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Bob Marley: One Love Review – Music and Memories of Troubled Times

Africa - INTER PRESS SERVICE - Thu, 02/15/2024 - 18:52

Ambassador Symone Betton Nayo at the premiere of "Bob Marley: One Love" in Brussels. Credit: A.M./SWAN

By SWAN
BRUSSELS, Feb 15 2024 (IPS)

Judging from the audience reactions at a screening of Bob Marley: One Love in Brussels, the music may touch international viewers, but the memories and some of the “insider” comments belong to Jamaicans and those closely connected with the country.

It was clear from discussions after the premiere that attendees who had lived in Jamaica understood the context of the songs, and got certain jokes, while others felt adrift, even as they appreciated the world-famous tracks such as No Woman, No Cry and, yes, One Love. This may account for some of the less-than-positive reviews that have started to emerge.

“The film was surprisingly authentic,” said Stefanie Gilbert-Roberts, a Jamaican communications and culture professional who resides in Belgium. “But perhaps so authentic that it might seem out of this world for those not connected to the culture.”

Bob Marley: One Love, directed by Reinaldo Marcus Green and coming nearly 43 years after the iconic singer’s death, focuses on the Seventies and on two concerts that Marley and his band performed in Kingston, the Jamaican capital. Both events took place amid surging political violence on the island and were aimed at unifying the population. But before the first concert, gunmen stormed Marley’s home and shot him, his wife Rita, and his manager Don Taylor – an assault that shocked Jamaicans and international fans.

The film depicts the attack quickly, without dwelling on what must have been deep trauma for Marley’s family. Watching it, one can’t help but wonder at the effects on those who have now gone on to co-produce this movie: his widow Rita, their children Ziggy and Cedella, and the other family members involved such as Stephen.

Bob and Rita performed with their wounds at the Smile Jamaica concert in December 1976, and then left the island: he eventually for London, and she with the children to the United States.

The film shows Marley’s time in England, which is perhaps the least interesting part of the story – as viewers don’t really get an idea of how he dealt again with life away from “home” (he had lived in London before, in the early Seventies, signing to Chris Blackwell’s Island label). Instead, we’re given scenes of him jogging, playing football with his bandmates, joking with record executives, and getting inspiration for the title of the album Exodus, a global hit after its release in 1977.

Marley’s “relationships” are also not dwelt upon, as a viewer remarked after the screening. The most well-known of these, with Cindy Breakspeare (Miss World 1976 and mother of Damian Marley), is shown fleetingly in a scene where she watches him perform in a studio. Breakspeare is named in the credits as a consultant to the film.

Following his self-imposed exile in England, Marley would return triumphantly to Kingston to play the One Love Peace Concert in 1978, when he brought Michael Manley and Edward Seaga, leaders of the opposing political parties, together on stage to clasp hands.

It was a message again to Jamaicans to unite. By the time of the next general election in the country, in 1980, more than 800 people had been killed, and citizens were leaving the island in droves, taking their grief with them.

In the film, Rita (played by British actress Lashana Lynch) refers to one of the most shocking incidents during this period, when attackers set fire to a charitable institution, with residents inside burned alive.

For those who experienced these turbulent years, the film brings the memories crashing back, of both the horrific incidents and the music. Marley recorded his island’s troubles in song after song: Johnny Was, Concrete Jungle, Rat Race, Ambush in the Night, Them Belly Full (But We Hungry) and others.

In addition, there were the more playful tunes such as Roots, Rock, Reggae (with the opening lyrics “Play I some music”), and then the love songs, which the film highlights as well: Turn Your Lights Down Low being among them.

In the movie, Marley is seen playing this on the guitar to Rita, and it is then that one realizes that the whole biopic might actually be a love song to her, formulated by her children.

As portrayed by Lynch, Rita is a force, an artist in her own right, who needs to be both a backing singer for Bob and a parent to their children (as well as to his “outside” ones) – a situation she angrily describes in one argument scene. Lynch’s performance is perhaps the most memorable, and the writers could have given her greater scope by including more of Rita’s story.

Playing Marley, British actor Kingsley Ben-Adir works hard to capture the intensity and charisma of the singer, and he gives a credible performance. But the script needed more substance for a complete portrayal. Not shown, for instance, is Marley’s stance on relationships.

At an early interview in Kingston, he was once asked about these views, and his response was: if a woman loved him, she would love his other women. When questioned whether this might be acceptable were the situation reversed, he replied: She don’t do that. Still, he adopted the two children Rita had with other partners.

So, yes, artists are complex people, and certain aspects of his life might have been depicted, alongside the far-reaching and undeniable impact in addressing injustice, inequality, and marginalisation. This is a minor criticism, however. The film is worth watching – for the man, the music, the memories… and the question of how far the world still has to go in solving major ills.

At the screening in Belgium, co-organized by Paramount Pictures, Sony Brussels and the Jamaican Embassy, Marley’s importance was summed up by Ambassador Symone Betton Nayo, who gave a short speech before the film began.

“His ability to connect with people through his music, transcending cultural and geographical boundaries, has made him a symbol of unity, strength and hope,” Betton Nayo said. “He was not only a prolific writer of music, and a talented performer, but an inspiring messenger. Many of his anthemic compositions such as One Love, Get Up, Stand Up, Redemption Song remain relevant as we reflect on current global realities.”

With “Reggae Month” being celebrated in February, the film’s release is timely, paying tribute to an iconic Jamaican artist whose music lives on, with the call for peace, love, hope, and justice, Betton Nayo added. – AM/SWAN

Bob Marley: One Love (Paramount Pictures) is currently in theatres.

