cross into another country’s waters and catch fish, the local fishworkers claim ownership of the catch, leading to disputes.
This tension among fishworkers can have severe consequences. Moreover, after the arrest, instead of being treated as civilian prisoners, they sometimes face dire conditions, including the risk of death in foreign prisons.
As reported by the Ministry of External Affairs, nine Indian fishermen died in Pakistani jails over the past five years. In 2022, an Indian fisherman named Maria Jesind reportedly had been killed in an Indonesian prison.
This situation is too familiar to fishworkers, particularly those from India and Pakistan, who have long been caught in the political crossfire between their governments.
Historically, the lack of a clear demarcation line has forced fishworkers deeper into the sea without adequate security. As a result, both countries have been arresting fishworkers from each other’s territories for years now.
Last year, 499 fishworkers were released by Pakistan on July 3, 2023, after numerous attempts at their release by civil society organizations. These fishworkers, charged with violating the Passport Act for trespassing on water borders, are imprisoned after court trials, usually receiving sentences of a few months. The official sentence is typically six months, but the release of these fishworkers is rarely prompt, with many spending more than five years.
“But several have died. Balo Jetah Lal died in a Pakistani prison in May 2023; Bichan Kumar alias Vipan Kumar (died April 4, 2023); Soma Deva (died May 8, 2023); and Zulfiqar from Kerala (died May 6, 2023) in Karachi prison,” Jungi says, adding, “Vinod Laxman Kol died on March 17 in Karachi and his mortal remains were brought to his village in Maharashtra on May 1, 2024.”
While the arrests and deaths affect the families of the fishworkers, they also have a broader impact on the community, challenging their way of life and livelihood.
Fishworkers now demand that they not be arrested or shot at, but rather pushed back if they cross maritime boundaries.
After their release, the fishworkers struggle to make ends meet because the arresting government rarely returns their boats, resulting in a lifelong debt of around Rs. 50–60 lakhs (USD 5–6 million) per boat. As a result, the workers now demand that their boats be returned and that the government ensure that the families of arrested fishworkers receive support through policies and schemes, including educational opportunities for their children, to prevent them from falling into extreme poverty.
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Excerpt:
Students and youth groups in Bangladesh stand guard outside temples and churches to protect those from vandalism during unrest after the Awami League government ouster. Credit: Rafiqul Islam/IPS
By Rafiqul Islam
DHAKA, Aug 28 2024 (IPS)
Immediately after the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5, 2024, following weeks of deadly demonstrations staged by students, people carried out attacks on the houses and temples of the Hindu community in Dacope of Khulna, about 225 kilometres from Dhaka. They particularly attacked and vandalized the houses of minorities believed to be involved in the politics of the ousted Awami League government.
At least 11 Hindu houses in Dacope were attacked and vandalized, with attackers claiming these were acts of political revenge.
But, in Dacope, local Muslim and Hindu students and the community soon joined together to guard the houses and temples of the minorities so that they would no longer be victimized due to the political changeover.
Beginning in mid-June 2024, peaceful student protests in Bangladesh turned violent, resulting in hundreds of people killed, including at least 32 children, and thousands injured. The protests were the result of the reinstatement of a quota system for the distribution of civil service positions.
The government resigned in response to the protests, and a civilian interim government took its place.
In other areas too, attacks were carried out on the offices of the Awami League (AL) and residences and establishments of the AL leaders and temples, churches and houses of minority communities across Bangladesh during unrest.
Nur Nabin Robin, a resident of Chattogram City, said many people from minority communities, including Hindus, Buddhist and ethnic people, live in the port city in harmony.
But when the Sheikh Hasina government fell on August 5, people of the minority communities began to feel insecure in Chattogram since attacks on minorities were reportedly being carried out in different parts of the country, he said.
“So, we patrolled in the city for two to three nights in groups and guarded the temples and houses of the minorities so that none could attack them. We also asked them to call us via mobile phone if they can sense any clue of attack on them,” Robin told IPS.
Their concerns were exacerbated because most police stations across the country ceased operating after the fall of the previous government.
General students and even madrasa students came forward to protect the houses and places of worship as the leaders of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement asked supporters to guard temples and churches, responding to concerns voiced over reports of attacks on minority groups.
Jasim Uddin, a resident of Kuliarchar in Kishoreganj, told IPS that after the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government, mobs torched and vandalized houses of many AL leaders in his locality, but members of the Hindu community remained safe during the political turmoil as local people voluntarily safeguarded their temples and properties.