 

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The West’s Frankenstein Moment

Africa - INTER PRESS SERVICE - Wed, 02/14/2024 - 19:29

By Anis Chowdhury
SYDNEY, Feb 14 2024 (IPS)

Israel continues to defy its strongest backer the US and its western allies in its quest to control the land from the “River to the Sea”, and in the process ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian population. Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is determined to push ahead with a ground offensive against Gaza’s southernmost town of Rafah despite mounting warnings from aid agencies and the international community that an assault on Rafah would be a catastrophe. He also snubbed the US on the latest hostage release and ceasefire deal brokered by Qatar and Egypt. The interim order of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to take all effective measures to stop “plausible” genocide in Gaza seems irrelevant to Israel. Josep Borrell, the EU’s foreign policy chief admits that Netanyahu “doesn’t listen to anyone”.

Anis Chowdhury

Israel’s impunity

One should not be surprised at all at Israel’s defiance. It has been enjoying impunity ever since it was established in 1948. When David Ben-Gurion, the head of the Jewish Agency, proclaimed the establishment of the State of Israel on 14 May, 1948, the US President Harry S. Truman recognised the new nation on the same day. Israel has violated 28 resolutions of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) which are legally binding on the UN Member States.

Between 1972 and February 2023 the US has cast a veto 53 times in the UNSC against anti-Israel resolutions or condemnations of Israel. An opinion piece in Israel’s reputable newspaper, Haaretz asked, “When Will the U.S. Get Tired of Helping Israel With UN Vetoes?” It vetoed every attempt by the UNSC for a permanent ceasefire in Israel’s latest onslaught on Gaza, following 7 October Hamas attack on Israel that have resulted in nearly 30,000 deaths most of whom are children and women.

When Joe Biden met with Benjamin Netanyahu and his war cabinet during his visit to Israel, immediately following the Hamas attack, President Biden assured them: “I don’t believe you have to be a Jew to be a Zionist, and I am a Zionist”. Faced with global outcry and domestic pressure, especially within the Democratic Party and growing dissent of administration staff, President Biden expressed some frustrations, saying Israel’s bombardment of Gaza is “indiscriminate” or Israel’s reaction to the 7 October Hamas attack was “over the top”.

But the US and its allies’ military, financial and diplomatic supports for Israel continue unconditionally. The US and its Western allies, especially Germany and the UK, are critical of South Africa’s case against Israel at the ICJ seeking an interim injunction against plausible violations of the Genocide Convention. They dismissed it as “meritless, counterproductive, and completely without any basis in fact whatsoever”, or “wrong and provocative”, rushing to defend Israel at the ICJ, while Israel’s President called it “atrocious and preposterous.”

The West has failed to stop Israel’s illegal settlements in the occupied land of Palestine. Occasionally the US and its Western allies have used some stronger words like “deeply dismayed”, “deeply troubled” and “strongly opposed,” not to mention banal expressions such as “against unilateral steps” and “calls for restraint and stability”, reiterating their “commitment to a 2-State solution”.

As the Haaretz opinion piece observed, “These bland themes carry no consequences. They’re not much different from the “thoughts and prayers” that American politicians offer after a mass shooting. These hollow statements from Washington have become the foreign policy version of “nothing to see here, carry on.”

The US and its Western allies condemn “form the River to the Sea, Palestine will be free” as anti-Semitic. But fail to mention the Likud Party’s manifesto which says “The right of the Jewish people to the land of Israel is eternal and indisputable and … [the land, i.e., Judea and Samaria] between the Sea and the Jordan [River] there will only be Israeli sovereignty”. No one raised any concerns when Netanyahu in September 2023 gleefully displayed at the annual UN General Assembly Session the new Middle-East map with Israel from the “River to the Sea”, less than a month before the 7 October Hamas attack.

Why should one be surprised when Israel’s influential finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, accused President Joe Biden of engaging in an “anti-Semitic lie” in reaction to Biden’s administrative order of sanctions against violent Zionist settlers in the occupied West Bank? Is it not ironic that a self-declared non-Jew Zionist is accused of anti-Semitism? Netanyahu termed the US sanctions as “drastic” and declared “there is no place for drastic steps on this matter.”

Ariel Sharon spoke the truth

Ariel Sharon, the former prime minister of Israel, said in an acrimonious argument with his Foreign Minister Shimon Peres, “Every time we do something, you tell me Americans will do this and do that. I want to tell you something very clear; don’t worry about American pressure on Israel; we, the Jewish people, control America ….”.

Supporting Israel has historically been incredibly politically popular in the US, bolstered by a well-funded pro-Israel lobby in Washington, such as the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). James Petras in his “The Power of Israel in the United States” (2006), provided detailed analysis and documentation of the power of Israel via the Israeli, Jewish or Pro-Zionist Lobby. He explored the extraordinary extent of US political, economic, military and diplomatic support for the state of Israel, along with the means whereby such support is generated and consolidated.

Petras’ book sheds light on the AIPAC spying scandal and other Israeli espionage against America; the fraudulent and complicit role of America’s academic “terrorist experts” in furthering criminal government policies, and the orchestration of the Danish cartoons to foment antipathy between Muslims and the West. James Petras argued that Zionist power in America ensured unconditional US backing for Israeli colonisation of Palestine and its massive uprooting of Palestinians.

Frankenstein’s fate?

In Mary Shelley’s 1818 novel Frankenstein, the scientist Victor Frankenstein creates a monster. The monster attempts to fit into human society, but finds itself rejected; thus, becoming vengeful, especially against its creator.

The monster killed Frankenstein’s younger brother, best friend and bride on their wedding night, whereupon Frankenstein’s father died of grief. Finally, Frankenstein dedicated himself to destroying his creation. But the monster goaded him to pursuing him the North, through Scandinavia and into Russia, staying ahead of him the entire way. Suffering from severe exhaustion and hypothermia, Victor Frankenstein died at the end.

As Israel tramples over all the international institutions, including the UN, the US and its Western allies have become complicit in the destruction of the rule-based world order that they themselves created. Israel’s open defiance of the US and its Western allies is a clear sign that it is too late to reign in the monster they created. As the US and its Western allies are losing influence and credibility in the Global South, one wonders whether the US-led West is facing Frankenstein’s fate.

Anis Chowdhury is Adjunct Professor, School of Business, Western Sydney University. He held senior United Nations positions in the area of Economic and Social Affairs in New York and Bangkok.

IPS UN Bureau

 


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Women, Girls Equal Partners in HIV Responses, Says Activist

Africa - INTER PRESS SERVICE - Wed, 02/14/2024 - 17:20

Tendayi Westerhof was one of the first celebrities in Zimbabwe to disclose their HIV-positive status.

By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, Feb 14 2024 (IPS)

UNAIDS Executive Director, Winnie Byanyima, recently made an impassioned call for governments to support women and girls from marginalized communities at the frontlines of the defence of human rights, to help ensure, among others, that global health is protected.

This comes as the latest data from UNAIDS shows that:

  • Globally, 46% of all new HIV infections were among women and girls in 2022
  • In sub-Saharan Africa, adolescent girls and young women (AGYW) accounted for more than 77% of new infections among young people aged 15–24 years in 2022.
  • In sub-Saharan Africa, adolescent girls and young women (aged 15–24 years) were more than three times as likely to acquire HIV than their male peers in 2022.
  • Every week, 4000 adolescent girls and young women aged 15–24 years became infected with HIV globally in 2022, with 3100 of these infections occurring in sub-Saharan Africa.
  • Only about 42% of districts with high HIV incidence in sub-Saharan Africa had dedicated HIV prevention programmes for adolescent girls and young women in 2021.

Tendayi Westerhof, national director of the PAN-African Positive Women’s Coalition Zimbabwe (PAPWC-ZIM), was one of the first celebrities in Zimbabwe to disclose their HIV-positive status and is one of the most prominent figures in the fight against HIV/AIDS in her country.

IPS spoke to the former model turned HIV activist about defending the rights of people living with HIV and the key role women and girls can play in the AIDS response.

IPS: Do you think that, globally, governments have failed to do enough to support women and girls from marginalized communities who are defending the rights of people living with HIV (PLHIV) and if so, why have they not done enough?

Marking World AIDS Day 2023 in Chinotimba Township, Victoria Falls, Tendayi Westerhof meets Winnie Byanyima, UNAIDS Executive Director, and others from UNAIDS and the National AIDS Council Zimbabwe.

Westerhof: First and foremost is to understand what the rights of people living with HIV are and to ascertain if both women, girls and people living with HIV know their rights. The AIDS response must centre around human rights at every level. PLHIV have the right to treatment access for HIV, they too have sexual and reproductive health rights and are not a homogenous group. It is important to recognize that aspect of diversity among women, girls and PLHIV and ensure that their universal human rights are protected at country level. Laws that criminalize PLHIV and key populations fuel the spread of HIV and AIDS and continue to put the significant many in these groups at risk of HIV, and fuel stigma and discrimination.

IPS: What kind of support should governments or other international bodies be giving to women and girls in marginalised communities who are defending rights for PLHIV?

Westerhof: Women and girls in marginalized communities must be recognized as equal partners in the response to end AIDS and that they too have human rights. They need support in terms of inclusion in leadership and decision-making spaces and not tokenistic appointments. They need both technical and financial resources to effectively defend the rights of PLHIV.

IPS: From your experience as an HIV activist working with PLHIV, why do you think women and girls from marginalised communities specifically should be leading the fight to defend the rights of PLHIV?

Westerhof: I believe in the mantra ”nothing about us without us”.  The Greater Involvement of People Living with HIV (GIPA) principles are clear in calling for the greater and meaningful involvement of people living with HIV in all our diversities.  PLHIV are vectors of the disease but must be seen as equal partners who are bringing the realities of living with HIV to ensure that the planning, design, and implementation of HIV programmes are tailored to address their needs. They are also experts on various aspects [of HIV] especially peer support, issues of treatment literacy/adherence, HIV prevention and awareness, with the main focus being to address stigma and discrimination. 

IPS: As someone living with HIV for a number of years, and an HIV activist, what have been the greatest challenges you have faced in trying to defend the rights of PLHIV?

Westerhof: My greatest challenge has been sometimes working in silos without a collective voice towards defending the rights of PLHIV.  Also limited resources: most defenders are driven to do their work by the experiences they have been through, and by their passion, and end up working as unpaid volunteers. Getting burnt out and sometimes forgetting self-care and other mental health issues. The big issues of inequality, gender-based violence, in particular intimate partner violence, stigma and discrimination. There have been socio-economic challenges, but other challenges of funding and new emerging issues such as climate change, and disasters are shifting the focus from the fight against HIV and AIDS and resources keep dwindling. We are still recovering from the impact of COVID-19 and we need to continue empowering women and adolescent girls with information about HIV/AIDS and other pandemics.

IPS: Adolescent girls and young women (AGYW) have a disproportionate risk of acquiring HIV, compared to male peers, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) for a number of reasons, including biological, socio-economic, religious, and cultural factors. Some experts have suggested these factors could be addressed through stricter sentences for sexual offenders, economically empowering AGYW, improving the provision of sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) education and services to AGYW, and better access to HIV prevention and treatment. But do you think these measures would be enough to significantly reduce the disproportionate risk of acquiring HIV that AGYW face, especially in SSA countries?

Westerhof: A lot is happening in my country to address issues of gender-based violence (GBV), and in particular sexual violence. There is a need to keep bringing GBV matters into the spotlight through the media.  Men’s/boys’ engagement in the response to end all forms of sexual violence must be intensified. Getting to boys at a younger age can help. Making use of our traditional and cultural leaders can also help to reduce GBV. AGYW still remain more vulnerable to HIV and AIDS and GBV than adult boys and young men (ABYM), and there is a need to continue with strategies that protect them.