While national monuments and government buildings in the capital, Dhaka, were looted, there were no reports of attacks on temples or churches there during the recent political turmoil.
In Dhaka, Muslim students were found guarding the Dhakeshwari National Temple, a Hindu place of worship. A Muslim was spotted offering prayers in front of Dhakeswari temple so nobody would attack the temple.
Professor Muhammad Yunus, Chief Adviser to the interim government of Bangladesh, visited Dhakeshwari National Temple on August 13, 2024, to express his solidarity with the Hindu community. During his visit, he called upon the minorities to keep patience and remain united.
Yunus condemned the attacks on minority communities in the country as “heinous.”
Religious harmony is the long tradition of Banglalees, while people from different religions—Islam, Hindu, Buddhist, Christian—have been living together from generation to generation.
“Over 90 percent people in Bangladesh do not believe in communalism. Attacks were carried out on minorities due to political reason or gaining personal interest. Those who carried out looting and vandalism were not involved in the student movement,” adviser to interim government Syeda Rizwana Hasan told a function recently in Dhaka.
She said madrasa students had safeguarded temples in many places of Bangladesh, which showed an example of the country’s religious harmony.
Barrister Sara Hossain, the honorary executive director of the Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust (BLAST), said once miscreants carry out any attack on minorities, all should protect them.
CONCERN REMAINS
Following the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government, there was chaos across the country, with law enforcement officials retreating in many places for fear of retaliation.
According to a report of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) of the United Nations released on August 16, 2024, attacks were conducted against minorities, including Hindus, especially in the days immediately after the change of government.
The OHCHR report recognized the role of the student organizations and other ordinary people who were forming groups to protect the minorities.
It details some of the attacks against minorities, including Hindus, especially in the days immediately after the change of government. On August 5 and 6, Hindu houses and properties were reportedly attacked, vandalized and looted in 27 districts. A number of places of worship were also damaged, including an ISKCON temple in Meherpur, Khulna division, which was vandalized and set on fire.
On August 5 and 6, Hindu houses and properties were reportedly attacked, vandalized and looted in 27 districts, while many temples were also damaged, including an ISKCON temple in Meherpur, Khulna division, which was vandalized and set on fire.
The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council (BHBCUC) claimed that around 200-300 Hindu homes and businesses were vandalized since August 5 last while 15-20 Hindu temples were damaged.
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UN agencies are working together to integrate traditional knowledge with modern technology, optimizing water use for agriculture. Credit: FAO Iraq
By Ghulam Isaczai
BAGHDAD, Iraq, Aug 28 2024 (IPS)
Climate change and water scarcity pose significant threats to Iraq’s stability, prosperity, and the well-being of its people. The environmental challenges facing the nation are complex and interconnected, requiring a comprehensive and coordinated response.
In Iraq, the United Nations Country Team (UNCT), under my leadership, has been at the forefront of addressing these critical issues, working tirelessly to build a more sustainable and resilient future for all Iraqis.
Through the Resident Coordinator’s Office (RCO), we aim to leverage the diverse expertise and resources of different UN agencies, fostering a coordinated and integrated approach to development challenges.
Through this collaborative model, we can maximize our impact and deliver holistic solutions to tackle the interconnected web of factors that contribute to climate change and water scarcity.
This includes not only mitigating the immediate effects of these environmental threats but also addressing their underlying causes, such as unsustainable water management practices and overreliance on fossil fuels.
United Nations Resident Coordinator in Iraq Ghulam Isaczai visiting a water project site. Credit: UN in Iraq
The UN in Iraq has made a lasting impact in Iraq through a number of key initiatives. These include:
1) Forging climate resilience
Iraq is highly vulnerable to climate change impacts, including rising temperatures, droughts, and desertification severely impacting agricultural productivity and social stability. To address this, the UNCT, in cooperation with the Iraqi Government, organized Iraq’s first Climate Conference in Basra in 2023. This event resulted in the “Basra Declaration” with key government commitments and initiatives like an afforestation campaign, aimed at enhancing Iraq’s climate resilience.
These efforts led to increased national and international awareness and cooperation on climate issues, establishing a framework for future environmental and policy planning, including the National Adaptation Plan (NAP) and Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC).
The Basra Declaration aims at strengthening Iraq’s institutional, technical, and financial capacities to tackle climate change by mainstreaming medium- to long-term adaptation strategies into national and local planning.