IPS: Introducing any of the above measures, and ensuring their continued practical implementation would require the support of a number of state institutions, including not just judicial bodies, but health and economic institutions too. Do you have much confidence that these bodies and institutions would ensure that any laws passed, such as stricter sentences for sexual offenders, or guaranteeing better rights and access to HIV treatment for AGYW, would also be properly implemented in practice?

Westerhof: Most countries have these measures and law but the problem is operationalizing them. AGYW need continuous empowerment through these laws, and in how they can report cased of GBV. Victim-friendly courts are there, but sometimes they are not fully utilized. Perpetrators of GBV and sexual violence sometimes walk away scot-free in the absence of compelling evidence beyond reasonable doubt and other factors. Nevertheless, there are many perpetrators of GBV and sexual offences who are behind bars.

IPS: Stigma around HIV continues to play a significant role in fuelling epidemics as it puts many women off seeking treatment or accessing other services for fear their status may be disclosed. What should governments be doing to eliminate this stigma?

Westerhof: In my country the law prohibits stigma and discrimination of PLHIV, including women and AGYW. Also, a national study on stigma was conducted which provides guidance on how to plan, design and implement programs that aim to eliminate stigma and discrimination.

IPS: Do you think your own story as someone who publicly disclosed your HIV status despite the stigma around it at the time, your continued advocacy for PLHIV, and good health, is a good example for women and girls with HIV of the role they can play in helping to eliminate this stigma, and lead healthy, successful lives?

Westerhof: Disclosure helps to break the stigma and discrimination of HIV and AIDS. It encourages others to see that there is still life after a positive HIV test, as living with HIV is today a condition that can be managed with anti-retroviral therapy (ART). PLHIV have continued to play major roles in various communities, such as advocacy for better treatment, care, and support, community mobilization for HIV testing, cervical cancer screening, TB screening and others. Their testimonies have made it easier to make HIV and AIDS a normal  subject and increase the acceptance of PLHIV. My public disclosure of my HIV+ status opened new doors for me.

IPS: You have previously spoken of how important it is that people in local communities are educated about HIV, its treatment and its prevention, and that everyone has access to that education and treatment and prevention services. But in communities where strong patriarchal attitudes are prevalent, and stigma around HIV is high, what measures can be taken to ensure women and girls get that education and access to services?

Westerhof: Community leaders can play a role to ensure that patriarchal attitudes are eliminated. This is an ongoing process whereby people’s attitudes are eventually changed through behaviour change.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 


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Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Religion & Demographics

Africa - INTER PRESS SERVICE - Wed, 02/14/2024 - 15:18

Air strikes on Rafah city in the southern Gaza Strip have caused widespread damage. Credit: UNICEF/Eyad El Baba

By Joseph Chamie
PORTLAND, USA, Feb 14 2024 (IPS)

Together religious identity and demographics play an important role in the decades-long conflict between Israelis and the Palestinians. If the Palestinians, who are largely Muslim and Christian, had been Jewish, they would have been allowed to live in their homes on their lands and be entitled to be Israeli citizens.

According to Israel’s Law of Return (חוק השבות, ḥok ha-shvūt), passed by the Knesset on 5 July 1950, people, including Palestinians, with one or more Jewish grandparent and their spouses have the right to relocate to Israel and acquire Israeli citizenship, assuming they pose no threat to the country and are not dangerous criminals.

 

The British Mandate Past

The British Mandate for Palestine, or Mandatory Palestine, was approved by the League of Nations in 1922. The religious composition of the population of Mandatory Palestine was predominantly non-Jewish. Among the resident population at that time, approximately 11 percent were Jewish, 78 percent were Muslims, and 10 percent Christians (Table 1).

 

 

As a result of Jewish migration to Mandatory Palestine, largely from Eastern Europe, the religious composition of the resident population underwent noteworthy change. The estimated numbers of Jewish migrants to Mandatory Palestine during the 1920s, 1930s, and from 1940 to 1945 are 100,000, 223,000, and 45,000, respectively, resulting in a total of 368,000.

By 1945, the Jewish population in Mandatory Palestine had increased tenfold and the proportion Jewish nearly tripled to 31 percent. Also, the non-Jewish population in Mandatory Palestine doubled and the majority of the population continued to be non-Jewish, i.e., 60 percent Muslim and 8 percent Christian.

Becoming a politically active movement at the end of the 19th century, the Zionist movement recognized that their dream of creating a “Jewish” state in historic Palestine would need to be unencumbered by the native population of non-Jews. In other words, the establishment of a Jewish state would necessarily involve the displacement or expulsion of the land’s current non-Jewish residents.

After decades of violent confrontations between the Jewish and non-Jewish populations in Mandatory Palestine and various attempts by the British and others to resolve the conflict, the Palestine problem was turned over to the United Nations to resolve. In 1947, the United Nations adopted the Solomonic proposal terminating the Mandate and dividing Palestine into two states, largely resulting demographically in one Jewish and one non-Jewish, i.e., primarily Muslim and Christian (Figure 1).

 

Source: United Nations partition plan for Palestine, 1947.

Although in 1947 about one third of the population in Mandatory Palestine was Jewish, the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 181 (II) allocated 55 percent of the land to the Jewish state. Consequently, neighboring Arab countries and the non-Jewish population of Mandatory Palestine rejected the proposal.

Following the United Nations proposal to partition Mandatory Palestine into two states and various actions that were undertaken for the creation of the Jewish nation of Israel on 14 May 1948, the demographic composition of the territory underwent significant changes with the displacement and dispossession, or the Nakba النكبة) ) , of an estimated 750,000 non-Jewish Palestinians from Israel.

In the newly founded nation of Israel with a population of 873 thousand, the proportion Jewish was 82 percent. If the non-Jewish Palestinian population had not been displaced but had remained in their homes, the Jewish population in Israel would have been about half of its actual 1948 level, or about 43 percent.

Following its establishment in 1948 and the war involving neighboring Arab states, the borders of Israel expanded to 77 percent of the original territory of Mandate Palestine, including the larger part of Jerusalem. Also, after the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, Israel’s population with the support and resources of each Israeli government began expanding Jewish settlements in the occupied territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (Figure 2).

Source: World Atlas.

 

Today approximately 700 thousand Israeli settlers are living in 279 settlements across the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Recently, some Israelis and far-right Israeli lawmakers are rallying support in the country to reestablish Jewish settlements in the Gaza Strip, which Israeli authorities and Jewish settlers vacated in 2005.

Most countries deem the Jewish settlements built on land Israel occupied in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war as illegal. The continued expansion of Israeli Jewish settlements remains among the most contentious issues between Israelis and the Palestinians as well as the international community.

 

Options to address the conflict

Seventy-five years after its creation, the Jewish proportion of Israel is approximately 73 percent. Again, if the current non-Jewish Palestinian inhabitants in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip were permitted to become Israeli citizens, the Jewish population in the demographically enlarged Israel would instead be approximately 48 percent.

Various options have been proposed to address the nearly century-long conflict that began following the establishment of the British Mandate for Palestine. Among those options are the one-state solution, a federation of Palestinian provinces, the transfer of the Palestinians from the occupied territories and the two-state solution (Table 2).

 

Same rights, justice and equality for Jews and non-Jews, which is generally the case among Western democracies. Some believe that a one state reality, or a de facto single state, already predominates in the territories controlled by Israel. Accordingly, they maintain that it’s time for Israelis and Palestinians as well as the international community to revise their attitudes to resolving the conflict.

A national poll conducted several years ago by the Pew Research Center found that most Israeli Jews, 79 percent, say Jews deserve preferential treatment in Israel. In addition, in 2018, the Knesset passed the Nation-State law that states, among other things, the Jewish people’s right to self-determination, which it restricts to the Israel’s Jewish population, establishes Jewish settlement as a national value and mandates that the state will labor to encourage and promote its establishment and development. Also importantly, as noted above, the one-state solution would result in the Jewish Israeli population becoming a minority of approximately 48 percent.

A federation of Palestinian provinces would not meet the needs and aspirations of the Palestinians. After decades of conflict, displacement and statelessness, Palestinians desire a full-fledged independent nation of their own.

Although objectionable to many, the expulsion, transfer or emigration of Palestinians to other countries has been proposed by some far-right Israelis and their supporters. That demographic change would be followed by Israeli civilians resettling the vacated territories including most recently the Gaza Strip area.

Also according to the national poll by the Pew Research Center, nearly half of Jewish Israelis indicated that Arab Israelis should be expelled or transferred from Israel. Many Jewish Israelis envision a return to ancient Greater Israel with the Jewish inhabitants being the overwhelming majority and the law enshrining Jewish supremacy over the entire geographic area.

The often cited two-state solution to resolve the conflict is the preferred option of many countries both inside and outside the region, including Israel’s main political supporter and economic benefactor the United States. However, the current Israeli government is against the creation of a Palestinian state.

In addition, a Gallup survey taken in the last few months of 2023 found a clear majority of Israelis, two-thirds of Israeli adults, do not support the existence of an independent Palestinian state. Also, only one in four Palestinians, 24 percent, supported a two-state solution when surveyed between July and September 2023.

 

Prospects for peace

Admittedly, achieving a just, equitable and comprehensive solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, including the two-state proposal, is indeed a formidable undertaking with many serious challenges. Those challenges have been heightened in the aftermath of the October 7 brutal Hamas attack on Israelis and Israel’s war in Gaza that has resulted in a great number of Palestinian civilian deaths and vast destruction of homes and infrastructure.

Nevertheless, despite the daunting challenges including salient demographic realities and ingrained religious identity, a negotiated peace between Israelis and Palestinians is certainly achievable in the near term and would lead to innumerable benefits.

An Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement would foster beneficial relationships, promote economic cooperation and advance mutual understanding in this strategically important region. The demographics of being Jewish or non-Jewish would then diminish as an underlying source for conflict and hostilities among Israelis and Palestinians. And importantly, Israelis and Palestinians would reap the rewards of peace, including the prospects for better lives for themselves and for the populations of future generations.

Joseph Chamie is a consulting demographer and a former director of the United Nations Population Division. He is the author of numerous publications on population issues, including his recent book, “Population Levels, Trends, and Differentials”.

 

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By Finbarr Toesland
NAIROBI, Kenya, Feb 14 2024 (IPS)

Often referred to as the “Sun continent,” Africa receives more hours of bright sunlight than any other continent. But even with 60 per cent of the world’s solar resources, Africa has only one per cent of solar generation capacity, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA).

Due to energy production and infrastructure challenges, many African countries regularly deal with blackouts, brownouts and poor electricity supply. Then the COVID-19 pandemic hit the global economy hard, and commodity prices surged after the invasion of Ukraine, making energy even more difficult for poorer Africans to buy.

Increasingly, start-ups rather than established corporations are offering access to advanced solar energy solutions to the majority of people across Africa. By harnessing the sun’s power and transitioning to clean energy, Africans can expect major economic and social developments across the continent.

Solar energy brightens other industries

Headquartered in Nairobi, SunCulture has raised over $40 million to equip rural farmers with solar-powered irrigation systems. Instead of counting on rainfall or revving up diesel or petrol pumps, farmers can now rely on solar-powered systems that are cheaper, use renewable energy and need minimal maintenance.

Once the company installs a solar panel on top of a farmer’s house and connects it to a battery-powered water pump, the irrigation system can cover up to three acres.

“Solar is particularly attractive because of its positive environmental impact, job creation potential, and economic development potential,” said Mikayla Czajkowski, chief of staff at SunCulture.

“African nations have immense potential to benefit from utilizing solar energy – especially in remote and under-served regions where energy access is limited – and facilitates a reduction in the continent’s carbon footprint, making a valuable contribution to global efforts to combat climate change,” Ms. Czajkowski added.