2) Advancing water security
Iraq suffers from a critical water crisis due to reduced rainfall and over-utilization of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. These challenges are exacerbated by inefficient water management and agricultural practices.
Last year, Iraq was the first country in the Middle East to join the UN Water Convention, underscoring the country’s commitment to boosting regional cooperation and ensuring equitable water use, essential for the stability and prosperity of the region.
In alignment with these national objectives, the RCO is leading a ‘Water Task Force’ that brings together UN agencies in Iraq to enhance water governance, boost agricultural resilience, and improve sustainable water usage.
For instance, the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) are working together to integrate traditional knowledge with modern technology, optimizing water use for agriculture—an essential step for bolstering Iraq’s food security.
Meanwhile in the Sinjar district, a United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS) initiative, funded by the Italian government is transforming local water access, in-line with the need to ensuring safe water for all Iraqis. Similarly, in Ninewa Governorate, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) installed water desalination systems in seven villages, significantly improving living conditions.
3) Preserving the Mesopotamian Marshes
The Mesopotamian Marshes, a unique ecosystem and a UNESCO World Heritage Site, are threatened by climate change, pollution, and unsustainable water management practices, leading to severe ecological and human impacts.
The RCO coordinated efforts across UN agencies to conserve the marshes by developing environmental strategies, supporting afforestation projects and facilitating community-based adaptation plans to improve the livelihoods of local communities.
For example, the World Food Programme (WFP) is undertaking afforestation projects in both southern Iraq and the Kurdistan Region, aligning with the government objective of planting five million trees by 2029. These efforts are directly contributing to the national climate change strategy through the Local Adaptation Plan, focusing on areas most impacted by climate change.
Furthermore, the UN has led legislative advancements in natural resource management, including the adoption of the Environmental Strategy and the National Sustainable Land Management Strategy and Action Plan, which are crucial for agriculture and marshland conservation.
These initiatives have helped restore ecological balance, supported local livelihoods, and bolstered the marshlands’ resilience to environmental pressures, thereby securing their status as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
4) Developing renewable energy policies
Iraq’s heavy reliance on fossil fuels not only constrains its economic stability but also contributes to substantial greenhouse gas emissions. The country has significant potential for renewable energy development but faces challenges in attracting investment and developing necessary infrastructure.
To address this gap, the UN facilitated the revision and adoption of Iraq’s Renewable Energy Law, a pivotal move towards boosting renewable energy investment and development. The revised Renewable Energy Law has created a more favourable environment for renewable energy investment.
Similarly, an initiative by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is supporting Iraq’s shift away from oil-dependence, through the NAP – which outlines efforts to reduce emissions and prepare for the effects of climate change. The UN is also assisting Iraq develop its NDCs for 2025, which is the country’s commitment to reduce emissions and adapt to climate change as part of the Paris Agreement.
These efforts have opened avenues for increased investment in renewable energy, promoting sustainable economic growth and reducing the country’s carbon footprint.
A sustainable and resilient future for Iraq
The collective work of the UN in Iraq has set the country on a promising trajectory towards climate sustainability and resilience. Our upcoming United Nations Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework (UNSDCF) for 2025-2029 will outline our efforts to help Iraq mitigate and adapt to climate change, manage water resources sustainably, and protect its unique environmental and cultural heritage.
As we look to the future, the UN in Iraq remains committed to supporting the government and people of Iraq in their pursuit of a sustainable and resilient future.
Ghulam Isaczai is United Nations Resident Coordinator in Iraq. To learn more about the work of the UN in Iraq visit iraq.un.org.
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By Jomo Kwame Sundaram and Siti Maisarah Zainurin
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Aug 28 2024 (IPS)
Oxfam expects the world’s first trillionaire within a decade and poverty to end in 229 years! The wealth of the world’s five richest men has more than doubled from 2020, as 4.8 billion people became poorer.
Jomo Kwame Sundaram
The 2024 Oxfam report entitled Inequality Inc. warned, “We’re witnessing the beginnings of a decade of division” as billions cope with the “pandemic, inflation and war, while billionaires’ fortunes boom”.“This inequality is no accident; the billionaire class is ensuring corporations deliver more wealth to them at the expense of everyone else”, noted Oxfam International’s Amitabh Behar.
Driving inequality
Summarising the report, Tanupriya Singh noted gaps between rich and poor, and between wealthy nations and developing countries had grown again for the first time in the 21st century as the super-rich became much richer.
The Global North has 69% of all wealth worldwide and 74% of billionaire riches. Oxfam notes contemporary wealth concentration began with colonialism and empire.