In an impact survey of SunCulture’s customers, measurement company 60 Decibels [a US-based an organisation that offers customized assessments] found that SunCulture brought about significant improvements: 89 per cent of smallholder farmers experienced a boost in their quality of life, 90 per cent increased their production, and 87 per cent enhanced their earnings.

Ambitious start-ups

From GridX Africa, a firm that offers off-grid solar power to farms, safari lodges for tourists and construction projects in Kenya, Mozambique and Tanzania, to the pay-as-you-go solar company Bboxx and the Egypt-based solar power developer and electricity distributor KarmSolar, Africa has no shortage of original solar energy start-ups.

While the ambitions of these solar businesses are laudable, achieving high levels of growth is not easy.

Emily McAteer, founder and chief executive officer, of Odyssey Energy Solutions spent more than a decade working to finance and build distributed solar projects across Africa and India.

Her firm provides technology and finance solutions for distributed renewable energy businesses. At every stage of project development, she hit key bottlenecks that make it hard for solar companies like hers to scale.

By offering tools for solar developers to aggregate and pitch portfolios of projects to financiers, firms can access capital more effectively. To procure equipment more effectively, Odyssey streamlined the procurement process by negotiating directly with original equipment manufacturers for better prices and warranties and by working with developers for supply chain support.

“Operations and maintenance, especially in remote areas, can be a big hurdle,” Ms. McAteer said. “We offer hardware and software that sits on top of solar assets so that operators and investors can get deep insight into performance and optimize performance of their systems.”

Global initiatives need catalytic capital

More than 500 million people living in Africa have no access to electricity, according the IEA Africa Energy Outlook 2022. Governments and non-governmental organizations have launched many high-profile schemes to boost the solar energy sector in African countries, with mixed success. The continent needs a global response to address a challenge of this immense scale.

Launched in 2012, the US-Africa Clean Energy Finance (US-ACEF) initiative attempted to offset the costs of the early-stage development of clean energy projects, in a bid to draw investment to these ventures.

Solar is particularly attractive because of its positive environmental and economic impacts.

For Ms. McAteer, the US-ACEF model proved effective. Now innovators need higher levels of catalytic capital to continue scaling so that they can meet the UN Sustainable Development Goal 7, “Ensuring access to Clean and Affordable Energy.”

“Annual capital investment in renewables in emerging markets needs to reach $1 trillion per year if the world is to achieve the goal of net-zero emissions by 2050. US-ACEF set the model for how the industry can achieve that,” Ms. McAteer said. “Now the missing piece is continued investment from both public and private financiers.”

Innovation underway across Africa

So far, the US-ACEF has supported 32 projects, with country-specific investments in Ethiopia, Kenya, Morocco, Namibia, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda.

Nijhad Jamal, managing partner of Equator, an early-stage venture capital firm focusing on climate technology in sub-Saharan Africa, agrees that Africa’s solar energy sector has benefited greatly from US-ACEF.

“There is a lot more impact to come from US-ACEF with projects like the Health Electrification Alliance, which aims to electrify over 10,000 health facilities in Africa,” Mr. Jamal said. “Most of the US-ACEF projects emphasize sustainability. In our opinion, this will have a lasting impact on the solar energy sector.”

Source: Africa Renewal– a United Nations digital magazine that covers Africa’s economic, social and political developments—and the challenges the continent faces and the solutions to these by Africans themselves, including with the support of the United Nations and international community.

IPS UN Bureau

 


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North Ignores ‘Perfect Storm’ in Global South

Africa - INTER PRESS SERVICE - Wed, 02/14/2024 - 07:06

By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
KATHMANDU, Nepal, Feb 14 2024 (IPS)

A gathering ‘perfect storm’ – due to various developments, several quite deliberate – now threatens much devastation in the global South, likely to most hurt the poorest and most vulnerable.

Globalisation’s protracted decline
The age of globalization had mixed consequences, unevenly incorporating national markets for labour, goods and even some services. It ended gradually, with the trend far more pronounced following the protracted worldwide stagnation since the 2008 global financial crisis.

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

Sometimes still referred to as the Great Recession, Western central banks resorted to unconventional monetary policies, mainly ‘quantitative easing’, to keep their economies afloat. But easier credit enabled more financialization and indebtedness, rather than recovery, let alone sustainable development.

But the end of the era of globalization did not mean a simple return to the status quo ante. Most economies had been transformed irreversibly by economic liberalization, both nationally and internationally, with dire lasting consequences.

Market pressures for fiscal austerity were strengthened by conditionalities and advice from international financial institutions. This inevitably led to deep cuts in government spending, leaving little for public investments, which might contribute to the recovery of the real economy.

Interest rate hikes accelerate stagnation
The 2008 Wolfowitz doctrine, from late in the Bush Jr presidency, was revised by the Obama administration to launch the second Cold War. The COVID-19 pandemic and the last two years of war and sanctions have worsened supply-side disruptions exacerbating ‘cost-push’ inflation.

Some prices spiked due to opportunistic market manipulation by investors and speculators as well as deliberate disruptive interventions for political advantage. The rule of law – even once sacred property rights – has been sacrificed for political expediency, undermining trust, especially in states.

Hence, concerted interest rate hikes by influential Western central banks have proved to be an unnecessary, inappropriate and blunt demand-side tool to address contemporary inflation driven primarily by supply-side factors!

Instead of addressing inflation due to supply disruptions, higher interest rates have cut both private and government spending, resulting in less demand, jobs and incomes in much of the world.

In the US, successive presidents maintained full employment since Obama inherited the 2008 global financial crisis. Uniquely, its central bank, the US Fed, has a dual mandate to maintain full employment and financial stability.

All over the world, the deliberate and concerted interest rate hikes of 2022 and 2023 have proved to be both contractionary and biased against labour and jobs.

Global South’s hands tied
Policymakers in the Global South are greatly constrained by their circumstances. Exposed to global markets and with limited fiscal and monetary policy instruments at their disposal, they are captive to pro-cyclical policy biases.

The International Monetary Fund and other international financial institutions tend to demand fiscal austerity conditionalities in return for any credit relief provided.

Thus, recipient governments are subject to spending constraints instead of providing relief. Worse, many legislatures have imposed unnecessary spending constraints on themselves, supposedly to enhance government fiscal credibility.

Supposedly independent central banks have further compounded monetary policy constraints. Such central banks are primarily responsive to international and national financial interests rather than national policy priorities.

Following monetary and financial liberalisation in recent decades, developing countries are much more exposed to debt crises worse than those experienced in the 1980s.

Then, governments in Latin America, Sub-Saharan Africa and elsewhere had borrowed heavily, mainly from US and UK commercial banks. After US Fed chair Paul Volcker raised interest rates sharply from 1980, severe fiscal and debt crises paralysed many of these governments for over a decade.

The debt exposure level is much higher and borrowed from varied sources, significantly more market-based and non-bank. Governments have also provided guarantees for state-owned enterprises to borrow heavily, but less accountably than with sovereign debt.

New divides in post-unipolar world
The unipolar world moment after the end of the first Cold War briefly saw unchallenged US hegemony. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development developed policies for the global North in trade, investment, technology, finance, tax and other vital areas, typically at the expense of the South.

More recently, the ‘new Cold War’ or geopolitical policies, including illegal sanctions, have frustrated developing countries’ aspirations to reach the Sustainable Development Goals, adapt to global warming and its effects, and retrieve a fairer share of global corporate income tax revenue.

With most economies barely growing, and efforts by many governments to reduce imports, export opportunities have become more uncertain and constrained, ending a crucial premise for globalisation. With higher interest rates, even finance has abandoned developing countries in ‘flights to safety’ to the US.

Lacking the ‘exorbitant privilege’ of issuing the US dollar, still the world’s reserve currency, most developing countries lack monetary, fiscal and policy space. Unlike rich nations which borrow in their own currencies, most developing countries remain vulnerable to foreign exchange rate vagaries.

Poorest getting poorer
With Obama’s ‘Pivot to Asia’ launching US efforts to check China, its lending to developing countries, including in Sub-Saharan Africa, fell from around 2016.

Despite higher borrowing costs, many of the poorest countries turned to private creditors. But private market lending to poor nations dried up from 2022 as the US Fed raised interest rates sharply for almost two years.

As debt service costs soared, distress risks have risen sharply, especially in the poorest nations. While not obviously due to a conspiracy against the global South, there is little concern for the predicament of the worst off in the poorest countries.

Meanwhile, poverty in the poorest countries has not declined for over a decade.

With international disparities growing at the expense of the poorest people in the poorest nations, the desire to emigrate continues to rise although mainly unaffordable to the poorest.

IPS UN Bureau

 


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World Social Forum Seeks to Reemerge as an Influential Gathering of Diversity

Africa - INTER PRESS SERVICE - Tue, 02/13/2024 - 22:39

A poster of the World Social Forum in Kathmandu, to be held Feb. 15-19, 2024. This is the second time that the Forum is holding its world meeting in Asia. The first was in Mumbai, India, in 2004, when it was attended by 111,000 people. CREDIT: WSF

By Mario Osava
RIO DE JANEIRO, Feb 13 2024 (IPS)

The World Social Forum (WSF) is today “more necessary than ever,” according to Oded Grajew, promoter and co-founder of the global civil society meeting – a festival of diversity that has not yet succeeded in fomenting or designing the “other possible world” that it predicted when it was created and adopted that motto.

The WSF, whose next edition will be held Feb. 15-19 in Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal, first emerged in 2001 in Porto Alegre, a city in southern Brazil, at the initiative of Brazilian organizations and social movements, in coordination with international groups.

The idea proposed by Grajew was to hold a counterpoint to the World Economic Forum, which meets annually in the Swiss Alps city of Davos. Hence the similar name but different focus, on social issues, the initial coincidence of dates in January, and the banners against neoliberalism and globalization.

The first edition brought together nearly 20,000 people from 117 countries. Participation grew and exceeded 100,000 people in several global meetings held in different countries, after the first three held in Porto Alegre, where it has returned on several occasions.

The meetings took place in the Indian city of Mumbai in 2004, then in 2006, the WSF was divided between Bamako (Mali) and Caracas, to be followed by Nairobi (2007), Dakar (2011), Tunis (2013 and 2015) and Mexico City (2022).

In addition to Porto Alegre, it returned to Brazil in 2009 (Belém, in the eastern Amazon) and 2018 (Salvador, in the northeast). And it expanded into national, regional and thematic forums, promoting debates on a range of issues, from economic to environmental and climate, gender, ethnic, sexual minorities, and disabilities questions.

But the WSF has been in decline since the last decade. It has lost its initial charm and repercussions, and its current impact on global crises is hardly noticeable, especially since it was born as a movement that did not aim to reach conclusions, but rather to generate debates and demonstrate that “another world is possible.”

“We are losing the game so far,” Grajew told IPS by telephone from Sao Paulo. “The climate crisis has worsened, inequalities and conflicts have grown, with the risk of nuclear war, confidence in democracy is declining and global governance is lacking. These are enormous risks that threaten the human species.”

All of this increases the need to revitalize the WSF, because it is about strengthening civil society, the only way to solve the challenges, in the view of its organizers.

The WSF, despite everything, has already left a legacy as a “space for making connections and mounting resistance by society around the world,” Grajew said. It contributed to raising the visibility of the climate emergency on the international agenda, strengthened the anti-racist struggle and fostered alliances that made indigenous peoples “political actors in a way that they were not before,” he said, to illustrate.

In Brazil, it was the increasingly strong civil society that prevented a coup d’état that would have installed a dictatorship and returned the far-right former president Jair Bolsonaro to office, said Grajew, currently an advisor to several institutions and president emeritus of the Ethos Institute for Business and Social Responsibility, a businessman turned social activist who remains so at the age of 80.