Since then, “neo-colonial relationships with the Global South persist, perpetuating economic imbalances and rigging the economic rules in favour of rich nations”.
The report notes, “economies across the Global South are locked into exporting primary commodities, from copper to coffee, for use by monopolistic industries in the Global North, perpetuating a colonial-style ‘extractivist’ model”.
Siti Maisarah Zainurin
Inequalities within rich nations have grown, with marginalised communities worse off, giving rise to rival ethno-populisms and vicious identity politics.Seventy per cent of the world’s largest corporations have a billionaire as principal shareholder or chief executive. These firms are worth over $10 trillion, which exceeds the total output of Latin America and Africa.
The incomes of the rich have grown much faster than for most others. Hence, the top 1% of shareholders own 43% of financial assets worldwide – half in Asia, 48% in the Middle East, and 47% in Europe.
Between mid-2022 and mid-2023, 148 of the world’s largest corporations made $1.8 trillion in profits. Meanwhile, 82% of 96 large corporations’ profits went to shareholders via stock buybacks and dividends.
Only 0.4% of the world’s largest companies have agreed to pay minimum wages to those contributing to their profits. Unsurprisingly, the poorer half of the world earned only 8.5% of world income in 2022.
The wages of almost 800 million workers have not kept up with inflation. In 2022 and 2023, they lost $1.5 trillion, equivalent to an average of 25 days of lost wages per employee.
In addition to income inequality, the 2024 Oxfam Report noted workers face mounting challenges due to stressful workplace conditions.
The gap between the incomes of the ultra-rich and workers is so huge that a female health or social worker would need 1,200 years to earn what a Fortune 100 company CEO makes annually!
Besides lower wages for women, unpaid care work subsidises the world economy by at least $10.8 trillion yearly, thrice what Oxfam terms ‘tech industry’.
Monopoly power
Oxfam notes that monopoly power has worsened world inequality. Thus, a few corporations influence and even control national economies, governments, laws, and policies in their own interest.
An International Monetary Fund (IMF) study found monopoly power responsible for 76% of the fall in the labour share of US manufacturing income.
Behar noted, “Monopolies harm innovation and crush workers and smaller businesses. The world hasn’t forgotten how pharma monopolies deprived millions of people of COVID-19 vaccines, creating a racist vaccine apartheid while minting a new club of billionaires”.
Between 1995 and 2015, 60 pharmaceutical companies merged into ten Big Pharma giants. Although innovation is typically subsidised with public funds, pharmaceutical monopolies price-gouge with impunity.
Oxfam notes the Ambani fortune in India comes from monopolies in many sectors enabled by the Modi regime. Ambani’s son’s recent extravagant wedding celebrations flaunted extreme wealth concentration worldwide.
The 2021 Oxfam report estimated that “an unskilled worker would need 10,000 years to earn what Ambani made in an hour during the pandemic and three years to earn what he made in a second”.
Unsurprisingly, the 2023 Oxfam Report noted, “India’s richest 1% own around 40% of the country’s wealth, while over 200 million people continue to live in poverty”.
Fiscal subordination
Corporations have increased their value through a “sustained and highly effective war on taxation … depriving the public of critical resources”.
As many corporations increased their profits, the average corporate tax rate dropped from 23% to 17% between 1975 and 2019. Meanwhile, around a trillion dollars went into tax havens in 2022 alone.
Of course, falling corporate tax rates are also due to “the broader neoliberal agenda promoted by corporations and their wealthy owners, often alongside Global North countries and international institutions such as the World Bank”.
Meanwhile, pressures for fiscal austerity have grown as government tax revenue has declined relatively for decades. High government indebtedness with corporate tax evasion and avoidance have exacerbated austerity policies.
Underfunded public services have adversely affected consumers and employees, especially health and social protection. Higher interest rates have worsened debt crises in developing nations.
With governments fiscally constrained from sustaining public services, privatisation advocates have become more influential, gaining greater control of public resources by various means.
Private corporations profit from discounted public asset sales, public-private partnerships and government contracts to deliver public policies and programmes.
“Major development agencies and institutions… have found common ground with investors by embracing approaches that ‘de-risk’ such arrangements by shifting financial risk from the private to the public sector”, the report states.
Access to essential public services should be universal. Insisting on private profit-making considerations deprives marginalised communities of access, worsening inequalities.
Siti Maisarah Zainurin will join a Malaysian government research institute after completing work at Khazanah Research Institute.
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