A picture from one of the first editions of the World Social Forum, in the Brazilian city of Porto Alegre, showing the globe seen from the South, which has been a repeated part of its logos, as well as its slogan: “Another world is possible”. The assembly style that does not reach conclusions has been at the same time the strength and weakness of the movement. CREDIT: Claes

Solutions and resources are available

“Today we know what the problems of humanity are and how to solve them; what is lacking is political will,” Grajew argued.

“Our problem is not economic, it’s not a lack of resources; it’s a problem of political and social organization,” said Ladislau Dowbor, an 83-year-old economist who always addresses the WSF. “Global GDP is 100 trillion dollars per year, equivalent to 4,200 dollars a month per family of four people. It is enough for a decent and comfortable life for all. All that would be needed is a tax of only four percent on the fortunes of the richest one percent of humanity.”

The WSF is an attempt to create a connected political force from the profusion of organizations and social movements in which civil society seems to be fragmented, with a multiplicity of banners, from environmental to feminist, anti-racist and egalitarian.

There was an explosion of social diversity in the 1960s and 1970s, with the affirmation of multiple identities and their struggles, which seek convergence in processes such as the WSF. These are generally progressive movements, which are not automatically connected together.

The most immediate antecedent was the so-called “Battle for Seattle,” the city in the northwest U.S. state of Washington that in 1999 brought together anti-globalization activists during a World Trade Organization summit, demanding globalization of the people and not of the economy.

“It’s a long-term process. Diversity is a richness, but sometimes it is divided by identity sectarianism,” said Daniel Aarão Reis, a 78-year-old historian who extensively studied Brazil’s 1964-1985 military dictatorship and the Soviet revolution.

In his view, the consolidation of opposition to or containment of the damage caused by capitalism in the current situation faces two adverse factors.

“One is the decline of the working class, which since the late nineteenth century, concentrated in the cities, had a demographic weight and organized strength to lead that struggle, attracting other popular segments, which were sometimes even a majority of the population, such as peasant farmers. But it has suffered demographic losses, slow but evident since the 1970s,” Aarão Reis said.

Another is the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, which gave way to unbridled capitalism, with the “restoration of tsarist traditions.” This hit progressive forces even if they were critical of authoritarian socialism. For a long period Moscow had supported, for example, national liberation struggles.

Photo of a march of the Thematic Social Forum on Older Adults in Porto Alegre, southern Brazil, in January 2023. Thematic, national and regional forums proliferated around the world after the first global meetings of the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, from 2001 to 2003, and in Mumbai, India, in 2004. CREDIT: Tânia Rego / Agência Brasil

Far right can unite progressives

“Creating connections between the myriad of dispersed currents, without a powerful hub such as workers’ struggles, with their unions and parties, is a great challenge. But sometimes an external enemy helps foment these connections. That was the case of Nazism, which gave rise to a broad alliance against it,” the historian said in an interview with IPS in Rio de Janeiro.

The far right, which brings together racism, threat to democracy, misogyny and other retrograde stances, can “help condense that dispersed nebula that the left has become,” said Aarão Reis, a professor at the Fluminense Federal University.

In the case of the WSF, its apparent loss of momentum exacerbated internal divisions in the International Council which is responsible for managing the forum.

“The WSF is like the spiritual exercises of the church, which benefit those who are present, but are basically internal, and don’t spread to society,” by not expressing itself on the burning issues of the world and thus making it impossible to communicate outwardly, Argentine- Italian Roberto Savio, co-founder and president emeritus of Inter Press Service (IPS), who was an active member of the International Council, said from Rome.

This is how the 89-year-old expert on South-South communications described the disagreement of some activists and advisers with the Charter of Principles that defines the WSF as “a plural and diversified space” of reflection and connection of entities and movements, that is “non-partisan” and “non-deliberative.”

Screenshot from the closing assembly, on Jan. 31, of the World Social Forum 2021, which was held only in digital format that year. The difficulties of organizing an unprecedented online meeting did not prevent, according to the organizers, 9,561 participants from 144 countries and 1,360 organizations from taking part in 751 activities, including workshops, round tables, debates and sectoral assemblies. CREDIT: Mario Osava / IPS

Not a party

Chico Whitaker, another co-founder of the Forum and a fervent defender of the Charter of Principles, said “We have to continue being a space for connection, for the search for alternatives and forms of action, for new paths. Action is a function of the participating organizations and movements, not of the Forum.”

The discrepancy has existed since the beginning of the WSF and stems from “an old culture of hierarchical, autocratic politics,” he told IPS by telephone from São Paulo.

At 92 years of age, Whitaker regretted that he was not able to travel to Kathmandu which was “too far away,” and that he would be engaged in “very limited” digital participation.

The edition in Kathmandu will be hybrid, both face-to-face and digital, but the time zone difference between the capital of Nepal and São Paulo, for example, is nine hours, which makes it difficult to follow the activities from afar.

That is why the debates of greatest interest in the Americas will be held at night in the Nepali capital, said Rita Freire, representative of the Ciranda network, which is in charge of the WSF collaborative communication at the International Council.

Freire, a 66-year-old journalist and editor of the Middle East Monitor, also represents an alternative of political action “within the process of the Forum, but maintaining the Charter of Principles.”

A new body is being tested in Kathmandu, the Assembly of Struggles and Resistance with social movements, which will adopt political positions and declarations. “But it will do so in its own name and not in the name of the Forum,” Freire clarified from São Paulo by telephone a few hours before taking a flight to Kathmandu.

Holding the gathering in Asia opens new horizons for the WSF, as it is the most dynamic region of the global South, at least in economic terms, agreed Freire and Whitaker. It reflects a mobilization of the social organizations of Nepal and neighboring countries, which came together and offered to host the Forum.

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